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Full text of "The History of Herodotus: A New English Version"

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^^^^^^^^^^^^^^p i^^^^^^^H 








HARVARD COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 

THE GIFT OF 

ROGER BIGELOW MERRIMAN 
CLASS OF lese 

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY 




^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 


J 



HISTORY 



HEEODOTUS. 



A NEW dfOLiaa YEBSlOSff EDITED WITH COPIOUS NOTES AND APPENDICES, 

IIXUSTRATINO THE HISTORY AND GEOGSAPnir OF HERODOTUS, FROM THE 

MOflT RFXnSNT SOURCES OF INFORMATION; AND EMDODYINQ 

THE CHIEF RESULTS, HISTORICAL AND ETHNOQRAPmCAL, 

WHICH HAVE BEEN OITTAINED IN THE PROGRESS 

OF CUNEIFORM AND HIEROOLTPHICAL 

DISCOVERY. 



By GEORGE RAWLINSON, M.A., 

CAMDEN PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD ; 
LATE FELLOW AND TUTOR OF EXETER COLLEGE. 

ASSISTED BY 

COL. SIR HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B., and SIR J. G. WILKINSON, F.R.S. 



IN FOUR VOLUMES.-VoL. III. 

WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

NEW EDITION. 

LONDON: 

JOHN MUREAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 

1862. 

Tut right qf Trcnulatum it rtterved. 







LOVIIOV : FKIimO BT W. OLOWtfl AVD 80X0, BTAIirOSD fTBBCT 
Ain> OHAROIO 0«0M. 



CONTENTS OF VOL IH. 



HISTOEY OF HERODOTUS. 

TUE FOUBTH BOOK, EMTITLBD MELPOMENE. 

Expedition of Darius against Scythia— its pretext (1). Previous history of the 
Scythians — their war with their slaves (2-4). Traditions of their origin — 

1. Their own account (5-7). 2, Greek version of the same (8-10). 3. Account 
preferred hy the author (11, 12). Story of Aristeas (13-16). Description of 
SoythJa (17-20). Neighbouring nations, Sauromatn, Budini, Argippei, Isse- 
dones, and Arimaspi (21-27). Climate of Scythia (28-31). Stories of the 
Hyperboreans (32-36). Universal geography — 1. Description of Asia (37-41). 

2. Circumnavigation of Libya (42, 43). 3. Voyage of Scylax (44). Origin of 
the names, Europe^ Asia, Libya (45). Remarkable features of Scythia — 
the people (46, 47). The rivers— the Ister and its affluents (48-50). The 
Tyras (51). The Hypanis (52). The Borysthenes (53). The Panticapes, 
Hypacyris, Qerrhus, Tanais, &c. (54-58). Religibn of the Scyths — Gods (59). 
Sacrifices (60, 61). Worship of Mars, &o. (62, 63). War-customs (64-66). 
Soothsayers (67-69). Oaths (70). Burial of the kings, &c. (71-73). Use 
of hemp (74, 75). Hatred of foreign customs — stories of Anacharsb and 
Scylas (76-80). Population (81). Marvels (82). Preparations of Darius 
(83-85). Size of the Euxine, Propontis, &c. (86). March of Darius to the 
Ister (87-92). Customs of the Thracians (93-96). Darius at the Ister 
(97, 98). Size and shape of Scythia (99-101). Description of the surrounding 
nations, Tauri, &c. (102-117). Consultation of the kings (118, 119). Plans 
of the Scyths (120). March of Darius through Scythia, and return to the 
Ister (121-140). Passage of the Ister and return to the Hellespont (141, 143). 
Saying of Megabazus (144). Libyan expedition of Aryandes— Founding of 
Thera (145-149). Tbemans required by the oracle to colonise Libya— two 
accounts (150-155). Occupation of Platea (156). Settlement at Aziris (157). 
Colonisation of Cyrene (158). History of Cyrene from its foundation to the 
death of Arcesilaus III. (159-164). Application of Pheretima to Aryandes 
(165). Fate of Aryandes (166). Expedition against Barca (167). Account of 
the Libyan tribes from Egypt to Lake Tritonis (168-181)i The three regions 
of Northern Libya (182-185). Customs of the Libyans (186-190). Contrast 
of eastern and western Libya (191, 102). Accoimt of the western tribes 
(193-196). Four nations of Libya (197). Productiveness of Libya (198, 199). 
Account of the expedition against Barca (200-203). Fate of the Barcseans 
(204), Death of Pheretima (205) Page 1 



iv CONTENTS OF VOL. lU. 

APPENDIX TO BOOK IV. 

ESSAY I. 

ON THE CIMMEBIANS OF HEB0D0TU8 AND THE MIGRATIONS OF THE 
CTMBIC RACE. 

1. Earlj importance of the CimmeriaiiB— their geographical extent. 2. Identity 
of the Cimmerii with the Cymry — close resemblance of the two names. 

3. Historical confirmation of the identity — connecting link in the Cimbri. 

4. Comparative philology silent but not adverse. 5. Migrations of the 
Cimmerians — ^westward, and then eastward. Existing Cimbric and Celtic 
races Page 150 

ESSAY 11. 

ON THE ETHNOOBAPHT OF THE BUBOPBAN 8CTTHS. 

1. Supposed Mongolian origin of the Scyths — grounds of the opinion twofold. 
2. Resemblance ofphysical characteristics, slight. 3. Resemblance of manners 
and customs, not dose. 4. True test, that of language. 5. Possibility of 
applying it. 6. The application— Etymology of Scythic common terms. 
7. Explanation of the names of the Scythian gods. 8. Explanation of some 
names of men. 9. Explanation of geographical names. 10. Result, that 
the Scythians of Herodotus were an Indo-European race. 11. Further re- 
sult, that they were a distinct race, not Slaves, nor Celts, nor Teutons ; and 
that they are now extinct 157 



ESSAY III. 

ON THE OEOGBAPHY OF SCYTHIA. 

1. Neeeasity of examining Niebulir^s theory of the Soythia of Herodotus. 2. The 
theory stated. 3. Its grounds. 4. Considerations which disprove it. 5. Real 
▼lews of Herodotus. 6. His personal knowledge of the region. 7. His correct- 
ness as to leading facts, and mistakeB as to minutiffi. 8. Possibility of changes 
since his time. 9. Identification of rivers and places 168 

Note A. — On the words Thyssagette and Massaget® 175 



HISTORY OP HERODOTUS. 

THE FIFTH BOOK, ENTITLED TEBP8ICH0BE. 

Thraoian conquests of Megabazus (1, 2). Customs of the Thraoians (3-8). Region 
north of Thrace (9, 10). Cocs and Histisus rewarded (11). Story of Pigres 
and Mantyes (12-14). Megabazus reduces the Piconians (15). Customs of 
the Piconians (16). Submission of Macedonia — story of the ambassadors 
(17-21). HelleniBm of the royal family of Macedon (22). Recall of Histiieus 



CONTENl^ OF VOL. IH. Y 

THE FIFTH BOOK-'-continued. 

{23, 24). Appointment of Artaphemes and Otanes (25). Conquests of Otanes 
(26, 27), Troubles arise Jin Ionia — previous history of Miletus (28,29). 
Aristagoras' expedition against Naxos (30-34). Message of Histissus (35). 
Revolt of Aristagoras (36). Fate of the tyrants (37, 38). Aristagoras goes to 
Sparta— Recent history of Sparta (39-48). Aristagoras fails to persuade 
Cleomenes (49-54). He goes to Athens— Recent history of Athens — Murder 
of Hipparchus — Elxpulsion of Hippias — Clisthenes — attempts of Sparta. 
Theban and Eginetan wars, &c. (55-96). Aristagoras obtains aid from Athens 
(97). Escape of the Pa>onians (98). Attack on Sardis, which is taken and 
burnt (99-101). Retreat and defeat of the Greeks (102). Spread of the 
revolt to Caria and Caunus (103). Revolt and reduction of Cyprus— Darius 
and Histiflsus (104-115). Persians recover the Hellespont (116, 117). War in 
Caria (118-121). Persian successes in JSolis and Ionia (122, 123). Arista- 
goras resolves on flight (124). Advice of HistisBus (125). Flight and death 
of Aristagoras (126) Page 176 



APPENDIX TO BOOK V. 



ESSAY I. 

ON THE EABLY HI8T0BY OF fiPARTA. 

1. Spartans, immigrants into the Peloponnese. 2. Supposed migrations of the 
Dorians. 3. Their occupation of the Peloponnese according to the ordinary 
legend. 4. The true history unknown. 5. Probable line of march. 6. Date 
of the occupation. 7. The conquest gradual. 8. Spartan Dorians — Sparta 
and Amyclfe — early wars. 9. Internal history ^- origin of the double 
monarchy — troubles of the early period. 10. Condition of Sparta before 
Lycurgus — the three classes — (i.) Spartans — (ii.) Perioeci — (iii.) Helots. 
11. Succession of the early kings. 12. Original constitution of Sparta,— 
Kings— Senate — Ecclesia. 13. Constitutional changes of Lycurgus, slight. 
14. His discipline — question of its origin. 15. Causes of its adoption. 
16. Supposed equalisation of lauded property. 17. Arguments which dis- 
prove it. 1 8. Effects of Lycurgus* legislation — conquests, and increase of 
Penoeci. 19. Messenian wars. 20. Causes of the rupture. 21. Outline of the 
first war. 22. Date and duration. 23. Internal changes consequent on the 
first war — "Peers** and "Inferiors" — "Small** and " Great Assembly *' — 
colonisation of Tarentum. 24. Interval between the wars. 25. Outline of 
the second war. 26. Its duration. 27. War with Pisatis. 28. War with 
Arcadia. 29. Gradual diminution of the kingly power at Sparta, and con- 
tinued rise of the Ephors. 30. Rapid decrease in the number of Spartan 
citizens 266 

ESSAY II. 

ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE ATHEKIAKS, 

1. Obscurity of early Athenian history. 2. Primitive inhabitants of Attica 
un warlike. 3. Causes of her weakness — no central authority — Pelasgic 



vi CONTENTS OF VOL. III. 

ESSAY IL-'-conHnued. 

blood. 4. First appearance of the Athenians in histoiy — stories of Melanthus 
and Ck>dru8. 5. Blank in the external history. 6. Ionian migration con- 
ducted by sons of Codrus. 7. Internal history. 8. Early tribes — Teleontes, 
Ifopletes, JEifkoreiSf and Argadeis, 9. Clans and phratries — importance of 
this division. 10. Trittyes and Naucraries. 11. Political distribution of the 
people— ^upo^rftote, Oeamori, and Demiurgu 12. First period of the aristo- 
cracy—from Codrus to Alcm«eon, b.c. 1050-752. 13. Second period — from 
AlcmsBon to Eryzias — B.C. 752-684 — rapid advance. 14. Mode in which the 
usurpations were made — substitution of the Eupatrid assembly for the old 
Agora. 15. Power of the old Senate. 16. Full establishment of oligarchy, 
B.C. 684. 17. First appearance of the democratical spirit — legislation of 
Draco. 18. Revolt of Cylon, crushed. 19. Sacrilege committed — wide- 
spread discontent. 20. Solon chosen as mediator— his proceedings. 21. 
Bate of his archonship. 22. His recovery of Salanus. 23. His connexion 
with the Sacred War. 24. His legislation — the Seisachtheia and debasement 
of the currency. 25. Prospective measures. 26. Constitutional changes — 
introduction of the four classes, Pentacosiomedimni, Hippeis, Ze^kpia:, and 
Thetes, 27. Arrangement of burthens — income-tax — military service. 
28. Pro-Bouleutic council. 29. Importance of these changes— Dicasteries. 
30. Solon the true founder of the democracy. 31. Solon confined citizenship 
to the tribes. 32. Laws of Solon — (i.) Penalties for crimes — (ii.) Stimulus 
to population — (iii.). Law against political neutrality. 33. Results of his 
legislation — time of repose — revival of discontent — Solon leaves Athens. 
34. Reappearance of the old parties — Pedieis, &c. — return of Solon — his 
courage. 35. Tyranny of Pisistratus Page 300 



HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 

THE SIXTH BOOK, ENTITLED ERATO. 

Histiaeus comes down to the coast (1-3). Conspiracy discovered at Sardis (4). 
Histiaeus sails to the Hellespont (5). Miletus threatened by the Persians— 
the two fleets — battle of Lad^ (6-15). Misfortunes of the Chians (16). 
Dionysius the Phocsean commander (17). Fall of Miletus (18). Punishment 
of the Milesians (19, 20). Sorrow of Athens (21). Fate of the Samians— 
seizure of Zancle (22-25). Fate of Histissus (26-30). Punishment of the 
rebels (31, 32). Phoenician fleet ravages the Chersonese (33). Chersonesite 
kingdom of the Cimonids (34-40). Flight of Miltiades to Athens (41). New 
settlement of Ionia by the Persians (42). Expedition of Mardonius fails 
(43-45). Suspected revolt of Thasos (46, 47). Envoys of Darius demand 
earth and water — submission of Egina and the islands generally (48, 49). 
Cleomenes attempts to punish the Eginetans (50). Cleomenes' feud with 
Demaratus (51). The double royalty at Sparta^ — descent — privileges of the 
kings (52-59). Spartan customs (60). Story of Ariston (61-63). Demaratus, 
deprived of his crown, flies to Persia (64«70). Leotychides made king (71). 
Fate of Leotychides (72). Eginetans forced to give hostages (73). Fate of 
Cleomenes (74, 75). Various causes assigned for his insanity (76-84). 
Eginetans demand back their hostages — story of Qlaucus (85, 86). War 
between Egina and Athens (87-93). Expedition of Datis and Artaphenies 
(94). Course of the expedition (95-99). Prepai-ations of the Eretrians— siege 



CONTENTS OF VOL. TIF. vii 



THE SIXTH BOOK-^cwUinued. 

and surrender of Eretria (100, 101). Persians land at Marathon (102). Account 
of Miltiadee (103, 104). Pheidippides sent to Sparta — appearance of Pan 
(105, 106). Dream of Hippias (107). Platffians join the Athenians — previous 
connexion of the two nations (108). Division among the Athenian generals 
— Miltiades and Callimachus (109, 110). Preparations for battle (111). 
Battle of Marathon (112-114). Attempt to surprise Athens (115, 116). 
Story of Epizelus (117). Return of the expedition to Asia (1 18, 1 1 9)^ Spartans 
visit Marathon (120). Charge made against the AlcmnonidfO (121-124). 
Previous history of the family— favours of Croesus (125). Marriage of 
Megacles with Agarista (126-130). Descent of Pericles (131). Expedition of 
Miltiades against Pares (132-135). Trial of Miltiades— his death (136). His 
capture of Lemnos— previous history of the inhabitants (137-140) Page 335 



APPENDIX TO BOOK VI. 



ESSAY I. 

ON THE CIB0UMSTAKCE8 OF THE BATTLE OF KABATHON, 

Difficulties in the description of Herodotus. 2. Number of Persians engaged. 
3. Numbers of the Qreeks. 4. Proportion, five or six to one. 5. Landing 
of the army of Datis, and disposition of the troops. 6. Position occupied by 
the Greeks. 7. Motives inducing the Persians to delay the attack. 8. Causes 
of the original inaction of the Qreeks, and of their subsequent change of 
tactics. 9. Miltiades' preparations for battle. 10. Description of the battle 
— re-embarkation of the invading army 426 



ESSAY II. 

ON TUE TRADITIONS RESPECTING THE PELASGIANS. 

1. Original population of Qreece and Italy, homogeneous. 2. Kindi^ races in 
Asia Minor and the islands. 3. Chai'acteristics of this ethnic group. 4. 
Position of the Pelasgi in it. 5. Extent of country occupied by the Pelasgians. 
6. Their general movement from east to west. 7. Etymology of their name. 
8. Lines of passage. 9. Migrations of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians. 10. Pelasgic 
walls. 11. Absorption of the Pelasgians in other races 437 

KoTE A. — On the Derivation and Meaning of the Proper Names of the 

Modes and Persians 444 



( viii ) 



LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Map of the Scythia of Herodotus To ptce Title-page, 

Scythian Warriors. Stringing the bo\r Page 3 

Ancient Scythian Whip, and modem iVb^cii% ih. 

Coins of Olbia U 

Chart of the Chersonesus Trachea 15 

Greek Griffin 20 

Plan of the World according to Hecataus 26 

Scythian horseman 34 

Scythian archer 35 

Wagons of the Calmucks and other Tatars %b. 

Coin of Olbia (head of Cybele) .. .. 41 

Scjrthian god (supposed to be Hercules) 43 

Tomb of a Scythian king. Ground plan 50 

Section of ditto 51 

Scythian drinking-cups 52 

Head-dress of the Scytliians 58 

Scythian arrow-heads 61 

Bronze bowl found in the tomb of a Scythian king if). 

View of the Tauric Mountains from the Steppe region 74 

Chart of the island of Thera (Santorin) 100 

View of Cyrcne, the Forum and Fountam of Apollo 108 

Plan of Cyrene (after Beechey) 110 

CoinofCyrenc 112 

View of the Necropolis of Cyrene 113 

Representation of the Silphium on the coins of Cyrene and Barca 121 

Egyptian shields 128 

Dress of the Ethiopian girls— fringe of thongs 137 

Fringe of thongs (enlarged view) 138 

Map of the "Scythia of Herodotus according to Niebuhr 1G9 

Ruins of Susa — 1. Ground plan of the mounds ; 2. Plan of the great palace ; 3. Base 

and capitil of columns 207 

View of the ruins of Sardis 252 

Chart of the country about Argos 379 

Chart of the plain of Marathon 390 

Cave of Pan, as seen on coins of Athens 398 



THE 



HISTORY OP HERODOTUS. 



THE FOURTH BOOK, ENTITLED MELPOMENE, 



» 



L Afteb the taking of Babylon, an expedition was led by 
DariiLs into Scytliia*^ Asia abounding in men, and vast sums 
floMing into the triiasury, the desire geixed him to exact ven- 
geance from the Scyths, who had once in daya gone by invaded 
Media, defeated those who met them in the field, and so begun 
the qiiarreL During the space of eight-and-twenty yeoi^, as I 
Lave before mentioned,^ the Seyths eontinned lords of the whole 
of Up|>er Ama. They entered Asia in pursuit of the Cimme* 
riansj and overthrew the empire of the Meiies^ who till they 
came possessed the sovereignty* On their return to their homes 
after the long absence of twenty-eight years,^ a task awaited 
them little less troublesome than their struggle with the Medes. 
They found an anny of no small size prepared to oppose their 
entrance. For the Scj^hian women, when they saw that time 
wetit on, and their husbands did not come back, had inter* 
married with their slaves, 

2, IS'ow the Scythians blind all their slaves, to use them m 
preparing their milk. The plan they follow is to thrust tubes 
made of bone, not unlike our musical pipes, up the vulva of the 
inare/ and then to blow into the tubes with their moutl^, some 



* It hji8 been iuppoaei! tliiiLt the notice 
In tiie Bebuituii loBcription (col. v» pur. 
iU of AH expeditioQ of Dmiiu agutifit 
tte Sbcw {Saka)f refeETi to tbu inva^ioa 
(Bkifiilej, not, od loc,). But th« 
loiilj JT^a^anta of tbe tert, which 
tltnii remKii]* imd th@ represenUtioD of 
ttft leftd«r m tha ttuiu of captured 
r^tkt lead rmther to the codcIusiod 
that Afiuitie Siiyths — c^ld «ubjeet«i of the 
PtTiiiii moiu»rdiy (Beh. Ins. col. i. par. 
0, aiLd coL iu pftr . 2>— are iatettded, 

TOL, IlL 



^ YideBupra, i. 103-106. 

^ Some writerg ascribed thia war with 
the aUvea to quite a different (H^eafiioti. 
It waa, the J mddf &fber the ScTthiana 
had b»en engaged in & long itruegle 
with tbe ThmcidtuB and other tnbea 
Routh of tbe Danube (Calhatrat, Pr, 3). 

* Niebulir the traveller (Desciiption 
de TArabie, p. 146) relates tbat a Home' 
what jsimikr practioe ohtaint in Ajra- 
bia; — "J'eutendia et Tii niai-meme k 
Baam," he wy», '*que lorvq^u'un Arabo 

B 




BLIND SLAVES OP THE SCYTHIANS. 



BookIY. 



milting while the others blow. They say that they do this 
because when the veins of tho animal are full of air^ the udder 
is forced dowo* The milk thus obtained is iK>ured into deep 
wooden casks, about which the blind slaves are placed, and then 
the milk is stirred round,^ That which rises to the top is drawn 
offj and considered the best part; the under portion is of less 
account Such is the reason why tho Scythians blind all those 
whom they take in war ; it arises from their not being tillers of 
the ground, but a pastoral race** 

3. When therefore the children sprung from these slavea and 
tho Scythian women, grew to manhood, and understood the 
circumstances of their birth, they resolved to oppose the army 
which was returning from Media. Andj first of all, they cut off 
a tract of country from the rest of Scythia by digging a broad 
dyke ^ from the Tanric mountains to the vast lake of the Mceotis. 
Afterwards, when the Scythians tried to force an entrance, they 
marched out and engaged them. Many battles were fought^ 
and the Scythians gained no advantage^ until at last one of 
them thus addressed the remainder: "What are we doing, 
Scythians? We are fighting our slaves, diminishing our 
own number when we fall, and the number of those that 
belong to us when they fall by oitr hands. Take my advice 
— lay speai and bow asidej*^ and let each man fetch his horse- 



bait 1& femdle du bufle, un autre Ltii 
foiirre U mam^ et lebrnsjuflqu'au coude, 
dana le vutva^ parc«qu*on pretend eavoir 
par estp^ence qu*etiiit ch«.touilMe de 
fa Bortej eUe donna plua de lait. Cette 
mdtbode/' be observes^ " Teaaembl© bea^- 
coup k celle des Scjthei/" [In India^ 
while tbey milk thiB mifialofio, tfae tail ia 
generally cojied up, and tluniet into tBe 
TulvR f<jr tbe mme purpoae.^H. C. R.] 

Mareti' milk constituted the chief fotxi 
of the ancient Scythiaua, vi ho are there- 
fore called yaXaKTOf^dyot and l-rKHi^oK- 
70I by Homer (Jl. xiii 5) and other 
ttiiteni (Callim. Hymn, ad Diaa. 252 ; 
Nic. Dam. Frag, 123, &c.). It is Btill 
the princijMil support of the Calmuck 
hordes which wander OTer the vast 
Bfceppes north and we^ of the Caspian. 

^It ia apparent &om thia eireum- 
atance that it was A<AimisSj and not cream* 
on which the Scythiana lived. Kfmmisi 
ia atill prepared from marea' milk by 
the Ca^lmurka and Nogius, who duriiig 
t li* proceea of tnaking it keep the milk 
in conatant agitation (Clark<?*B Tnnvela, 
vol, a, p. 313; De Hell, p. 274, E, T,*) 



* That Isj eyesight which ia reqxiisite 
for agriciUtural pnrauita ia not needed 
for the officea which a paat^aral people 
requiraa of ita alaTea, The Scythians 
therefore, beiug a pastoral people, could 
manage with blind alavcaj and by blind- 
ing their alaves they rendered it impog* 
dble for them either to revolt or to run 
away* 

^ On the poaition of thia dyke, Tide 
infra, ch. 20, , 

" The a pear and the bow were the 
national weapflna of the Emi>pean Scytha 
(aee note on ch* 70), the bow on the 
whole being regarded as the more ei- 
acntial (infm, ch. 46 i .iEsch. P. V. TBO.)- 
Arrow-heads are found in almost all tho 
Scythian tombs in Southern Ruaaia^ 
while apear-headB have been found only 
occaHiunally. The upear uaed waa short, 
apparently not more than five feet in 
length, whence in cb. 70 Herudotua 
term a it a jaTclin {h(6wTtory According 
to the Gceekfl, the bow was made in a 
aiugle pie^, and when unatrung bent 
backwards (ct note on Book viL ch. 
64) j but the r^preaentationji on Soythian 



CaAP.2-5, ORIGIN OF THE SCYTHS — NATIVE ACCOUNT, 



I 



whip J* and go boldly up to thorn. So long as they see os with 
annfi in our hands, they imagine themselves onr equals in birth 
and bravery ; but lot them behold us with no other weapon but 
the whip, and they will feel that they are our slaves, and flee 
before us/' 

4. The Scythians followed this counsel, and the slaves were 
m astounded, that they forgot to fight> and immediately ran 
away. Such was the mode in which the Scythians, after being 
for a time the lords of Asia, and being forced to quit it by the 
Medes, returned and settled in their own country* This inroad 
of theirs it was that Darius was anxious to avenge, and such wai 
the purpose for which he was now collecting an army to invade 
them. 

5< According to the account which the Scythians themselves 
give, they are the youngest of all nations.^ TJieir tradition is 



ffwrnnmtnttt tnake i\m quefttioimble> Be^ 
ttiA lubjoined woodcut^ whicb m taken 
from a vaae found in a Scythiua tomb, 
and ezMbitia a curious mode of «tniigii]^ 




the bow, [Thia h the Dommon metliod 
of stringiDg the bow In the Kiidt. I ba^d 
aeen it among the BheelB, the Huzarehfl, 
and the Kurda.-H. C. R.] 



V Tba uident Soythian whip Beeme to 
haTe clo»ely Ksembled the mxjaik of the 
mckiera CofiaackjB. It had a tihott handle 
aiud a tingle laah, with a round flat piece 
of leatb^ ftt the eod (see the subjoined 



woodcuta). How universaUy it wta'car- 
ried is indicated by the fact tbsit & whip 
was buried in tba tomb of a Scjibton 
king, with hia other arnia tind imple* 
meot«, (See below, ch. 71,) 



^ of Imm 

^^^^ AxkaA S^xttSma Whip (fram nubola). Modem IfogkUt (from OUpiiout). 

^F ^^W0(ta^9 i««rtioHt «o directly oon- Btatid, however, by the Scythfl of Hero- 
tmdiofeOT of thU (" Scythanin) gentem dotus in ttiis place, the amgle nation 
9&mptF ralbitam faifise antiquuiaima^n/' of Eiiropean Scytha with which tho 
ii. 1), iff remarkable, We mujit under- Greeks of the Pontna were acquainted^ 

B 2 






mimm^t0m 



4 DESCENT OP THE FOUR TRIBES. Book IV. 

as follows. A certain Targitaus " was the first man who ever 
. lived in their country, which before his time was a desert without 
inhabitants. He was a child — I do not believe the tale, but it 
is told nevertheless — of Jove and a daughter of the Borysthenes. 
Targitaiis, thus descended, begat three sons, Leipoxais, Arpoxais, 
and Colaxais, who was the youngest bom of the three. While 
they still ruled the land, there fell from the sky four imple- 
ments, all of gold, — a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, and a 
drinking-cup. The eldest of the brothers perceived them first, 
and approached to pick them up ; when lo I as he came near, 
the gold took fire, and blazed. He therefore went his way, 
and the second coming forward made the attempt^ but the 
same thing happened again. The gold rejected both the eldest 
and the second brotherl Last of all the youngest brother ap- 
proached, and immediately the flames were extinguished; so 
he picked up the gold, and carried it to his home. Then the 
two elder agreed together, and made the whole kingdom over to 
the youngest bom. 

6. From Leipoxais sprang the Scythians of the race called 
Auchatae; from Arpoxais, the middle brotlier, those known as 
the Catiari and Traspians; from Colaxais, the youngest, the 
Koyal Scythians, or Paralatae. All together they are named 
Scoloti,^ after one of their kings : the Greeks, however, call them 
Scythians.* 

7. Such is the account which the Scythians give of their 
origin. They add that from the time of Targitaiis, their first 
king, to the invasion of their country by Darius, is a period of one 

Justin intends the Scythic or Turanian possible, but scarcely a probable deri- 

i-ace geneztdly, which was really older vation. In '* Traspians " it may be con- 

than either the Semitic or the Indo- jectured that we have the root a^pa, 

European. (See vol. i. Essay xi. pp. 530- "horse;** while Paralatao (TlapaXdrcu) 

533.) recalls the Paniiasa mountam-ohain. 

2 The conjectures which would iden- Mere speculation, however, is in ety- 
tify Targitaiis, the mythic progenitor of mology worse than futile. It is apt to 
the Scythians, with Togarmah, the son be misleading. 

of Qomer, and grandson of Japhet (Qen. ^ The Greek word "Hk^Btis is probably 

X. 3), are even more fanciful than the nothing but the Asiatic Saka {Xdnai) 

ordinary run of Biblico-historical specu- with an ethnic adjectival ending '9rjs, 

lations. (See Rennell's Geograph. of equivalent to the ordinary -ros or -nts 

Herod, p, 410; and Von Uammer*s found in so many names of peoples — 

Gesch. V. Osm. i. p. 1.) "Were they e. g, K€\t6s, raXdlnjf, SircpTi(ir7}s, ©e- 

admitted, the further identification of fnrfmr65, Bio-oAtt^j, ♦OjeSnjj, k.t.A.. The 

these two words with the ethnic appel- first vowel has been dropt, and SoKcCOijr 

lative " Turk " might still be questioned, contracted into 2<c^0i)s. Whether Saka 

3 Nothing is known of these names, is connected with the Old Norse skyta, 
though . they afibrd an ample field for Swedish sf^tUa, German schiitzen, and 
speculation. Dr. Donaldscoi recognises English shoot, it is quite impossible to 
in the Scoloti, the *' Asa-Galatse" or say. The connexion is at any rate open 
** Celts of Asia " (Varronisn. p. 41>— a to vexy great doubt. 



Chap. 5^8. GREEK VEKSION DP THE NATITE STOHY, 5 

thousand yearg^ neither less dot more-* The Koyal Seythinns 
piard the sacred gold mth most especial care, and year by year 
offer great sacrifices in its honour. At this feast, if the man 
who has the cmtody of the gold slionld fail asleep in the open 
air, he is sure (the Scythians say) not to outlive the year. His 
pey therefore is as much land as he can ride round on horseback 
in a day. As the extent of Scythia is very greats Colaxais 
gave each of bis three sons a separate kingdom," one of which 
was of ampler size than the other two : in this the gold was pre- 
served* Above^ to the northward of the Inrthest dweUer3 in 
Scytliia* the country is said to be concealed from sight and 
made impassable by reason of the feathers which are shed 
abroad abimdantly- The earth and air are alike full of them, 
and tliis it is which prevents the eye from obtaining any view of 
the region.' 

8. Such is the account which the Scythians give of them- 
selves, and of the country which liea above them. The Gteeks 
who dwell about the Pontua ^ tell a different story. According 



^ It 1b ciiTiQu& to End thin osficrtiaii 
Inade the foundntiun of fidrioua chrono'^ 
Ig^c&I Qileukiiona, (Larchor, Table 
CoivDologiqiie; Mhr arl loc.) The 
number of lOOO reprenenta^ palpably 
CDOUgb, an inde&nitcj period ; End in* 
dfted it 10 impoHBible that a natioa in 
the condition of the Scythiana should 
h&Te hjid njore than a yitgne notion of 
Iti origin, and the time it hftd lasted. 

* Thifl traditioti, and the tnple com-> 
majid at the time of the inva^tou 'Stofmt 
dh. 120 J., indiejttej appiirently, a pertDa- 
mmi diviflion of the lioyal Horde into 
throe distinct tribes. 

' Vido in&% ch» 31, -where Herod otua 
esplaiiu that th« iOH»lled fefiibera ore 
•sow-flak^, 

• The principal Greek cities upon the 
Pcratus were the following :^ — ^1, On the 
Muth const, Henuilea Pootica [the mo- 
dtfn £rtt;fi\j ft colony of the Megaii- 
fllM ; Sini^p^, which ret^^ins its name, a 
DOlony of the Mileaicma ; Trapezna ( Trp- 
Vwmd) and Cotyora ( Oniu), colouiea from 
BitkOp^ ilAelf ; and Amietus [Sifriuffin), a 
oolonT of the Fboc^eonB re-established 
tiy n - : ^^ haii (cf. Strah, atii. p, 792, 
wh\ Chiui, Ft, 181; and Ar* 
rinn* 1 :.,... i\ Eux. p. 128^ 2. On the 
«Ml fioif^ Fhaiia (Poti) and Dioscorias 
fnew BgHkavm JTi/irA), eolooiea of the 
liUciifcni f'Blepb. Byz, ad voo. ^d<rit; 
AffiM^ Peripl. P. Eax. p. !2:5), a. On 
the oofftJi, PanUcapcum and Phanago- 



reta, guarding the Straits of Kertch— * 
the former a colony of the MileaiaOfij 
and In later times the capital of the 
kingdom of the Boaphoinis — the latter a 
colony of the TeiaQa (Anon* Periph P. 
E, p. 134; Scynin. Ch. Fr. 153); Th«o- 
doeia^ at the site of the modern Knfa^ 
aleo a OolotlT of the Milesians ^Arnan^ 
Peripl. P. Eui, p. l:Jl; Anon. Peripl. 
p. 143); Cheraoncdus at Eamiexch, near 
Bebastopol, a oolony from Heraclea 
Pontica (Scymn. Ch* Ft, 75 ; Anou. Pe- 
ripl. p* 146) ; and Olbia, or Boryathene*, 
on the right bank of the Boutf^ a littl(» 
above its junctloo with the Jhtiepf^ a 
colony of the Milesians (infra, ch. 78), 
4, On the weat, Tyraa^ uear the month 
of the Dniitstr i latrus^ or I^trin, a little 
south of the lowest mnuth of the 
Dantiho i Tomi, 3U milea further (loiith; 
Odeestis, near the modern Forf^fj ; and 
Apollonia], now Sii^efxiti iinfm^ ch. &C*)^ 
eclonies of the Mileamns (see H«rod, ii, 
33; Scymn. Ch. n. 19, 24, and 56; 
Anon, Peripl. pp. Ih^, 157, 158, 180» 
and 162); Collatia aod Me^embria {Mi^ 
iimri\ colonies res]>ectively of the Henb^ 
clM^ta and the ChidcedoDianH (SScymn. 
Ch. 16; and Anon. Peripl. pp. 15^, 161). 
Beaidea these^ there were a mmiber of 
a mailer settlementa, e«peoial]j along 
the southern csxiflt. One or two colo- 
Dleswere UkewtKe planted on theahorefl 
of the Sea of Azov^ aa Tanma at the 
nuiuth of the Tiurnia (ifen)i and Ty- 




f) 



WANDERINGS OF HERCULES IN SCYTEIA. Book IV. 



to theiri, Hereulea, when he waa carrj^ing off the cows of Gon^on, 
arrived m the re^on which is now inhabited by the Scyths, but 
which was then a desert. Geryon lired outside the Pontusj in 
an island called by the Greeks Erytbeiaj* near GadeSj^ which is 
beyond the Pillars of HerculeB upon the Ocean, Now some say 
that the Ocean begins in the east, and runs the whole way round 
the world ; but they give no proof that this is really so.^ Her- 
cules came from thence into the region now called Scythia, and, 
being overtaken by storm and frost, drew his lion*s skin about 
him, and fell fast asleep. While he slept, his mares, which he 
had loosed from his chariot to graze, by some w^onderful chance 
disappeared* 

9. On waking, he went in quest of them^ andj after wandering 
over the whole country, cama at last to the district called " the 
Woodlandj"^ where he found in a cave a strange being, be- 
tween a maiden and a serpent, whose form from the waist 
upwards was like that of a woman, while all below was like a 
finake. He looked at her wonderingly; but nevertheless in- 
quired, whether she had chanced to see his strayed mares any- 
whera She answered him, " Tes» and they w^ere now in her 
keeping; but never would she consent to give them back, 
imless he took her for his mistress*" So Hercules, to get his 
mares back, agreed; but afterwards she put him off and de- 



nu&M &boye the northernmost moutli 
of th? Knhan rtver fStrftbo, li. p. 755). 

* The islftnd of Erytheia, noar Qsdm 
(Cadiz ), k meutioaed both by Strabo 
find Pliny. Th© forraer saja it wtta 
distant one stade, the Iftttar 1 QQ pacea 
from the above (Strab. iii. p. 233 ; Plin, 
IT. 22). Probably Erytheia waa on& of 
tbe two inlands included oooiinonly by 
thd QreBka in the name of Gadea \Ta* 
Sfipa). See tljp Voyage of Scylajt, sub 
voc, 'ijBTjpf** It ia thought by sorae 
i^£&hr ad loc.) that Eiythela woa the 
httio iilo of Trocadero, which mtervenea 
between St. Leon sad the mMnlund; 
but perhaps Marioofv is right (UtBt^ 
Hitfpati, i. 21) in stippo&bg that the 
deposits of the Guadalqixivir have joined 
hoth Erytboia and tho ialmd eo which 
Gad^e WHJi built to tho continent* 

' The namcp Qadee or Oadira (ret T^ 
8fi«)i has been auppo&ed to be Kadesh^ 
"the holy/' or Kader, *'powerfuL" It 
18 mther A'dJitr, ** an Gncloaure/' which 
agrees with Plmy^e meamag of *' Gttdv-^'* 
*' in Punic an enoloanre" (tepem). Of 
the then two islmda (the &) one ms 



oiUlsjd Erytheia, or AphrodifiiaB, or "by 
the natives ' of Jtmo, and accordiiw to 
TimiBne the larger (W*) one WM eilled 
the greater Cotmusa, by the Romaoa 
Tartesaoa, by the Pooni Gudir. The 
name Erytheia was owing to the Tyriana 
haviDg origiuallj come from the Hed 
Sea." (PLin. iv* 22 ; cp. Solin, Hisp. c. 
23.) Heaiod, tu weU aa Phny, men^ 
tiona Erytheia aa the lakod of Qeryon, 
Strabo deecrihee Oadoa aa inferior in 
fliae to Eome aloue; It had many large 
ahips trading in the Medit«rit&nean and 
the outer iea. Pomp. Mela fiii. 6) 
epeaka of " Gadefi and the temple of tha 
Egyptian (Tyi-ian?) Herenlea there/* 
and of Erytheia inhabited by Geryon » 
as of n different inland (v. Plin. ib,)* — 
[Q. W.] 

* Herodotus conaidered that the 
oaeteru and northern boundaries of the 
earth were unknown, and that the ge> 
neral belief that tiie eea eaconipiia^ 
the land waa a pure ooojecture reatina 
on no certido data. (Supra, iii. 116, ax^ 
infra, chf. 3(j and 45.) 

^ Vide infra* ch. 18, 



I 
I 

I 
I 

1 



Ckap- 8-10, HERCULES AND THE SERPENT^MAIDEN, 



layed restoriBg tlie mares, since she wished to keep him with 
her m long as possible. He, on the other hand, was only 
anxious to secure them aii4to get awajr. At lajst, when she 
gaye them np, she said to him, **\\Tien thy mares strayed 
hither, it was I who saved them for thee : now thou hast paid 
their salvage ; for lo ! I bear in my womb three sons of thine. 
Tell ine therefore when thy sons grow up, what must I do with 
them ? Wonldst thou wish that I should settle them here in 
this land, whereof I am mistress, or shall 1 send them to thee ? " 
Thus questioned, they say, Hercales auswered, " When the lad^ 
have grown to manhood, do thus, aad assuredly thou wilt not 
err. Watch them, and when thou seest one of them bend 
this bow as I now bend it, and girtl himself with tins girdle 
thus, choose him to remain in the land. Those who fail in the 
trial, send away* Thus wilt thou at once please thyself and 
obey me." 

10* Hereupon he strung one of his bows — up to that time he 
had carried two — and showed her how to fasten the belt. Then 
he gave both bow and belt into her handK, Now tho belt bad 
a golden goblet attached to its clasp.* So after he had given 
them to her, he went his way ; and the woman, when her chil- 
dren grew to manhood, iirst gave them severally their names. 
One she called Agathmua, one Gelonus, and the other, who 
was the youngest, Scythes. Then she remembered the instruc- 
tions she had received from HercnleSj and, in obedience to his 
orderst, she put her sons to the test. Two of them, AgathyrBus 
and Gel6nus. proving unequal to the task enjoined, their mother 
sent them out of the land; Scythes, the youngest, succeeded^ 
and so he was allowed to remain. From Scythes, the son of 
Hercules,® were descended the after kings of Seythiaj and 
from the circumstance of the goblet which hung from the 
belt, the Scytloang to this day wear goblets at their girdles.^ 
This was the only thing which the mother of Sc)"the3 did for 
him. Such Is the tale told by the Greeks who dwell around the 
Pontus. 



^AmoDf the Qreoks tbs b«lt wor 
worn round the Imne &i the bottotn of 
the cttifnee or breo^ipUtet to which it 
WBA ocnnmaiil^ attached, m)ii which it 
Mo^ed tfi fiistBo. It WM u&aiiUy eloied 
by A eU«|j or hook* of met&L [So© Horn. 

■ * Dlodonu suhgtitutea Jupiter for 

■ H^rcTilea % 43 ^ which lu a trace of the 
H e«iiuiM 8aythiAii Ifigead C8Upr% oh. 5), 



It is liluXn tbfit tha whole story aa told 
by the Pontic Greaka (cba, 8- 10) is a 
mere Qreaaed reruon of the i^ythio 
twnUtioti (cha. 5-7), 

' The ScythifttiB represianted on the 
vase figureci below (ch* ai), have all 
belts round theli' middle, but none 
appear to hav^ goblots attached. He" 
rodotus^ however, would be an uuex^ 
ceptiona.ble witness to the fuct. 



8 ACCOUNT PREFERRED BY HERODOTUS. Book IV. 

11. There is also another difiTerent story, now to be related, 
in which I am more inclined to put faith than in any other. It 
is that the wandering Scythians once dwelt in Asia, and there 
warred with the Massagetse, but with ill success ; they therefore 
quitted their homes, crossed the Araxes,^ and entered the land 
of Cimmeria. For the land which is now inhabited by the 
Scyths was formerly the country of the Cimmerians.^ On their 
coming, the natives, who heard how numerous the invading 
army was, held a council. At this meeting opinion was divided, 
and both parties stiffly maintained their own view; but the 
counsel of the Koyal tribe was the braver. For the others 
urged that the best thing to be done was to leave the country, 
and avoid a contest with so vast a host ; but the Eoyal tribe 
advised remaining and fighting for the soil to the last. As 
neither party chose to give way, the one determined to retire 
without a blow and yield their lands to the invaders ; but the 
other, remembering the good things which they had enjoyed in 
their homes, and picturing to themselves the evils which they 
had to expect if they gave them up, resolved not to flee, but 
rather to die and at least be buried in their fatherland. Having 
thus decided, they drew apart in two bodies, the one as nume- 
rous as the other, and fought together. All of the Eoyal tribe 
were slain, and the people buried them near the river Tyras, 
where their grave is still to be seen.* Then the rest of the 
Cimmerians departed, and the Scythians, on their coming, took 
possession of a deserted land. 

12. Scythia still retains traces of the Cimmerians ; there are 



7 It Beems impossible that the Araxes reported by Aristotle (Meteorol. i. 1 3), 

can here represent any river but the Sc^mnus Chius (1. 128), and the author 

Wolga. (Cf. Heefen, As. Nat. ii. p. 258.) of the Periplus (p. 138), that the Tanais 

To imagine it either the Aras or the branched ofif from the Araxes. This 

Jaxartes leads to inextricable confusion. Araxes could only be the Wolga. [Ars 

Araxes (Aras) seems to have been a or Aras signified in primitive Scythic 

name common in the days of Herodotus the same as Wolga in Arian Slavonic, 

to all the great streams flowing into the viz. "great;" and the name was thus 

CSaspian, just as Don has been to all the applied to any great river. — H. C. R.] 
great ScythiAn rivers ( Jan-ais, i>an-aper * On the Cimmerians, see the Essays 

or i>niepr, /Amaster or Dniestr, DonaM, appended to this Book, Essay i. 
2>cm-aub or Ain-ube, &c.), and as Avon • Niebuhr thinks that the Cimme- 

is to so many English streams. Whether rians, whose tombs might be seen in the 

Herodotus was aware of the fact that time of Herodotus near the Tyras, fell 

there were several rivers Araxes is a in a last encounter with the invading 

different question. Probably he was not. Scyths; and he uses this as an argument 

Hence the vagueness and unsatisfac- to prove that the Cimmerians fled, not 

toriness of his geography of the Caspian eastward, but westward ; entering Asia, 

regions. not by the route of the Phasis, but by 

That the Wolga was sometimes called the passage of the Bosphorus. (Scythia, 

the Araxes is evident from the tradition p. 52, E. T.) 



SAP. 11-13. 



ACCOUNT GIYEN BY ARISTEAS 







Cimmerian eastleg, and a Cimmerian feri^%^ also a tract called 
Cimmeria, and a CimmeriaD BoBphonis.^ It ap{>£^am likewise 
I that the Cimmerians, when they fled into Asia to escape the 
Scytlis, niade a settlement in the peninsula where the Greek 
city of Sindpe was afterwards built*^ The Scjihs, it is plain, 
pursued them, and missiug their road, poured into Mediai For 
the CiraraerianB kept the line which led along the sea-ahore, but 
the Scyths in their pursuit held the Caucasus upon their right, 
thus proceeding izdand, and falling upon Media.* This account 
is one wliich is common both to Greeks and barbarians. 

13. Ari&teas also, eon of Caystrobius, a native of Proconnesus,^ 
ay» in Uie course of his poem that rapt in Bacchic fury he 
rent as far a^ the IssediincB. Above them dwelt the Arimaspi, 
len with one eye; EtiU further, tho gold-gaarding Griilins ;" 
and beyond theee, the Hyperboreans, who extended to the 8ea> 
Except tlie Hyperboreans, all these nations, l»eg^niiing with the 
Arimaspi^ w^ere continually encroaching ufmn their neighbours. 



Oimmerium, et da Forth miefl Cimmo- 
,ftimaes," And certuniy thei-e was a 
called Ciraraeri* or Cimmerium^ 
« T]]la>ge immed Portlimium, m 
tlie*e portfl. (Hoeat. Fr, 2 j Strabft, xi. 
p. 721 1 Plin. Ti, S; Scymn. Ch. US; 
^A^on. Peripl, Pont. Eiix, § 2 and § & ; 
Hteph, Byz. ad voc. Xlap&^ia.) But I 
^ouinot thiidt tliiitr Hei-odotuj would use 
aitiier Ttlx«« ^i" ropBfA'^la to designnie 
• town* 8ckwe]glii£vti£Qr'i renderiug, 
**Cimni«riuni cafitellum, etCitDmerium 
p«jtorium/' is much nearer Uio truth 
mm Lmd^'fi veraiou, 

t Xho ufttne CiuiDiena still qltngB to 

^tbcBe r^giona, not only m the Eski- 

Tnim 'Old Kriaijf which mArka the »ita 

" the aneieiit t^jwu of Ciiniii«?riuEn, hut 

LU tbtf well^kDon'u wordsp CrimcH^ 

[ Crim Tartiiry, 

It hm been ftlre^idj remarked (Ap- ■ 
pcndlx to Book h Esmy L § 14, ud Su,) 
tk^ tk9 {xrommitory of Sin^ipi^' wna pro- 
Mi^ mm of the pc»iuts to which the 
fUwatnmimmtfm fifinUj fled, Qtid in wbich 
thie^ HMWatjiined tfaemMlvee when the 
fiitiiiii« uf war turued dgainat theuij and 
~ i^tai drove them out of Lydio. Such 
I would not haire presented any 
't«inpta,tloii to theiJi on their fir«t «q- 
triuicfl into Asia Jliuor^ but would huve 
aerred admimbly ft>r a refuge when they 
were compeUdd to fly, 

• Siehuiir (ScTthia. p. 50^ E, T.) U 
ti]idQiibt#dlj tight when he urgw the 



tmprohnbility of any genemi movement 
of the Ciuimemu cation in this dliec- 
tl*Jti» "All the watidenng tribea/' he 
saya, " which have suoceMivelyoeciipied 
Scythia. when overpowered by new 
»wannft from the eoatj htivt! reti^d to 
the open country to the west, and io- 
wasda the Danube/' There i» every 
reanon to believe that the mms ef the 
ClnimeriaD nation was driven wj^wfirarrf. 
When Niubuhr, however^ goes on to 
argue that Herodotus m entirely mia- 
taken in bin account of the Cimmerian 
mvaiiioii of Am% Hod when he brings 
the Cimmerianii acroBij the Tliraciau 
Bosphorua hiBtead of by the route of 
the CnucaHurt, be makei too lai^e ft de^ 
Dnand upon our ooiifldeijce in hia bkto< 
rical sagacity » (St=re Ap|itn*li3£ to Book 
i. Essay i. p* 2&p, note*.) Two points 
only in the narrative of Herodotus seem 
to require coixection: — ^t. The Cimme« 
riank who fled eastward luust have been 
a. mere section, not the great body of 
the nation. 2. The route followed must 
have been that of Moschk, whieh leads 
throxigb the Caucsunian gates into Qeor- 
gia, not that of the coajt^ which ia to 
thii day utterly impnieticablet 

* Proconneanft i» the i^i land now called 
Mtiiimra^ which gives its modem appel* 
I&tion to the rmpoutifl (3e& of Mar* 
mora). It contained a city of the Bii£n& 
name. (Infiu, ti. :i'S.) 

* Vide*iuprsk iii, 116. 



10 



STORY OF ABISTEAS, 



Bote: TY* 



Hence it came te pass that the Arimaspi drove the Issedonians 
from their couutry, while the Issedouiaiis diepoasessed the Scjihs ; 
and the Scyths, pressinjj upon the Cimmeriansj who dwelt ojx the 
shores of the Southern Sea,' forced them to leave their land^ 
Thus even Aristeas does not agree in his account of thi^ region 
with the Scythians. 

14. The birth [Jace of Ariflteaa, the poet who sung of these 
thingSj I have already mentioned, I will now relate a tale 
which I heard concerning him both at Proconnesus and at 
Cyzicus, Aristeas, they said, who belonged to one of the noblest 
families in tlie island, had entered one day into a fidler's shop, 
when he suddenly dropt down dead. Hereupon the fuUer shut 
up his ehop, and went to tell Aristcas' kindred what had hap- 
pened. The report of the death had just spread tlirongh the 
town, when a certain CyziceniaUj lately arrived from Artaca,* 
contradicted the rumour, affirming that he had met Aristeas on 
his road to Cyzicus^ and had spoken with him. This man, 
therefore, streuuously denied the rumour ; the relations, how- 
ever, proceeded to the fuller's shop with all things necessary 
for the funeral, intending to cany the body away. But on the 
shop being opened, no Aristeas was found, either dead or alive,^ 
Seven years afterwards he reappeared, they told me, in Proeon- 
n&u^, and wrote the poem called by the Greeks * The Arimas^ 
peia/ ^ after which he disappeared a second time. This is the 
tale current in the two cities above mentioned 



7 That b, the Euxine, in ^ntt^^h^ 
tinction from the KortUeni Sea, oq the 
ih^tea of which dwelt the Hyperbore- 
sam^ According to Arkteas. Herod utuit 
Idsoaalf questioned the ciiHtenc:* of thii 
l^uihefii 8«ft. (Supra, ill 115, and 
iaitt^ eh. 45.) 

* The poem of Ariitea* may haye httd 
no ipecjal historicnl foundation, but it 
indicitted an important geDeral fact, y\z. 
the perpetual press u re on one another 
of the uomatlic hordes wbich from time 
immemorial have occupied the vaet 
st^pea of Ceotm! and Northern A^ia* 
And of E]%Ktem Europo. SoythiuiB, 
SarmatifUifi, Huue, Tatfipa, ftnd Turko- 
mans, have in turo beeu precipitated 
upon Europe by thia e^iuse, while Mon- 
pola, Kirghiz, Eleuth», Cal mucks, and 
CofisackSi hftye disputed the poaaesaion 
of A^ia. 

^ Aiinca h mentioned again In the 
with Book (eh. 33). It waa a BmaO 
■eaport town on the west eide of the 



peDineula of CyBiouB (Sttub, xiii, p. 
U2t and xiv, p. 910;ScyL Periph,p. 
84 )j opposite to PriiipuB. Stephen oaliB 
It a colony of the Milesians (Steph. Byz» 
ad Yoc»). The name remaiDS iu the 
modem En1<*k^ which hm taken the 
place of Cyeicus (Bal Ku)^ now in 
ruins, and k the see of an archbishop^ 
Erd^k ifl ft town of about V2Q(i hou«e», 
(Hamilton's Asia Edinorp toL ii. p. 98 ») 

^ In later times th© etory weot that 
AHsteujj could mitke his bouI quit Ids 
body and return to it whoneTcr ho 
pleoaed (Suidoa, 1, ft. c. ; Heayeh. Milee. 
Fr. 7ji A). Here the power ascribed to 
him is rather that of appeaiiDg and dis^ 
appearing at bis plwmure* U the baaifl 
of thii laati tlie mere fcwet of the altet^ 
nate app^u'ance and disappearant^ of aa 
euterprifling traveller I 

^ According to Suidaa (ad voc. 'Api- 
ffrias), the AnmaPif^Ja was a poem in 
three hooks, containing a history of the 
ArimnspL Longinus (Be SubUm* 10, 



I 
I 



EAT. 13-lC. 



HIS MARVELLOUS APPEABANCES. 



11 



I 



k 



15- Wliat follows I know to have happened to tlie MetapOD- 
tines of Italy, three hundred and forty years ^ after the eecond 
dmppearance of Aristeas, aa I collect by comparing the ac- 
counts given me at Proconnesus and Metapontum/ Aristeas 
theu, m the Metapontines affirm, appeared to theiu in their own 
country, and ordered them to set up an altar in honour of 
Apollo, and to place near it a statue to be called that of Aris- 
teaa the Procounesiaii, "Apollo/* ho told them, " bad come to 
their countrj^ once, though he had visited no other Italiots ; and 
he liad been witli Apollo at the fimo, not however in bis pr^ 
sent form, but in the shape of a crow/* ^ Having said so much, 
he vanished. Then the Metapontines, as they relate, eent to 
Delphi, and inquired of the god, in what light they were to 
regard the appearance of this ghost of a man. The Pythoness, 
in reply, hade them attend to what the spectre said, ** for so 
it would go best with them," Thus advised, they did as they 
had been directed : and there is now a statue bearing the name 
of Aristeas, close by the image of Apollo in the- market-place of 
Metajx)nttim, with bay-trees standing around it.^ But, enough 
has been said concerning Aristeas. 

16, With regard to the regions which lie above the country 
whereof this portion of my history treats, there is no one who 
posisoases any exact knowledge. Not a single person can I find 
who jirofesses to be acquamted with them by actual observation. 
Even iWsteas, the traveller of whom I lately spoke, does not 
claim — ^and he is writing poetrj' — to have reached any farther 
than the Issedonians* What he rehit^s concerning the regions 



p. 44) qii{>t«a a tfngment, proreis«dly 
firosD ii» which Yora consider not U> be 
gsntime. (Hiit. Gn iv. 2, p. 348.) It 
it in tli« hexameter meaflurej and, if 
^Kttliae, woTild indicate that the author 
«rirad bis reputation rather to tb« sub- 
Jael matter of his poem thao to bia 
piMtioit ^niuH. Aci^Dding to lome 
MOmimiA, Arwtcaa wrote abo m prose, 
(Siudftfl* 1, 9. c. ; Diony». Hid. Jud, 
Tbiie. 23:) 

* Tim date must certainly be wrong. 
li would throw back the travels of 
▲if^toM ia Seythla u> tbu b^gmnmg of 
tbe^S^tUeentur^hflforeourem, utime 
wliMi tbere were m yet no Greek eolo- 
iae« ttt the Pootua t The dat« UEUAlly 
, M^igpid to Aiiateaa ia about b,c. 580. 

^B * Meftapontiim, at the mouth of the 

H QMucoiitift itho modem Hmm^), wm 



dintant about ."^0 tDiles from Thurii, 
where Herodotua Hved duriDg his later 
jeara. 

* Natural Buperititiou fint regarded 
the croak of the crow or raven aa an 
omen (Hor. Od. iii. 27, 11, ** Oacinem 
ctjrvum'^); after which it was natural 
to iittftch the bird to the God of Pro- 
phecy. The crow ia often called the 
companion or attendajit (&Krd\oiffoi) of 
Apollo, (See ^lian, Hist. An. i. 48.) 

■ It appears by a fra^^ent of Tbeo* 
pompue (Fragm. Hiat. Gr. vol, i, Fr* 
182) that theae bay-treet weire not real, 
but ai-tiQckl^ being loade of bronn. 



12 



DESCRIPTION OF SCYTHI A — THE CALLIPEDJE. Book IV. 



beyond is, he confesses, mere hearsay, being the account which 
the Issedonians gave him of those countries. However, I shall 
proceed to mention all that I have learnt of these parts hy the 
most exact inquiries which I have been able to make concerning 
them. 

17. Above the mart of the Borysthenites,^ which is situated 
in the very centre of the whole sea-coast of Scythia,® the first 
people who inhabit the land are the CallipedaB, a Graeco-Scythio 
race. Next to them, as you go inland, dwell the people called 
the Alazonians.® These two nations in other respects resemble the 
Scythians in their usages, but sow and eat corn, also onions, garlic, 
lentils, and millet.^ Beyond the Alazonians reside Scythian 
cultivators, who grow com, not for their own use,^ but for sale.^ 



7 It has been argued (Bahr ad loc.) 
that the mart of the Borysthenites is a 
different place from Olbia, the city of 
the Borysthenites mentioned below (chs. 
78, 79); but there is po ground for this 
distinction. 

^ This passage appears to me con- 
clusive against Niebuhr's scheme of 
Scythian geography, which places the 
mouth of the Borysthenes, and the mart 
o/ the Borysthenites, not in the centre 
of the whole sea-coast of Scythia (rciv 
TTOpaBaXcurfflotv fitffcdrarov jraffris rrjs 
2/ci;6iT}s), but in the centre of the smith 
coast only. (Scythia, p. 39, E. T. and 
Map.) Vide infra, note on ch. 101. 

* There seems to be no sufficient 
reason for Strabo's rejection of the Cal- 
lipedss and Alazonians (xii. p. 797). 
They were mentioned, as he confesses, 
by Hellanicus, who wrote a little be- 
fore Herodotus, and by Eudozus, the 
contemporary of Plato. (Frag. Hist. 
Or. vol. i. p. G9.) Herodotus moreover 
must be regarded as an eye-witness. It 
is very possible that they had disap- 
peared by Strabo's time. 

The identification of the Callipedso 
with the Carpidse of Ephorus (Fragm. 78) , 
which has the names of Niebuhr and 
Qrote (Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. p. 321) in 
its favour, is, to say the least, extremely 
doubtful. The Cai-pida5, who dwelt im- 
mediately to the north of the Danube, 
would seem rather to have a connection 
with the Carpathian mountain-chain. 

1 Millet is still largely cultivated 
in these regions. It forms almost the 
only cereal food of the Nogais. (De 
Hell, pp. 270 and 274.) 

2 Fifty years ago the Nogais appear 
to have been exactly in this condition. 



(Heber's note in Clarke's Travels, ch. 
XV. p. 337.) Since then they have 
learnt to eat and like millet. (De Hell, 
1. s. c.) The Calmucks continue to live 
on meat and dairy produce, while they 
are beginning to cultivate com for ex- 
portation. They do not, however, dis- 
cover any dislike to bread as an article 
of food. (De Hell, pp. 240-4.) 

• The corn-trade of the Scythians 
appears to have been chiefly, if not ex- 
clusively, with the Greeks. Its extent 
is indicated in Herodotus by his as- 
signment of the whole country west, 
and a portion of that east, of the Bo- 
rysthenes to Scythian husbandmen, 
who raised com only for sale. The 
practice of cultivation spread eastward, 
and between b.c. 400 and B.c. 300 the 
princes of the Bosphorus drew from the 
shores of the Sea of Azov and the 
Crimea supplies of an enormous amount. 
According to Strabo, Leucon, who 
reigned from B.C. 393 to B.C. 353, sent 
on one occasion 2,li»0,000 medimni 
(3,150,000 of our bushels) of com to 
Athens from the single port of Theo- 
dosia (vii. p. 478). Demosthenes tells 
us that of the whole foreign importa- 
tion into Attica, almost one-half came 
from the Euxine, and estimates its 
amount in ordinary years at 400,000 
medimni, or 600,000 bushels. (Orat. in 
Leptin. pp. 466, 477.) The importance 
of the trade to Athens appears on many 
occasions, as more especially at the 
time when Philip, in order to get a hold 
over the Athenians, endeavoured to re- 
duce Byzantium (Pov\6fi€vo5 rrjs atro' 
wofiirttas iciptos ytviaOai. Dem. de 
Cor. p. 254. See also p. 251, and com- 
pare Lys. c. Frumentar. p. 720, and 



Cbap. 16-lB. 



HYUEA — THE OLBIOrOLlTES. 



18 



Still higher up are the Neuri.* Northwards of the Neuri the 
continent, its far as it is known to us, is iiu inhabited.* These 
are the nations along the courBe of the river Hypanis,^ west of 
the Borysthenes*^ 

18. Across the Borysthenes, the first country after you leave 
the eoftst is Hyleea (the Woodland),^ Above this dwell the 
Bej^hian Hu^bandmea, whom the Greeks Uving near the 
Hypanis call Borysthenitee^ while they call riiemselves Oihio- 
jjolites.* These Husbandmen extend eastward a distance of 



BfiBL m Polycl* p. 1 2 1 1 ), It iH evident 
Hud Ttirious other Greek states besides 
AtbtfM ^ere engiiged m the trade ; for 
DiiiD£>itheTi«s pmkei LeucoD as giving 
A pf^fsTfiuce to Athena cvor otlivrA 
(Leptin. 1, B, c). If it be inquired 
vhat tb« ScTthiajiB got in exchange 
Jjeyt their com, the a^Lswer will be wine 
6(jr&»iiily {for wiae^ciidkA marked 8A31r 
vrfaich h.*d evidently contained Tha«]»ii 
win^j werv found in tbe tomb of the 
&f thiun kitkg at Kertoli), oU probably , 



cimtv of the gpwt riveM,^' Mudune 
de Hell saya, " the oountiy asstimefl & 
different aapeot; imd the wearied eye 
at lost enjoys the pleeaur? of enconn* 
tering more liialted honeonfl^ a more 
vcrdaot vegetation, and a landBoape 
mere vB^itMl in ita outlines. Among 
thofle rivers the Dniepr cloioia one 
of the foremoflt places, * , . . , After 
having apt-eiul out to the breadth of 
nearly a league, it parts into a tnultt* 
tiide of chmmeU that wind through 



ittid utemula and nuutufactured goodi of forests of oakff ttlders^ pophirA, ami aspens^ 



I 



lOl kindi (cf. Stnb. xi. p, 494): 'Fhey 
may also have taken gola and tilver to 
» 0oJ3diderabie extent; for thoee com- 
atoditieeip which are not produetionft of 
Scythia proper t abound in the tumuli 
throiiirhout t!ie Ukraine. The fertility 
of the country and the habits of the 
people remain nearly the eamej and the 
traae of England with Odessa at tlie 
present time ia the counterpafi of that 
wMeh twenty three c^ntunea ago was 
eiiTie4 on between A them and the 
8^th« of the Pontna. (^See Papera by 
MM. Hogi^ and Bjrgon m the Journal 
of the I^jyal Society of Litemture for 
iSJj.V^^ on the pottery of the Greek colo* 
ni^ in tLe Euxinei stamped Ttmmibrifit 
ILe. ; where many interesting particulars 
will be found with re^gnrd to the trade of 
Atheny witLi Ulbia and ita sister cities.) 

* Vide infni, ch, 1*)5, 

* So Ephorus, as reported by Seym* 
ELoa Chiua :^ 

* The modem Bug or B&f«^. See note 
OQ ch. 52. 

'^ The modem Dniepr^ See note oa 

* portions of thk country are atill 
thickly wooded, and ooutntst remark- 
i%hly with the general bare and arid 
chju^a^'ter of the afceppe. ' ' In th? vi-" 







whofte vigorous growth bespeaks the 
richness of a virgin aoih .... Tbefle 
pkvnikd iff the Dnieprj seldom touched 
by^the wooduian^a axe, have all the wild 
miijt*aty of the forests of the new world." 
(Travels, p, 56.) The woody district 
extends to a coDsLderable distanoe to- 
wardft the east. In the tract occupied 
by the Memnonite colonies upon the 
SIoloHhnia Vodi, trees abound. They 
grow along the btinks of all the streams. 
In former times, when the Doiepr 
apre.id out into innny more channeU 
thj^ it dc't'fi at present, it is likely that 
they were much more numerous than 
they now are. Still the peculiiirly bokre 
and treeless choraeter of the eteppe must 
be taken into aecount, in order to ondef^ 
stand how a region which, after all, is 
upKin the whole somewhat scantily 
wooded, came to be called Hyhea, 

* Herodotus means to say that the 
Greeks of Olbia gave themaelvee the 
name of Olbiopolitesi rejeotl]^ that of 
Borjsthemt«Sf which othen applied to 
them, but which they applied to the 
Scythians alcrng the left bank of the 
river. Concerning the site, &e., of 
Olbia, vide infra, cb- 7d. Like so many 
of the settlements in these pait^ (oi 
Phasis, Tanaia, Tyras, Istrus, ka.)^ it 
ftttems to have been originally given 
merely the native name of thfe river, 
Qoryi^henes. (Strab. vii.p. 445.) "WTjen, 
in consequence of its flourishing oondi* 



14 



THE HUSBANDMEN — THE WANDERERS. Book IV. 



three days' journey to a river bearing the name of Panticapes,* 
while northward the country is theirs for eleven days' sail up 
the course of the Borysthenes. Further inland there is a vast 
tract which is uninhabited. Above this desolate region dwell 
the Cannibals,^ who are a people apart, much unlike the Scy- 
thians. Above them the country becomes an utter desert ; not 
a single tribe, so far as we know, inhabits it.^ 

19. Crossing the Panticapes, and proceeding eastward of the 
Husbandmen, we come upon the wandering Scythians, who 
neither plough nor sow. Their country, and the whole of this 
region, except Hylaea, is quite bare of trees.* They extend 



iioDy it came to be known as Olbia, the 
original appellation waa disused by the 
inlukbitants, and applied by them to the 
Scyths of the neighbourhood. Bory- 
Bthenes is never found upon the coins, 




Coins of Olbia. 



which have always Olbia for the town, 
OlbiopolitsB (abbreviated into 'OXjSio) 
for the inhabitants. (See Kohler's Re- 
marques BUT un ouvrage intitule * Anti- 
quitls Qrecques/ &c., p. 14.) The name 
Borysthenes 1b however still applied to 
Olbia by many of the later writers, as 
Dio Chrysostom (Or. xxxvi.), Scymnus 
Chius, and the anonymous author of 
the 'PeripluB Ponti Euxini/ who copies 
him (p. 151). Mela wrongly distinguishes 
between the names, and supposes them 
to belong to two different towns (ii. 1). 
Pliny says that Olbiopolis, as he terms 
it, was called also Miletopolis (H. N. iv. 
12) ; but this title is otherwise unknown. 
Stephen of Byzantium identifies Bory- 
sthenes with Olbia, and notes that the 
latter was the name used by the inha- 
bitants, the former that commonly in 
vogue through Greece : thus there is no- 
thing strange in Dio Chrysostom ignor- 
ing the native term. 

* Here the description of Herodotus, 
which has been hitherto excellent, 
begins to fail. There is at present no 
river which at all corresponds with his 
Panticapes. Either the face of the 
country must have greatly altered since 
his time, as Professor Maiden (see Mur- 



chison*s Silurian System, . p. 574, note) 
and others have supposed, or he must 
have obtained a confused and incorrect 
account from the Olbiopolites. As Sir 
R. Murchison observes, "There is no 
indication of Herodotus having crossed 
the Dniepr.'' He is unacquainted vrith 
the Isthmus of Perecop and with the 
true shape of the Crimea. Perhaps, as 
the accounts of Strabo are " not incon- 
sistent with the present state of the 
country," it is best to suppose Hero- 
dotus mistaken. The real Panticapes 
may have been the small stream in the 
peninsula of Kertch, from which the 
Milesian settlement of Panticapasum 
derived its name (Steph. Byz. ad voc. 
IlayrtKoaraiov. Eustath. ad Dionys. 
Perieg. 314). 

* Infra, ch. 106. 

3 Compare the account of Ephoros 
(Fr. 78):— 

ITpbf avarxtXaK eic/3«»Ti Toi' "Boava^irifv^ 

Tovy rriv KeyofUyiiy 'YfiXav (1. * V Aeov) oucovrraf 

E7i>ai 6i Tfuipyo^i txpudvw^ rovruv ai«w, 
*EfrciTa iroAii^ ifynfiov cirl iroAvK Tomv 
'Yirep dc ravTifv t0voi 'Xt^po^aytty 2«rvftay, 
'EireKciKa ndXty iprifiov virapx^w ixo^iirnv. 
Toy IliLKTUcdm) Siafiayn, k.j, A. 

* The general treeless character of 
the steppes is noticed by all travellers. 
De Hell says— ** In the steppes" (those 
of the Ukraine) ** there are indeed here 
and there a few depressions where the 
grass retains its verdure during a port 
of the year, and some stunted trees 
spread their meagre branches over a 
less unkindly soil than that of the 
steppe; but these are unusual circum- 
stances, and one must often travel hundreds 
of versts to find a single sfintb** (p. 38). 
The country between the Moloshnia 
Vodi and the Don is particularly flat 
and bare of trees (see Pallas, vol. i, pp. 
512, 534, &c., E. T.). 



Chap- 18-20. 



THE ROYAL SCYTHIAKS. 



15 



towards the east a distance of fourteen * days* journey, occupying 
a trat*t which reaches to the river Gerrhus," 

20* On the opposite side of the Gerrhiis is the Eoyal district, 
05 it is called: here dwells the largest and bravest of the 
Scythian tribes, which looks upon all the other tribes in the 
light of slaves."^ Its country reaches on the south to Taiirica,^ 
on the east to the trench dug by the sons of the blind slaves/ 
the mart upon the Palus Majotis, called Cremni (the Cliffs), and 
in part to tiie river Tanais,^ North of the country of the lioyal 
Scythians are the Melanchlseni (Black-Robes),^ a people of 



* RenDell promsea to read "four 
dftjs' journey" (Geogmphy, &a» P- 71) 

jmd mdeed without some such aJtem- 
tion the geography of tbi« part of 
ScTthia IB uttfsrly jnoxplicabla. 

* Vide mfra, ch, 5tj» 

"^ The an&logouB caae of the Golden 
Horde among the HongolB has been 
adduced by many writers. (Niebuhr, 
VortiflgB, ToL i. p. 188 J Grotei Hist. 
of Gi^c«» iiL p, 320^ &c.) Grots 
aotleeB thiit in Algeria »ome of the 
SttUte tribes are noH^, some enalaTod, 



■ Taurlcft appear n here to he nothing 
but the high tmct along the southern 
cooat of the Crimea, from Sebaatopol 
to KafiA. 'The ateppe country to the 
north of thjfi belongs to tbe Royal Scy- 
tbiana. 

* It i* not quite clear how Uerodotua 
considered tbia trench t<* run. It did 
uot, }»^ording to him, extend ^omeeaio 
aea, but ff-om the Taurw Matnittmi^ to the 
PaluB Mneotifl (aupra, ch. a). Perhaps the 
poBition afiaigued to it by Dubois (from 
wbom tbe accompanying CbArt ia taken) 



» tint which moat nearly agrees witb p^rsoDal acquaintance with the country 

Ji# -vorda <»f our author » But it muat ea«t of the Boryithenea. 

|%e bonie in miiMl, in all commenty on * Now the Don (vjile infra, note on 

1 \aM Scytliifin Ckography, that be hod no cL, 57 ) . ■ Vide iafro, ch, 107, 



16 THE COUNTRY EAST OF SCYTHIA. Book IV. 

quite a different race from the Scythians. Beyond them lie 
marshes and a region without inhabitants, so far as our know- 
ledge reaches. 

21. When one crosses the Tanais, one is no longer in Scythia ; 
the first region on crossing is that of the Sauromatae,^ who, 
beginning at the upper end of the Pains Mseotis, stretch northr 
ward a distance of fifteen days' journey, inhabiting a country 
which is entirely bare of trees, whether wild or cultivated.* 
Above them, possessing the second region, dwell the Budini,^ 
whose territory is thickly wooded with trees of every kind. 

22. Beyond the Budini, as one goes northward, first there is a 
desert, seven days' journey across ; after which, if one inclines 
somewhat to the east, the Thyssagetae • are reached, a numerous 
nation quite distinct from any other, and living by the chace. 
Adjoining them, and within the limits of the same region, are 
the people who bear the name of lyrcae;^ they also support 
themselves by hunting, which they practice in the following 
manner. The hunter climbs a tree, the whole country abound- 
ing in wood, and there sets himself in ambush ; he has a dog at 
hand, and a horse, trained to lie down upon its belly, and thus 
make itself low ; the hunter keeps watch, and when he sees his 
game, lets fly an arrow ; then mounting his horse, he gives the 
beast chace, his dog following hard all the while. Beyond these 
people, a little to the east, dwells a distinct tribe of Scy ths, who 
revolted once from the Royal Scythians, and migrated into these 
parts. 

® Vide infra, ch. 110. " Pliny and Mela (1. s. c.) turn the 

* The ancient country of the Sauro- lyrcse of Herodotus into Turccg, or 
matae or Sarmatse (SarmatianB) appears Turks. But we cannot suppose Hero- 
to have heen nearly identical with that of dotus to have meant the Turks, unless 
the modem Don Cossacks, the northern we change the reading. [It is, more- 
and western portion of which, along the over, exceedingly doubtful if the name 
courses of the Don and the Donetz, is of Turk is of this antiquity, or at any 
flat indeed and bare of trees, but a good rate if the name could have been 
pasture country ; while the southern known so early in Europe. To all ap- 
and eastern regions on the left bank of pearance Turk ia a contraction of Tunikka^ 
the Don, towards the Wolga and the which again is the Pali form of Turushka^ 
Manitch, are described as ** the Russian the Sanscrit name for the Tartar inha- 
desert in all its uniformity.'* (De Hell, bitants of the snowy range and the 
p. 147.) plains beyond. In the native traditions 

* Vide infra, ch. 108. of Central Asia the name of Tifrk is 
« The Thyssa-getro appear to be a supposed to be derived from TuHi, *' a 

branch of the Gothic family, ** the helmet," and there is some show of 

lesser Goths " a« distinguished from the probability in this etymology, as the 

Massa-geta;, " the greater Goths." They term of Takalxva, or •* helmet-bearers," 

are placed in the same region by Pliny is applied in the Inscriptions of Darius 

(H. N. iv. 12) and Mela (i. 19). See as an ethnic title to the Asiatic QreekB. 

Note A at the end of the Appendix to — H. C. R.] 
this Book. 



I 



Chap. 20^23* 



THE lYUC.'E. 



17 



I 



23. As far as their country, the traet of land whereof I bftTe 
been speaking is all a smooth plain^ and the soil deep ; heyond 
you enter on a region which is rugged and stony. Pacing over a 
great extent of this rough country, you com© to a people dwell- 
ing at the foot of lofty mountains,'^ who are said to be all — both 
men and women — bald from their birtlx,^ to have flat noses, and 
very long chins,' These jieople speak a language of their own^ 
but the dress which they wear is the same as the Scythian. 
They live on the fruit of a certain tree, the name of which is 
Ponticum ;^ in nme it is about equal to our fig-tree, and it bears 
a fruit like a bean, with a stone inside. When the fruit is ripe, 
they strain it through clotbs ; the juic© which runs oft* is black 
and thick, and is called by the natives ** aachy/* They lap this 
up with their tongues, and also mix it with milk for a drink ; 
wliBe thoy make the lee^, which are solid, into cakes, and eat 
them instead of meat ; for they* have but few sheep in their 
country, in which there is no good }msturage* Each of them 
dwells under a tree* and they cover the tree in winter with a 



* Tbma momiiMns can be no otLers 
tllftO tht oboin of tlie Urol : and thus wa 
obtain the general <lii'«otion of this line 
of Dationfl, which ia aecD to extend from 
ibe Paln« Mseotia towards the north- 
«a^ Aud to termmatti in tb^ Ural 
cbvin, probably about latitude Sb'^, It 
ii ma ingemouB conjecture of Hodren'B 
{Am, Nat. ii. p, 2S5?), strongly HQpporbed 
by the word« of aur author in ch. 24, 
t£fti the Greeks of the Pont us carried 
on ft regtilar trade (chiefly for fumj with 
ihmei aaHonfi, and that the lino de- 
scribed by Herodotufl is the routti of 
the carKvaim. 

With reipect to the exact dlfitricta 
lidiftbitod tjy the Budini, Thyssageta?, 
Jmm, and ATgt|ip£oi, I agree with Mr, 
Grote that "liiti Impossible to iix with 
preculori the geograpbj of theio dilTer- 
eat tribes/' (Hi^t. of Gireece, toI. ii. 
p. 328,) 

^ Althou^b a race of tnen Absolutely 
fHthatjt hair may be a fable, yet it ia a 
bet that scanty hair charaot^riaea aeve- 
ml of the wsmdering tribea of Northern 
(8e© Frichaid's Nat. Hbtt, of 

" Boms acholars translftto ytvtta in 
tills place, not " chin*/' but " beanlB." 
Sdkwdgbffituer (Lex, Herod, ad voo*) 
iaelixies to tMs, CoL Mure (Lit, of 
Qt«bc«, it* p. 380) adopts it poaitively. 
But yivttmr a most properly "the 
ciuft; 7vrf4&f "the beard," ~ 

T01-- 111. 




(Se« Etym. 



51ftg- ad voc. ytvtiiis. ** rivtid^tfj aJ 
Kork T«i' ytvfimi^ ytM^fifyai rpix<f5.**) 

^ Heeren (As, Nat. ii, p. 270) oon- 
jecturea that tMs is the Pnmm Fadm of 
Linofcufl, a upecies of cherry* which is 
eaten bv the Caltnucke of tbe j}reBetit 
day in almoat the same manner. "The 
Calmucka/' be sayB, quoting aa his 
aiithonty Neumch'a Polyglot DictioDary 
of Natural History, *' drefls the berries 
of tliia tree with milk, then press them 
in tt sieve* and after wards form tbem 
into a thick mass, which is ciUled 
tmismi cAirf, a small piece of whicli, 
mixed with wj^ter^ makes a nutritious 
and pdatable soup,'' [A similar proce&s 
is piunsned iq the manufacture of " brick 
tea," which forma one of the ohJef luxii* 
ries of the Turcoman and Qabuuek 
"cuisine/'— H, C. R.] To ccmeltide 
from thia that thd ArgippEm were Cai- 
rn ucks^ IS, boweTer, somewhat over 
bold. There '\b little resemblance be- 
tween the portraiture given of the 
Argjppa?! by our author^ and thiit 
which Pallaa and other writora have 
fumiabctd of the Colmucki. Tbese kat 
have no tcodency to bal8n«sa, and 
though their n*^e is depreaAed in the 
upper purtj, it is not what the word 
iTi^dr indicates, which is tbe flat noso 
of tlie negro ; tJieir chin also ia remark- 
ably short. (See Pallas^ aa quoted by 
Dr. Prichard, Natural Hiat. of Man, p. 
*J1S.) 

O 



18 



THE ARGIPP^ANS. 



Book IV. 



cloth of thick white felt, but take off the covering in thesummer- 
tiiue. No one harrow these people, for they are looked upon as 
Bacred, — they do not even possess any warlike weapons. When 
their neighbours fall out, they make up the quarrel ; and svhen 
one flies to them for refuge* he is safe from all hurt. They are 
called tile Argippa3an8,^ 

24< Up to thia point the territory of which we are speaking is 
very completely explored, and all the nations between the 
coast and tlie bald-heatled men are well kntjwn to us. For 
some of the Hcythiaus are accustomed to penetrnto as far, of 
whom inquiry may easily be made, and Greeks also go there 
from the mart on the Borysthenes,* and from tlie other marts 
along the Euadne. The Scythians who make this journey com- 
municate with the inhabitants by means of seven interpreters 
and seven languages.^ 

25- Thus far therefore the limd is known ; bnt beyond the 
bald-headed men lies a region of which no one can give any 
exact account. Lofty and precipitous mountains, which are 
never crossed, bar further progress.* The bald men say, but it 
does not seem to me crecUble, that the people who Live in these 
mountains have feet like goats ; and tliat after passing them yon 
find another race of men, who sleep diuring one half of the year.' 
This latter statement appears to me quite unworthy of credit. 



■ PHny (H, N, vi. 14) and Mela 
(L IB) G&ll the Argippomss by the muue 
of ArimpbieaiiJkB. lii their acoount of 
thefn tliey simply follow Herodotus. 

* Vide »upn4, ch, 17, Eote, 

* Uet-odotuB probably intend* ttie 
luiguage* of the ScythiauB, tbe Sauro- 
matA, the Budinl, the Gelooi^ tha 
Thyisageto^f the Iyrmc» Mid the Ar- 
^ppo^aiLB. But it may he queatioEied 
whatber the tiwlera would have hiid to 
j>asa through all these tribes, 

^ Heer^u couaiclors the motintftltiB 
here apokeu of to be the Alt&i (Aa. Nat. 
iL p. ^72) I but to me it eeeuia that 
HerodotuB In th^ae <;bnptera sptaaka oiily 
of a sitigle mountaiu-chaiu* and that is 
the Ural, The couutrj is Oftt and deep^ 
ioUed aU the wny from the Pfilita 
Mi&QtiE to the Refugee Scythi&ni; tLen 
it begioji to be rough mil fltony. Pac- 
ing this rough oountnr, whkli omnot^ I 
think f represent th(» Und, we oom« to 
thd Argippdcansj, who dwell at the baao 
of a lofty tuouutain-r^Dge. Hero we 
have the i)ist mention of mountains. 
SSe^iwted from the Argippttims bj the 



inaoeesaible peaks of this ohaiu dweU 
the iBsedoniuiB. I should therefore 
plaee the Argippffans to tlio east, and 
the tsaedoniaiiB to the wmt of the Ural 
ra£igf}, in lat. 54P to 56^. ThiA agreea 
with the etatenieut of Book L ch, 201, 
thnt the IssedonlanA are ^' opposEte/^ — ^ 
that ist in the same longitude aa tho 
Maaangetffi. 

' The remark of Heereu* that ^*m 
thia tradition we can perceive a ray of 
truth, inai^miich aa we kniiw that the 
polar regions continue for six monthB^ 
more or leaflj, without having the light 
of the 8un *' (Ah. Nat, L a* c,), k not 
altogether happy. It doee not aeem 
likely that any account could have 
reiu;hed Herodotus of what only takes 
place very near the pole. A different 
explanation wOl he found in the Ap- 
pendix (Eswiy iii. § 7). [Tho Orientnlct^ 
however, have the laacQo idea of the 
zt'olmM^ or region of diiFkneas^ in the 
far north, which w^a auppoaed to bd 
viaited by Alexander the Great, itld 
which ia alluded to m the Korati.^^ 

H. c\ ly 



mmm 



Chap, 23-27. 



THE ISSEDONUKS. 



IB 






The region east of the bald-headed men is well known to be 
inhabited by the Issedonians,^ but the tract that lies to the north 
of these two nations is entirely unknownj except by the accounts 
which they give of it 

26, The lesedonianB are said to have the following custome. 
When a man's father dies, all the near relatives bring sheep to 
the house; which are saeriiiced, and their flesh cut in pieces, 
while at the same time the dead body undergoes the like treat- 
ment. The two sortB of flesh are afterwards mixed together, 
and the whole is served up at a banquet. The head of the dead 
man is treated diflfereutly ; it is stripped bare, cleansed, and set 
in gold.* It then becomes an ornament on which tbey pride 
themselves, and is brought out year by year at the great festival 
whioh sons keep in honour of their fathers' death, just as the 
Greeks keep their Genesia,^ In other respects the Issedouians 
are reputed to be observers of justice : and it is to be remarked 
that their women have equal authority with the men.^ Thus our 
knowledge extends as far as this nation. 

27. The regions beyond are known only from the accounts of 
the Issedouians, by whom the stories are told of the one-eyed 
race of men and the gold-guarding griffins.^ These stories are 



< Dlliuyit«a, ih« contempomry of 
HiSt>ddtU«| pla^wd the liBedomauB im* 
niedi&telj above the Scytbkiui. Above 
thtfOd were the Arim&^pi, extending to 
tlwEhiparan mouQtoiiM. Beyond tJbeae 
were tli« Hjperbot«an9, readMog to the 
lfoftb«m 3b& (Fn t> Tbe iBaedonJMia 
wmm Bko menUoned by Hecatsena (Fr. 

• Compare the ScytMan euatoin with 
Tii0|«el to tbe aktills of enemies (infra, 
c3i. 65). A iitDjlnr practice tu theirs i» 
•0^bed by Livy to the Boit, a tribe of 
Qftuk (ixiii. 24). Eenaell relateB that 
lie hMd Mimtlf seen drinking-cupfl made 
in tbii foftbiou, which hiid been brought 
from tetnfjlea in the country whjcb be 
anigiiH to the IsdedoDkna (Qeograpby 
of HerodotnSr p. 144). 

< Theie were ocrGmouial ohservance^ 
«,i tike t'^mba of the depnrttidj annuully, 
KM the day of the de^^eaiied person's 
birtli. Thfey are to b^ distin^iafaed 
from the ^wctJiriA, which were BiinUar 
ubMnrftooiM on tho anniver»i»ry uf the 
d£$^th. CH«syeh, Ad voc. ytviffia.) 

* It hm been iwujil to eoont a« fablea 
«1| ctorieB of Amisi^^na, or even of any 
" ilied equality in any nation of 
witiv men. But the travek of 




Dr. Lii?ingstoDe have proved that in 
partfa of Southern Africa iuch a position 
ifi actually ooouplad by the femnle eex: 
to this day (pp- 622, B23)* [and among 
the Naira of Malabar tb^ lostitutionfl 
ftU incline to a gynocmcy; each woman 
haTing several buibonda, Aud property 
pa^eiug throtigh the female line in prefez^ 
enco to the male. — H. C, K,] It ia cer^ 
tain ako that some nAtionB liave offiacted 
tbe goverptnent of Queena, ftft the tdu- 
mssmi Arabs (see vol. i* p. 3 85, and com- 
pare the account in 2 Rings, eh. x. of 
the * * Queen of tbe South "}, and perhaps 
the Ethiopiau&. 

^ German critics (as BEbr, Vblckerj 
Rhode, Wahl, &e.) have regarded this 
tale aa deaerviiig of sorioue attention^ 
and have given vm^ons explanations oF 
itfl meanings which may be found m 
Biihr*fl ExcursuB (vol. ii, pp. fi53-5). 
To me it seems to be a mere Arabian 
NigLts* story ^ of a piece witli those 
maay others wherein large hlrdm play 
an impoitaut i^art (supra, note'i on 
Book iii* cb. ill). Ariateaa picked up 
the tale in Scytbia, and from him it 
passed both to ^schylu» (W V. 823) 
and Herodotus. Later ^^riters merely 
copy from them* The only truth eon* 

2 



20 



THE CLIMATE OF SCYTHIA, 



BooKlY, 



received by the Scythiaijs from the Issedoniatis, and by them 
passed on to ub Greeks : whence it arises that we give the one- 
eyed race the Scythian name of Arimiispi, ** arhim " bemg the 
Scythic word for "one" and '^gpu'' for **the eye,*'' 

28* The whole district whereof we have here discoursed has 
winters of exceeding rigour. During eight months the frost is 
so inten&ej that water poured upon tho ground does not form 
mudj hut if a fire be hghted on it mud is produced* The sea 
freezes^* and the Cimmerian Eosphorus is frozen over. At that 
eeasoa the Scythians who dwell inside the trench make warlike 
expeditions upon the ice, and even drive their wagons ^ across 
to the country of the Sindians*'^ Such is the intensity of the 
cold during eight months out of the twelve ; and even in the 



tflJued in the tale ib th« prttduetlv@Q«Ba 
of the SiberiiLn gold-^regipii (Murchiaoti^fl 
Geology of Ruaala, vol. L pp, 476-4:91), 
3md the jealous oaro of the natives to 
I prevent the i atru^ion of atnuig^ra ■ The 
grlMn has been found a« an oi-nament 
ID Soythian ^tomhj9> the drawiog, how- 
ever, being* Groeit. It waa the special 



emblem of FantieapEEumj ftod is oHien 
met with on the coina* The Greek 
^ffit) ii ciirioualy like the Pcmepolitaii 
(Ker Porter, vol. i. p. ^jTS^ pL 5 J), and 
both are apparently derived from the 
winged lion of th« ABiiyriaii^, whioh 
woa the emblem of the god Nergai^ or 
Mars, 




* On these and other Scythic words, 
i>ee the Essay at the cloae of this Boo^, 
.'*0n the Ethnography of the Scj- 
thiana/' 

* Macrobiua {Satnnip 7) ignorant ly 
reprovea Herodotus for aaying that the 
aea fr8exee.-'[G. W,] 

^ See note on ch, 4$. 

^ The Sindi mce n^ unfreq\3ently 



mentioned in the inBcriptlonfi of the 
Leucon!d», whote subjects tbey appear 
to have been f Dubois, 4™" SJria, pL 
xxvi.). They dwelt on tbe Aalatio side 
of the Bosporus or Straita of Kertch, iu 
tho immediate neighbourhood of Fhuia' 
goria (Scylox, Peripl. p. 75 ; Stiab. li. 
n. 723; Plin. H. N. vL 5; Bionya, 
Perieg, 081 ; Steph. Ujz. advoc, Sii^ofJ, 




Chaf, 27-29, 



THE CLIMATE OP SCYTHIA. 



21 



emainiDg four the cHraate is still cool.* The charat^ter of the 
•iriiiter likewise m unlike that of the same season in any other 
coimtry ; for at that time, when the rains ought to fell in 
Scythia, there is searcoly any raiii worth nsentioning, while in 
suouner it never gives over mining; and thunder, which elsewhere 
m frequent then, in 8eythia is unknown in that part of the year, 
coming only in summer, when it is vei*y heavy. Thunder in the 
winter-time is there accounted a prodigy ; as also are earth- 
quakes,^ whether they happen in winter or summer. Horses 
l)ear the winter well, cold as it is, but mules and asses are quite 
unable to bear it ; whereaa in other countries mules and asses 
are found to endure the cold, while horses, if they stand stilly 
aie froet-bitten, 

29, To mo it seems that the cold may likewise be the cause 
which prevents the gxen in Scythia from having horns** There 
is a line of Homer's in the Odyssey which gives a support to my 
opinion : ^ 

"Lybk toOj where hortui bud quick on the foreheads of kmbkinay 

He means to say, what is quite true, that in warm countries 
the horns come early* So too in countries where the cold is 
severe animals either have no boras, or grow them with difllculty 
— the cold being the cause in this instance. 



Tliey are eoi;ipled in tbe InBcriptiojifl 
with thp Macotm (Mtctic), the Toi'^ta?, 
Itjd tb« Dondarii. 

* The clearing of fowate Wid the 
ipniad of agriciiiturs hMe leaded to 
randwr tbe cliEnate of tbeae regioiiB leas 
MT«ra than in the time of Eerodotue, 
StOi, eren ftt the pi\'H«ut d^y, the douth 
of RoiHta h»& n alx moutbft* winter, 
lasting fram October to April. From 
XoTBmber to March the cold ib, ordi- 
nitr^yi very iotouBe. The great rivem 
«ro froEon 07er, and renmia icebound 
from four to fire months. The sea 
friMOSes to a con£iiderabl^ dietrmce ttoia 
tho ibof^i. The harb<iuiii are blocked 
up, mid all commeiTS^ ceoae^ till the r«- 
tuTO of ipriug. 

The summer it now intensely hot. 
** la thefie ceiintrtoB there are really but 
two ieas^ns; yuti pa»« &ominteui^ cold 
to a Seneg^ heat. . . The s«a>br@e5Sea 
Alone snake it posfedble to endure the 
heal, which in July and August almost 
tilvnys amounta to 9-*'^ or do'^.'* (De 
H«»n, pp. 49-50,) 

That Herodotus gives a true nccount 
of tbd ttaie of thinp in bis own day U 




apparent fram the concuiTent teati- 
mony of Hippocrates (De Acre, Aqu&^ 
eb hoQiif I &@) and Odd (Tddtia, and 
Epist, €X Ponto pamm)f botU e^fe^tdi- 

' There was a smart ^hoclc of earth- 
qnake in the winter whleb M. de Hell 
paaned on the banka of t^e Dnieper 
(I8aa*&). See hia TraYela, p. 45, Still 
the de^criptjan on the whole suita tbe 
present day. (See Appendix, Essay iii, 
I 7, ad fin.) 

' Pallas la aatd to have noticed the 
lack of horns in theae regions n& extend- 
ing also to rama^ goata, &o« (Muato^di^s 
KoTe Muse di Erodoto tradotte, &€., 
not* ad loo,) But it m certaiuly not the 
cold which checks their growfcb. The 
vant size of the horns of tbe elk and 
reindeer is well-knoiK^n. ludecd heat 
ratber tban cold would acorn to check 
the growth of horns. Wlien cattle 
were introduced from Spain and Por- 
tq gal into Paraguay, which ia 15 degrees 
nearer the e<^juator» tbey lost their bomii 
in a few geuemtions (Priehard^s Nat, 
Hist, 0f MaUf p. 4B), 

3 Odyas, iv, 85. 



22 SNOWSTORMS OF NORTHERN EUROPE, ' Book IV. 

30. Here I must express my wonder — additions being what 
my work always from the very first affected ^ — ^that in Elis, where 
the cold is not remarkable, and there is nothing else to accomit 
for it, mules are never produced. The Eleans say it is in conse- 
quence of a curse */ and their habit is, when the breeding-time 
comes, to take tlieir mares into one of the adjoining countries, 
and tliere keep them till they are in foal, when they bring them 
back again into Elis. 

31. With respect to the feathers which are said by the 
Scythians to fill the air,^ and to prevent persons from pene- 
trating into the remoter parts of the continent, or even having 
any view of those regions, my opinion is, that in the countries 
above Scythia it always snows — ^less, of course, in the summer 
than in the winter-time. Now snow when it falls looks like 
feathers, as every one is aware who has seen it come down doee 
to him. These northern regions, therefore, are uninhabitable, by 
reason of the severity of the winter ; and the Scythians, with 
their neighbours, call the snow-flakes feathers because, I think, 
of the likeness which they bear to them. I have now related 
what is said of the most distant parts of this continent whereof 
any account is given. 

32. Of the Hyperboreans nothing is said either by the 
Scythians or by any of the other dwellers in these regions, 
unless it be the Issedonians. But in my opinion, even the 
Issedonians are silent concerning them ; otherwise the Scythians 
would liave repeated their statements, as they do those concern- 
ing the one-eyed men. Hesiod, however, mentions them,® and 
Homer also in the Epigoni, if that be really a work of hia' 



' UootrB^Kfi is more properly an addi- introduction of the mule chariot-raoe. 

tion tnan a dnfrfifsion. Probably this * Supra, ch. 7, ad fin. 

chapter was added at Thurii (see the * No mention of the Hyperbor«aiiB 

Introductory Essay, vol. i. ch. i. p. 27). appears in any extant work of Heaiod. 

< According to* Plutarch (Qusest. The passage referred to by HerodotoB 

Qrsec. vol. ii. p. 303) (Enomatis, kinx of was probably contained in the lost 

Elis, out of his love for horses, laid poem, entitled F^j wtpioios, (fit 

heavy curses on the breeding of mules Strabo, vii. p. 436.) 

in that coimtry. Both he, and Pausa- ^ Modem critics consider the Epigoni 

nias (V. v. § '2) vouch for the continued to have been composed a little later 

observance of the practice which Hero- than the time of UesiDd, t. e, about B.a 

dotus goeson to mention. Larcher (ad 750-700. (Vide Clinton's F. H. voL L 

loc.) conjectures that the curse of p. 384.) It was an epic poem, in 

(Enomaiis was the cause of the abolition hexameter verse, on the subject of the 

of the chariot-race at Olympia, in which second siege of Thebes by the sons of 

the cars were drawn by mules. But as those killed in the first siege. It was a 

(Enomaiis, according to the tradition, sequel^ another very ancient epic, the 

preceded Pelops (Strabo, viii. p. 515) his Thebais, which was upon the firat 

curse should rather have preventedf the Theban war. The first line of the 



CflAP. 30*03. 



ACCOUNT OF THE HYPERBOREANS. 



23 



I 






33, But the persons who have by far the most to say on this 
subject are the DeUans* They declare that certain ofierings, 
packed iu wheaten atrawj were brought from the com) try of the 
Hyperboreans^ into Sc)i;hia» and that the Scj^hians receiyed 
tbem and passed tbein on to their neighbours upoa the west^ 
who continued to pass them on, until at last they readied the 
Adriatic. From hence they were sent southwardj and when 
they came to Greece, were received first of all by the Dodo- 
naeans. Thence they descended to the Maliac Gulf, from which 
they were carried across into Eiilxeaj where the people handed 
them on from city to city, till they came at length to Carj^stus. 
The Carystians took them over to Tenosi, without stopping at 
Androe; and the Tenians bi-ought them finally to Deloe, Such, 
according to their own account^" was the road by which the 



Epigi^n] h preserved^ and provea tbid. 
It ran thus — 

(C^rU Horn. «t Ucs.) 
Man J very sndeiit write ra, amoag^ 
others, Quluiua (PtiUis^ui, ix. ix. 3)^ 
wcribed the po«m to Hom^r. In tlie 
judgment of PnuBimka {h s. c.) it vn», 
next to the Iliad and the OdysBe^* tUe 
hmt of the ancient Epics. 

• Very eUborate ai^counta have tj«eu 
given of the Hyperbore&nt both in An- 
cient and modem tiizieB^ He<^tfCU8 of 
Abdefa, a contemporaiy of Alexander the 
Ore^t, wrot^ a. book concerning them (flea 
Mmter's Fr. Hhi, Or. voh ii.pp. 384-8). 
They are, however* in reality not a hia- 
torieal, but an ideal nation. Tbe North 
Wind betog given a lod^l Hctkt m certain 
SMnurtutui called Rhiptean (froiQ ^iir^, 
*^ ft bliat '*), i^ ^^ Buppoied there mtist 
be a oountrj above tbe noith wind^ 
which would not be ooM, and which 
would hMve inhabitants. Ideal perfe^- 
tioiiB were gniduanj ascribed to this 
rpgioa. Aoi^rdm^ to Pindar, Herculea 
bponebt from it the olive , which grew 
thicUj there about the aourc«^ of tbe 
Hamibe (01, lii . 249 ). When the co iin try 
had been made thu« cbAituing^ it wo^ 
uaiuTal to attach good <iiuditiea to the 
inhaisitaata. Acconlini^^ly they were 
iDade worahippen of Apoilo ^Fiodarj 
I. B. c.)t obaeryera of juatlce (HeUan. 
Fr- M)f &Dd vegetarianH (ibid.). As 
geographical knowledge grew, it wus 
nciciramnr to aaaigii them a dijjtinct po^i- 
Moiif of to haniab them to the realma 
Cif tMe, Herod otufl preferred the 
■ mltcmatiTe, Dama£(tea the former, 
phwed them greatly to tbe 




north of Scythm, from xvhicb they were 
separated bj the countnea of the lase- 
dones and the Arimaapi, Soathwrnrd 
their boundary was the (supposed) 
HbtpEJcan mountain-chain * northward It 
was the ocean, {Fr, 1.) This armnge- 
mt*ot £iifilced for a time,. "Wnicn^ how- 
ever, it was diseovered that tio mountaju* 
chain ran a<:ro8s Europe above Bey thin, 
and that the Danube* instead of Hsing 
in the north (compai'e Fiod, Oh iii. 25, 
with Isth* vL 34), roie in the westj a 
new ]KieitIon had to be sought for the 
Hyperboreans^ and they were placed 
near the Italkn Alps (Posidon, Fr. 90, 
and compare below, note *), and con- 
founded with tbe Gaulu (Heraclid* Pout, 
ap. Flut, Cam. 22) and the Etruscans 
or Tarquinlana (HierocL Fr* 3)* A 
different, and probably a later tradition, 
thongh found in an earlier writer, ia 
that which aasignod them an isLtnd aa 
large as Sicily, lying towartis the north, 
over againtit the country of tbe Celts, 
fertile and varied in its productionSi 
poaaessed of a beautiful climate^ and 
enjoying two harveiita a year (Hecat« 
Abder. Fi\ 2). In thia island it is not 
dlfllcult to recognise our own country, 

* Calllmachus (Hymn, in Delum, 
284, &c.) follows the same tradition as 
Herodotus. Pausanias records a dif- 
ferent one. Accorrling to Mm^ the 
ofFeiinga paesed from the Hyperboreans 
to the Arimospip from them to the Iiiae* 
donians, thence to the Scyth^^ who con- 
Teyod them to Sinope^ wbeuce the 
Greeks padaed them on to Attics, from 
which they were brought to Deloa, 
(Pausan. i. xixi* § 2.) Athenian vanity 
seema to have invented this stozy, wMoh 



24 



THE PERPHEREEa 



Book IT, 



offeriDo^s reached the Delians* Two damsels, thev sav, named 
Hyperoch6 and Laodice, braiight the first offerings from the 
Hyperboreans ; and with them the Hyperboreans sent five men, 
to keep them from all harm by the way; these are the persons 
whom the Delians call " Perpherees,*' and tti whom great 
honours are paid at Delos, Aftenvards the Hyperboreans, 
when they found that their nieseengers did not return, thinking 
it would be a grievous thing always to be liable to lose tbe 
envoys they dioiild send, adopted the following plan : — they 
wrapped their ofleriiigs in the wheaten straw, and l>earing them 
to their borders, charged their neighbours to send them forward 
from one nation to another, which was done accorilingty, and iu 
this way the offerings reached Delos, I myself know of a 
practice like this, which obtains with the W(jmeu of Thrace and 
PfEonia* Tliey in their sacrifices to the queenly Diana bring 
wheaten etraw always with their offerings. Of my o^v^l know- 
ledge I can testify that thi?^ is so. 

34 The damsels sent by the Hyperboreans died in Belos; 
and in their hononr all the Delian girk and youths are wont to 
cut off their hair. The girls ^ bt*fore their marringe-day, cut off 
a Qurlj and twining it round a distafi^ lay it upon the grave of 
the etfangers. This graye is on tlie left as one enters the pre- 
(^inct of IHana, and hiw- an olive-tree growing on it. The youths 
wind same of their hair round a kind of grass, and, like the 
girlsj place it upon the tomb. Such are the honours paid to 
these damsels by the Uelians,^ 

35, They add that, once befotej there came to Delos by the 
same road as Hyperoehe and Laodicc, two other virgins from 
the Hyperboreans, whose names were Arge and Opis. H}i>e- 
roche and Laodicc came to bring to Ilithyia the offering which 
they had laid upon themselves, in acknowledgment of their 
quick labours ; - but Arge and Opis came at the same time as 



ibcc^rd« with the geogrupMeal tusheme 
of Danuuiteii, 

Kiffbubr (Romui Hist. toL i. p. 85, 
Et T.) regards bhe Herodotean ivcpouut 
Aithe getiuitie tradltioti^ and conjectures 
Uiftt the Hyperbo reams were '* H F^Im- 
gum tribe In Italy/" ftud ao of the tame 
religioo a» tbe Greeks — tbebr ofieiiDgiR 
wei^ jpueed rpund the Admtie, and mo 
the dreeki might imagLae thej canoe 
irom the far north. Ho remarks on the 
tmcee of the fixittenDC of Hyperboreans 
in Itdf (Steph. Bjz, iu voc. Ta^trerU^ 



UomcHdes in Pint, Cam ill, 22); and 
not^a that the title uf the cftrncrs, 
tl*p4>*p*tt (fTOm pftf^rri], !■ idmofit a 
Ijatin word* 

^ UAllimachua and pAuaj^uifls differ 
Slime wb At from Herodutua, but ooly in 
unimportAnt particiilara. 

* Ths Greek win tiot bear Lorcber's 
tTAnikiion— '' C«lleeH:i apportoient k 
IHtbve le ttibiit qu'ellea ^toieot chaig^ 
d'offrir pour le pminpt et botireox 
accouche meut det fnnmes de ieur pi*is.** 
It i$ uodoubtedlj^ tbeir own ^ttwraitia 



OoAF. 33-36. 



TALE OF ABARIS* 



25 



the p^ods of Del 09,^ and are honoured by the Deliaiis in a 
diflerent way. For the Delian women make collections in 
these maidens* names, and invoke them in the hymn which 
Olen, a Lycian, compoBed for them ; and the rest of the islanders, 
and oven the Ionia iis» have been tanght by the Dehans to dc* the 
lifce^ ThJB Olen, who came from Lycia, made the other old 
hymns also which are snng: in Delos.* The Delians add, that 
the ashes from the thigh-bonea burnt upon the altar are scat- 
tered over the tomb of Opis and Jirgi. Thoir tomb lies beliind 
the temple of Diana, facing the east, near the hanqueting-hall 
of the Ceians, Thus much then, and no more, concerning the 
Ilyperbore^ms* 

36. As for the tale of Abaris,* who is said to have been a 
Hyperborean, and to have gone with his arrow all round the 
world without once eating, I shall pass it by in silence. Thus 
much, however, is clear : if there are Hyperboreans, there must 
also be Hypemotians.^ For my part, I cannot but laugh when 
I see numbers of persons drawing maps of tbe world without 
having any reason to guide them ; making, as they do, the 
ocean-stream to run all roamd the earth, and tJie earth itself to 



tliat ie iutcti^cL Why in that CAse 
thef lire t^nued not only K^pm, but 
mtp9*Pm (oil. S-t), it la difficult to cou- 
ceive. Perliaps Het-odotufi meana tlial^ 
ihitj were unmsuried* Compare the 
expJres4itMi vap&tyioM i^SItto. in I'itid* UL 
tL 5J, and the PaitbenuH at t^parta 
(AriJtPol. V. Tf. 

* Apollo aod Diima. (Cf« Callimach. 
Hjmn. in Delum,) 

* OleOf ac£]ordmg to Pauiaiiiaa (ix. 
xxrii. 2>f i^&b tbo most anci&Dt earn- 
poaer of hjmua, preceding even Fam- 
phda aikd Orpheus, No ^agmenta of 
oi« bftDiis remamj but tbcir gtenerat 
chAiactcr maj be conjectured from the 
Boineric byixmsj aa well u from the 
fragmenta Ascribed to Oiphsus and 
Pamphds. (Plat, Cmtyl. p. 40l% E, ; 
Fhik«tTat. Heroic, p. 693.) They were 
in bexai0(fter versei and contiuucd to 
be iong dowD to the time of Pauaauiaa 
ii. xTiii. 5), It IB curious thai hia 
Lycian ortgin should be so strangly 
att«fft«d tie it k (Pauaan. ix. xxxU. ^ ; 
guidtB ad Toc,)t ainee hia pocma were 
tindoubtedly Greek. 

* Many ancient writere (im Plato, 
f^ttubo, Jamblichuii Celsoa, kc.) allude 
t^ the iUiry of Abaria the Hyperborean ■ 
bat Qone of them throw auy particular 
light oa itfl toedxiing or origiD. He was 



aaid to have reoeiTed from Apolloj 
whoBe prietit he had beeu in hh owu 
CDuntry^ a magic an^oir, upou whicb he 
couki cross streami, lakes, awauipii, and 
mountains (Jatublich. de Vjt. Pytb. 
III. f 91}* Thia arrow be gave to 
Pytht^orae, tvho in return taught him 
bU pliiltJBophy ^ibid.), OradTes and 
churniB under bU tmme appear to luiTe 
passed curreant among the Greeks (Schol, 
ad Ahstoph. Eq. 725; VilloisoUB Auecd, 
Gr. i. p. 20; Plat, Cbarm. p. I.-sa, B.) 
According to Pindar (ap, Harpocmt, ; 
cf. Buidaa in Toe. "A^opfr) he came into 
Greace iu tbe r^i^ of Crceeua. E use- 
bins (Chron. Can. ii. p. 3^)2) places him 
a little earlier. Probably he wasi like 
Anacbarei»t a Bcytbiao, who wished to 
make himself acquainted with Greek 
cuBtntus. [It hus been oonjectured that 
the arrow of Abi\riis h a mythical tra- 
ditioti of the luaguet, but It is hardly 
poaalble that 11 the polarity of the needle 
bud been known it should not have been 
more distinctly noticed* — H. C. R*] 

^ EratoiFtbeuea noticed the weakn«aB 
of this ai^gtiment (ap. Bti-ab. i. p. *J1), 
Herodotus cannot, even wbile combat- 
tug, escape altogether from the prevalent 
DOtioQ that in geogmphy there was 
some absolute symmetry ana parallelism* 



26 



PLAN OP THE WORLD. 



Book IV. 



be an exact circle, as if described by a pair of compasses,^ with 
Europe and Asia just of the same size. The truth in this matter 
I will now proceed to explain in a *very few words, making it 
clear what the real size of each region is, and what shape should 
be given them. 

37. The Persians inhabit a country upon the southern or 
Erythraean sea; above them, to the north, are the Medes; 
beyond the Medes, the Saspirians ;® beyond them, the Colchians, 
reaching to the northern sea, into which the Phasis empties 
itself. These four nations fill the whole space from one sea to 
the other.* 

38. West of these nations there project into the sea two 



^ That there is a special allusion to 
Hecatsua here seems very probable. 
(Vide supra, ii. 21, note.) The belief 
which Herodotus ridicules is not that of 
the world's spherical form, which had 
not yet been suspected by the Greeks, 



but a false notion of the configumtioa 
of the land on the earth's surfiace. The 
subjoined plan of the world according 
to Hecatseus, taken from Klausen, i«- 
presents with tolerable accuracy the 
view which Herodotus censures. 




Plan of the World aooordlng to HecaUeos. From Klansen. 

• Vide supra. Book i. ch. 104, note •. 

• Niebuhr (Geography of Herod, p, 



25, and map) supposes that these four 
nations must have been regarded by 
Herodotus as dwelling in a direct line 



from south to north. This is to take his 
words too strictly. Even if he never 
visited Ecbatana, he could scarcely be 
ignorant that Media lay north-west of 
Persia. 



Chap. 36-40. 



CHIEF TRACTS OF ASIA. 



27 



I 



I 



tracts* which I vriW now describe j one, beginning at tli© rirer 
FhastH on the north, strek-hesi along the Euxina and the Helles- 
pont to Sigeum in the Troaa ; while on the south it reaches from 
the Myriandrian gulf,^ which adjoins Phmnicia, to the Triopie 
promontory.^ This is one of the tracts, and is inhabited by 
thirtj^ different nationg;* 

39. The other starts from the country of the Peraians* and 
stretches into the Erythrfean sea, containing first Persia, then 
Assyria, and after Assyria, Arabia* It ends, that is to say it is 
considered to end, though it does not really come to a termina- 
tion,* at the Ambian gulf — the gulf where into Darius conducted 
the canal which he made from the NUe**^ Between Persia and 
Phoenicia lie^ a broad and ample tract of country, after which 
the region I am describing skirts our eea,' stretehiug from 
Phoenicia along the coast of Paleatine-Syria till it comes to 
Egypt, where it terminates. This entire tract contains but three 
nationa'' The whole of Asia west of the country of the Persians 
is comprised in these two regions. 

40. Bt^yond the tract occupied by the Persians, Medee, Sas- 
pirianSj and Colcliians, towards the east and the region of the 



1 We have mo single word for the 
Greek hcrh^ whicb meaiiB a tract jutting 
out to ft GotiaHler^ble flLatanc« uito the 
mm^ with one flidejoinmg the maiiilniid, 
Atticft (ti&iiifid probably from ita ghApe, 
Atlica being for Aciica) and lapygia 
were d«Toi— p«uiii»ul«B joined lo the 
tniiin by ah inthmuA w«re x^^^^*^^<>*- 

^ Or Buy <jf Ijjsiu^ Myrifttidru» wn^ 
A «iiiaU Phmtiician lettlemetit on the 
ao^lh«m aid*! of the gult It is moti- 
^a#d by Xenophon oh v^Aif uiKovfiiiHf} 
vwh ^twiKmr I A nab. I* iv. ^ H\ and by 
Scylax ft« Huplatf^oot ^m¥iitwv (PeripL 
p. $). Though tlie reading In Hero- 
ootiu is conjecttiml, it may, 1 thinkj 
Im n^jmtded as e^rt^n. 

• Conc^miiig the Triopic promontory^ 
•ee note ' on Book L ch. 144, and note ^ 
on Book I ch. 174. 

* The thirty natioiw intended by He* 
zwiotiiB would oeem to be the follow - 
iqg ^-^The Mooohi^ Tibareni, Miicrones^ 
Hotynmci, Mares, Akrodil, ArmeDianfir 
Cappadociani^ Mati^ni, PapblnjL^^oniiinaj 
Ctudjb^j Marian dyniaDAj, Bithymatis^ 
TbynivDii, ^olians* lonianii} Magne- 
wuoMf Dortaos, MyioftDfl, Lydians^ Ca^ 
rtuu, Cauiuans, Lyciana, Mllynns, Ca- 
baliiikit l^iBonlasiSf Hygemi<^, Phiy- 
giant, PamphylianB, and Ciliciajui. (See 



i. 2S, 111, 90-^,J4, &Dd vii. 72-79.) Or 
perhup^ we ah on Id retrench the Hygcn- 
nea, read very doubtfully iu iii. 90, and 
add the lAgjea from Tii« 72, 

^ Sinoe Egypt adjoinfl Arabia. (See 
Ch, 41.) 

^ Tluft was the completion of the 
cati^ which Neeo fuuurf it prudeot to 
deftittt from-re-opening, through feiir of 
the growing power of Babylon. It waa 
oHglnally a canal of KemewM IX^ which 
had been tilled up by the aandj M bap- 
peii^d occaeionally in after timee^ (Bee 
tj.' on Book ii, ch* 158.) Macrisi nTi 
very justly that it waa re-opencd by the 
Greek kmga, PtolenneJii luid It tfi fiui- 
gular tbat, though Herodotna expreaaly 
Bays it was open in hi a time, some have 
fuuciod that the Egyptians, the people 
moat versed In caual-'making, were in- 
debted to the Greeki for the coniple- 
tion of thia oiie to t!ie lied Sea, The 
notion of Macriei, that Adrinti alao re- 
opened tbi^s e^&tial, \vu< owing to a fre^h 
supply of water having been conduoted 



to it by the Amnia Trajan ii», -^-[2. W*l 
- - - - -^ Book I. 

cb. 185.) 



' The MediterraneaQ. (Sea 




The Ajwyriaoa (among whom the 
Pale^tiue Sifrians were i«cluded)i tbo 
ArnbiatiB, and the Pbocniciami* 



28 



BOUNDARIES OF ASU. 



Book IV. 



sunrise, Asia is bounded on the south by the ErythrsBan sea, and 
on the north by the Caspian and the river Araxes, which flows 
towards the rising sun.* Till you reach India the country is 
peopled; but further east it is void of inhabitants,* and no one 
can say what sort of region it is. Such then is the shape, and 
such the size of Asia. 

41. Libya belongs to one of the above-mentioned tracts, for it 
adjoins on Egypt. In Egypt the tract is at first a narrow neck, the 
distance from our sea to the Erythraean not exceeding a hundred 
thousand fathoms, or, in other words, a thousand furlongs ; * but 
from the point where the neck ends, the tract which bears the 
name of Libya is of very great breadth. 

42. For my part I am astonished that men should ever haye 
divided Libya, Asia, and Europe as they have, for they are ex- 
ceedingly unequal. Europe extends the entire length of the 
other two,^ and for breadth will not even (as I think) bear to 
be compared to them. As for Libya, we know it to be washed 
on all sides by the sea, except where it is attached to Asia. 
This discovery was first made by Necos,* the Egyptian king, 



• Niebuhr (Geograph. of Herod, p. 
2i>-26) concludes from this passage, com- 
bined with ch. 202 of Book i., that Hero- 
dotus imagined the Araxes {Anis) to send 
a branch into the Caspian, while at the 
same time the main stream flowed 
onwards in an easterly direction below 
and beyond the Caspian, and terminated 
on the confines of India in a marsh. I 
incline to suspect a mere lapsus, by 
which Herodotus has made the river 
run east, when he meant to say that it 
ran west. 

* Vide supra, iii. 98, note. 

2 In like manner Pliny (Hist. Nat. v. 
11) reckons 125 Koman miles (= lOOO 
stades) from Pelusium to Arsiuoo, which 
occupied the site of Suez. Modem 
surveys show that the direct distance 
across the isthmus is not so much as 
80 miles (English), or under 700 stades. 
(See note ® on Book ii. ch. loS.) 

3 Herodotus made the Phasis, Cas- 
pian, and Araxes, the boundary be- 
tween Europe and Asia. In this ho 
departed from Hecatscus, who, as is 
clear from his Fragments, regarded 
the Tanais as the boundai'y-line. (See 
especially Fragm. lOG and I'JS.") The 
later geogi-aphers, Scylax (Peripl. p. 
74;, Strabo (xi. 1, § l), &c., folk wed 
Hecata)us — and so the modems gene- 
rally. Recently, however, the Rus- 



sians have determined to consider the 
Ural River, the Caspian, and their own 
Georgian frontier as the boundary. 

** We may infer, from Neco's or- 
dering the Phccnicians to come round 
by the " Pillars of Hercules," that the 
form of Africa waa alrendy known, 
and that this waa not the first expedi- 
tion which had gi^ne round it. The 
fact of their seeing the sun rise on 
their right as they returned north- 
wards, which Herodotus doubted, is 
the very proof of their having gone 
round the Cape, and completed the 
circuit. He afterwards mentions (ch. 
43) another expedition which set out 
by the Mediterranean, but which was 
given up. But the Phoenicians sent 
by Neco were not the only succesa- 
ful circiunnavigators of Africa; and 
Hanno, a Carthagiuiau, went round it, 
going through the Pillars of Hercules, 
and touching at Gades 'Cadiz), and 
returning by the end of the Arabian 
Gulf. (Plin. ii. 07; and Arrian, Rer. 
Indie, at end.) He founded several 
towns on the cuuat, none of which 
remained in the time of Vespasian. 
Major Rennell (p. 738) thinks that he 
only navigated the western coast of 
Africp-, and that tlie tenn of his voyage 
was "at Sierra Leone, or at Sherbro', 
and far more probably the latter.** 



Chap. 40 42. CIRCUMNAVIGATION BY ORDER OF KECO. 



29 



who on desisting from the ciatial which lie lutd begun between 
the Nile and the Arabian Gulf,^ sent to sea a nninber of sbipa 
manned by Phoeniciansj with orders to make for the Pillars of 
Hercnltfi,'^ and retnm to Egypt through them, and by the 
Mediterranean."^ The Phoenicians took their departure from 
Egypt by way of the Erythraean Sea> and ao sailed into the 
sonthem ocean. When autumn came^ they went ashore, wher- 
ever they might happen to be, and having mwn a tract of land 
with Ci jrUj waiti' J imtil the grain was fit to cut.^ Having reaped 
it, they again set sail ; and thus it came to pass that two whole 
years went by, and it was not till the third year that they 
doubled the Pilhirs of Hercules, and made good their voyage 
home. On tlieir return, they declared — I for my part do not 
believe them, but perhaps others may— that in sailing round 
Libya they liad the sun upon their right hand.^ In this way 
was the extent of Libya fii3t discovered. 



¥ 



Piiny alBO mentions a G&ttAin Eu<taxiiii, 
a contemporaiT of Ptolemy Latbyrne, 
hf whom lie wan probably icntj TAther 
than " cum Latbiurmu regem fugerfji^*' 
wbip wdtit rounil from the Ambijm Q\ht 
to QAdm ; acd othem wem reported to 
bare performed the same voyage for 
commercial purpo»ea (PUd. ib,). Tb^ 
«l^)edkioii af Haouo dates some time 
amr that f>f Neco^ who baa the credit 
of diaoov^riiig the Cape and the form 
&i Aftiai^f 21 centuries before Dinz 
mad TawQ de Gama. The former woe 
for commercial purpoaea conBectod with 
India, the latter to aeitb a geographical 
qu«vtioii^ afi k our modem *' N.W, 
pana^/^— [O, W.] 

' Tide supra^ ii. 153, 

* Tbflj were ao called^ not from 
ihm Greek hero^ but from the Tyrian 
deity, whose worship waa alwaja in* 
troduced by the Pboenicians in their 
vettlementi. Some sapjpo«& the two 
piilan in the Temple of Hercules {<m 
tbe Spanish conat) had their name 
trwEtsferred by mistake to the twD hills 
Ckf Cy |)e aiid AhyU^ on oach aide of the 
■t^tii* Herodotus evidently coiifliderB 
them cm the Africau aa well aa SpriniEh 
ctOMt (lY, 181, 185; see Diou. Peri eg. 
i«q. 73, and eomp. Eustath. PUu. 
Pt^tn- ; Strab. iii. 116 aeq.). 

Stertw says the PiJlara were thought 

io be at the end of the stmits, 

at Oades ( rdCSt^pa), by some 

l^fond tills ; by others to be 

CbJpe ^OibraltarK and Abihi {^A&^h'nt 

•A0fAiy, or'h^vKvif, Abila (^now Apes- 





hill) being the African mountain oppo- 
Bite Calpe. Many aay these hill-i are at 
the Htmts ; others that they are two 
brazeu columns, 8 cubita high, ia the 
Temple of Hereules at fiades, which 
Poaidoujusthioka most probable, Strabo 
not. Plato (Tim, p. 469) speaks of 
that mouth called Pillars of Herculea ; 
Strabo (tii, 96) of the iaflm of the sea 
at the Pillars and the town of Cdpe* 
(Cp. the Oaditanum fretum of Plinyj 
iii. 1 .) The dollauB of Spain have hence 
been called cotonjiitt, and have two 
columns on them. Strabo says the 
Temple of Hei-cules at Qadofi watt on 
the east side of the is.liU]d nearest tht 
mainland.^G, W.] 

"^ In the original^ "the northera 
sea" — so called here as washing Libya 
upon the north, and in contraat with 
the '* Bouthem *' or Indian Ocean. 
(Compare ii, 11,) 

* This ig leas Burprising ia an African 
cEtuatc, where barley, doom (hole us 
sorghum), pean, &c., are reaped ia from 
3 months to 100 days after sowings and 
vegetables in 50 or 60 days. ETen Ta- 
merlane (as Hennell obaarrea)^ in his 
preparation i for marching into China, 
included com for sowiug the Ixmds-— 

* Here the faithful reporting of what 
he did not himself imagine true has 
stood our author in good stead. Few 
would have believed the PbcBmeiaa 
qircumnavi^ition of Ainca hatl it nut 
been vouch lhI for by this dii?covery, 
Wlien Merodotus ia blamjed for repeat- 



30 VOYAGE OP SATASPES. Book IV. 

43. Next to these Phoenicians the Carthaginians, according to 
their own accounts, made the voyage. For Sataspes, son of 
Teaspes the Achaemenian, did not circumnavigate Libya, though 
he was sent to do so ; but, fearing the length and desolateness 
of the journey, he turned back and left unaccomplished the task 
which had been set him by his mother. This man had used 
violence towards a maiden, the daughter of Zopyrus, son of 
Megabyzus,^ and Eang Xerxes was about to impale him for the 
offence, when his mother, who was a sister of Darius, begged 
him off, undertaking to punish his crime more heavily than the 
king himself had designed. She would force him, she said, to 
sail round Libya and return to Egypt by the Arabian Gulf. 
Xerxes gave liis consent ; and Sataspes went down to Egypt, 
and there got a ship and crew, with which he set sail for tiie 
Pillars of Hercules. Having passed the Straits, he doubled the 
Libyan headland, known aa Cape Soloeis,* and proceeded south- 
ward. Following this course for many months over a vast 
stretch of sea, and finding that more water than he had crossed 
still lay ever before him, he put about, and came back io Egypt 
Thence proceeding to the court, he made report to Xerxes, that 
at the farthest point to which he had reached, the coast was 
occupied by a dwarfish race," who wore a dress made from the 
palm-tree.* These people, whenever he landed, left their towns 
and fled away to the mountains ; his men, however, did them 
no wrong, only entering into their cities and taking some of 
their cattle. The reason why he had not sailed quite round 
Libya was, he said, because the ship stopped, and would not go 
any fiulher.* Xerxes, however, did not accept this account 



ing the absurd stories which he had <poiyiicfiiost in that sense, 

been told, it should be considered what ^ It has been conjectured (Schlich- 

we must have lost had he made it a thorst, p. 184), with much reason, that 

rule to reject from his History all that Sataspes reached the coast of Guinea 

he thought unlikely. (See the Intro- in the early part of the summer, and 

ductory Essay, vol. i. pp. 81-82.) there fell in with the well-known 

* Vide supra, iii. 160. southerly trade-wind, to avoid which 
' The modem Cape Spartel. (See n. our vessels on going out stand across 

ch. 32, Book ii.) to the South American continent. 

* This is the second mention of a These winds continuing for many months 
dwarfish race in Africa (see above, without cessation, he at last gave up his 
ii. 32). The description is answered voyage in despair, and returned home, 
by the Bosjeiruins and the Dokos^ who The previous circumnavigation of Africa 
may have been more widely extended had been in the opposite direction, 
in early times. from Suez round the Cape to the 

* So Larcher and Schweighacuser. Straits of Gibraltar, and had therefore 
Biihr and Beloc translate ^oiviKvitovs been advantaged, not impeded, by the 
by "red" or "purple." But Hero- "trades." 

dotus always uses ^oivUcos, never 



Cmp, 43, 44. 



TOYAGE OF SCYL.iX. 



31 



for true ; and so 8ataspes, as he had failed to accomplish the 
taak set him, \\m impaled by the king's orders in aecordanco 
with the fonner sentence-* One of hm eunuchs, on hearing of 
his death, ran away ^vitli a great portion of his wealth, and 
reached Samos, where a certain Samian seized the whole, I 
know the man's name well, but I sliali wOlingly foi^et it here. 

44. Of the greater part of Asia Darius was the discoTeren 
Wishing to kuow where the Indus (which is the only river save 
one ^ that produces crocodiles) emptied itself into the sea, he 
sent a number of men, on whose truthfulness he could rely, and 
among them Scylax of Caryanda," to sail down the riven They 
started from the city of Caspatyrus,* in the region called Pae- 
tyica, and sailed down the stream in an easterly direction * to 
ttie sea. Here they turned westward, and, after a Toyage of 
thirty months, reached the place from which the Egy])tian king, 
of whom I ^ke above, sent the Phcenicians to sail roimd 
Ubya,^ After this voyage was completed, Darius conquered 



I 



• The fate of Sir Walter lUleigli 
filJltHli«B& curious poralkl to tkk, (S^ 
fitUM'f Hiit^ry of England, vol. v, 

T That i*, the Kile. Vide supra, 

[He (io«« tioit reckon tbe river in 
C«iitnl Africa, though it h»d croco- 
4ilet (Book ii. ah. 32 ), ebce it wan 
rapDO^ b^ iome to b9 the tame ae the 

wiL^Q, w:] 

• OujsQcIa wM ft plme on or near 

t]]« Canan coast. (Scyl PeripL p. 91 ; 

Stmbo, my. p. 941 ; Steph. Byz. in voa. 

Kap^avJt^) It has beeo supposed th^t 

tl&ere were two cities of tb$ niuDe (Diet. 

of Greek and Romau Geogr, toL i, p. 

5b5X <>z^ on the nmmluidf the othor 

on an island oppodte; but the heat 

uotborxtiai know only of onc^ which in 

mk as iaUnd off tbe coimt. Tho cod< 

tinflDtel Caiyauda m an inveotion of 

Plinj^a (H. N. v, 29), whom Blela followa 

^16). CftiyKudft wu a n&tiire city, not 

a <^f«ek aettletneiit. mm CoL Mure sup- 

poMB. (Lit, of Greece, vol. It. p. 140. 

Sm ScyUx^ Ka^iifavBa rriiro% xak wiM$ 

mal aWit' ^ t d i K g p f f . ) Tbe island 

lay be4w««ii Myndua and Bargj-liflj ou 

the i^Tth ooaat of the Myudian or 

Balioeaiiaeraan Peninsula, It ie said 

to bft now a pemnaula, being "joined 

to 1^ nuuii by u narrow fl^idy kth- 

mna." Thwe la a fbe harhour, called 

^^^ Turta p«Ma Limmi (Leake^a 

A«fc Minor, p, 227). 



The Periplut, which has aome down 
to ua uuder. the name of Sc^lax^ m 
tnanifeetly not the work of thu early 
writer, but of one who lived about 
tbe time of Philip of Macedon, (See 
Niebulir'a paper in the Denkaohrift. 
d. Berlin. Acatl. 18(14*1811, p, H3, and 
Ikis Kleine Hiat. Schrift. i, p. 10^ ; alao 
KkusanV work^ Hecat, Mil, frogmentfti 
ScylncLB Caryand. Periplus, Berlin, 1831^ 
p. 'l5iK) A very few fragments remain 
of the geiiuioe Scvlax, (See vol. t p. 
40, note*) 

■ Vide ifupni, iij. 102, 

1 The real course of the Indus ia 
(somewbat ^rcat of aouth. The error 
of Herod otua arose perhapi froni the 
Cnbul river bemg miatakeu for tbe 
true Indiia, The courao of thia atrean), 
befoi<e ita jimotion vnih the Indna at 
Attocfc, is from N.W, by W. to 8.E. 
by E* Uerodotus'a informantti pro- 
bably kuew thiflf and imagined the 
easterly bearing of the rirer to con- 
tinue. Still both they and Herodotua 
muist bave known that tbe fnain di- 
rection of the stream waa aoutheriy; 
otberwiee it could ncTor haYo tieadied 
the Erythncan or S^iMem Sra. (flTipT% 
ch* 37). Niebuhr*a map (Geography 
of Herod.) ia particularly unsatiafac' 
tory OD tbia point. Aocording to it, 
Scylax on reaching the aea must have 
tum^idt not westward, but southwm^^ 

2 Vide supra, ch. 42, 



32 



BOUNDARIES OF EUROPE. 



Book IV. 



the Indians,^ and made use of the sea in those parts. Thus all 
Asia, except the eastern portion, lias been found to be similarly 
circumstanced with Libya.* 

45. But the boundaries of Europe are quite unknown, and 
there is not a man who can say whether any sea girds it round 
either on the north * or on the east, while in length it undoubtedly 
extends as far as both the other two. For my part I cannot 
conceive why three names, and women's names especially, should 
ever have been given to a tract which is in reality one, nor why 
the Eg^-ptian Nile and the Colchian Phasis (or according to 
others the Maeotic Tanais and Cimmerian ferry)* should have 
been fixed upon for the boundary lines ; ' nor can I even say 



• The conquest^ of the Indians, by 
which we are to understand the re- 
duction of the Punjaub, and perhaps 
(though this is not certain) of Scinde, 
preceded as may be proved by the 
Inscriptions) the Scythian exi>edition. 
India, which is not contained among 
the subject-provinces enumerated at 
Behistun, appears in the list upon the 
great platform of Persepolis, where 
there is no mention of the Western 
Scythians. These last are added upon 
the tomb-inscription at Xakhsh-i-Rus- 
tarn, under the designation of "the 
Sacaj beyond the sea." (Compare Beh. 
Inscr. col. i. par. 0, with Lassen's 
Inscript. I. p. 4J, and Sir H. Kawlinson's 
Inscr. No. 0, pages 197, 280, and 294 
of the Ist volume of Sir H. Rawlinson's 
Behistun Memoir.) 

• Limited, that is, and circumscribed 
by fixed boundaries. 

^ See Book iii. ch. 1 15, sub fin. 

• Here again, as in ch. 12, Larcher 
translates '* la ville de Porthmies Cim- 
m^riennes." How a town can serve as 
a boundary-line he omits to explain. 
Herodotus undoubtedly intends the 
Strait of Jenikaleh. 

^ The earliest Greek geographers di- 
vided the world into two portions 
only, Europe and Asia, in the latter 
of which they include^! Libya. This 
was the division of Hecata>u3. (See 
Miiller s Preface to the Fr. Hist. Gr. 
vol. i. p. X., and compare Mure's Lit. of 
Greece, vol. iv. p. 147. See also above, 
ch. 36, and note ad loc.) Traces of 
it appear amonsj Greeks later than He- 
rodotus, as in the Fragments of Ilippias 
of Elis, who seems to have made but 
these two continents -Fr. 4), and in 
the Panegyric of Isocrates p. 179, ed. 
Baiter;. The threefold division was. 



however, far more generally received 
both in his day and afterwards. nTide 
supra. iL 16, 17, and see the geographen, 
passim.) It is curious that in Roman 
times we once more find the double 
division, with the difference that Africa 
is ascribed to Europe. (Sallust. BeU. 
Jug. 17, § 3. Comp. Varro de Long. 
Lat. V. 31, and Agathemer, ii. 2, 
ad fin.) 

With respect to the boundaries of 
the continents, it appears that in the 
earliest times, when only Europe and 
Asia were recognised, the Phasis, which 
vrna regarded as running from Uie Om- 
pian — <i gulf of the circumambient ocean 
— into the Euxine, was accepted as the 
true separator between the two con- 
tinents. Agathemer ' calls this "the 
ancient view'* (i. 1), and it is found, 
not only in Herodotus, but in .^Eschy- 
lus (Prom. Solut. Fr. 2, rp /iir 8/8v/Aor 
X^ovhs Evpvwris /ir/oK ^8' *A<rlat r4^iio»a 
^daty). We may gather from Dionysius 
vPerieg. 20,21) that it continued among 
the lat«r Greeks to dispute the g^una 
with the more ordinary theory, which 
Herodotus here rejects— that the Pa- 
lus Mseotis and the Tanais were the 
boundary. This latter view is adopted, 
however, almost exclusively by the 
later vr iters. \Ct Scylax, Peripl. p. 72; 
Strabo, ii. p. 168; Plin. H. X. lii. 1; 
Arrian, Peripl. P. E. p. 131; Ptolem. 
ii. 1; Dionys. Perieg. 14; Mela, i. 3; 
Anon. Peripl. P. E. p. 133; Agathemer, 
ii. 6; Armen. Geograph. § 16, &c.) 
Ptolemy, with his usual accuracy, adds 
to it, that where the Tanais fails the 
boundary is the meridian produced 
thence northwards. In modem times 
Europe has recovered a portion of what 
it thus lost to Asia, being extended 
eastward first to the Wolga, and more 



Chap, 45. 



DERITATIONS OF THE THREE NAMES. 



83 



who gave the three tmcte their names, or whence they took the 
epithets. Aceonling to the Greeks in general, Libya was so 
called after a certain Libya^ a native womau,'* and Asia after the 
wife of Prometheus, The Lydians, however, put in a claim to 
the latter name,® which, they declare, was not derived from Asia 
the wife of Frometbeus, but from Asies, the son of Cotys, and 
grandson of Manesj who also gave name to the tribe Asias at 
Sardia. As for Europe, no one can say whether it is surrounded 
by the sea or not, neither is it known whence the name of 
Europe was derived,^ nor who gave it name, unless we say that 
Europe was so called after the Tyrian Europe,^ and before her 
time was nameless, like the other di>^3ions. But it is certain 
that Europe was an Asiatic, and never even set foot on the land 
which the Greeks now call Europe, only sailing from Phcenicia 
to Crete, and from Crete to Lycia, However let us quit these 
matteiu We shall oui^elves continue to use the names ^ which 
custom sanctions. 



momtlj to the Ural river. Tlie queation 
of tte boundary-line between Asia and 
Airier b^ been already treated [wm 
Book y» cb. 17, note i"), 

* Of the Libya ht^re ineoticnied as 
a '* oativg woman " we have no other 
«^o\int. Androu *>f HuHcarimsftua made 
Libyii, like Asia iiad Enropd, a daugbter 
of Ooflftaiu (Fr. I ), Otbera derived tho 
tliTio Dometi from tliree men, Europna, 
AMtis, and LibyuB (Euetath. ad Dion. 
Per* 170), Tbero wiia oo uniform tra^ 
dition oix th& acibject. 

» Sf!«vol. i. Essay i. p. 28S/289. Tim 
wu the Tiew of Lycopbron (Euat^tih. 
»d DionyB. Peri^. 210). 

*■ The xiam» of Europe ia evidently 
trnkfin CroM the Semitic word ereb (tbe 
.&j«bio gharb;, tbe "western" laud 
•crai^t for and colonisced B^m Fbco- 
mm. (Seo n. ^ on Eo^k ii. ch, 44.) — 
[O.W.1 

' According to Hegeiippua (Fr. 6) 
tbero were three Europe — one a daogb- 
ter of Ocean, anotber a Phajniciau 
prinoesa, the daughter of Ageaor, and 
tb« tMrd a native of Thrace, in search 
4£ wiiom Cadmua left Asia. Ue derivea 
tjba Bame ^f Europe &om the last ; 
Bippka (Fr, 4) and Andron (L a* c,) 
deih^ it &om tbe Erst ; Herodotui and 
Svut^i^iui &oin the aecond. ^See Eua- 
tattli* fed Dion. Per. t a. e.) 

' Tb«qu«atton of wbeoce theac namea, 

two of wMch atiU continue in use^ were 

L re^y derived, h one of some interest. 



There are grounda for belieTing Enropa 
and Asia to have originaJly eigoMed 
*'the weat" and "the e«|" reepoo- 
tively. Both are Semitic terms^ and 
probiibly ^aaed to tbe Q reeks from tbe 
PhcGiiiciana. Europe is the Hebrew 
3iy» the Assyrian ere\ tbe Greek 
"E^^iSoSj the Arabic Ghnrh and Arab. It 
aiguifies "ietting," "the west," 'Mwk' 
neaa.** Asia ia from the Hebrew HY* 
(whence i<^D, "tbe eaat'*), Aaayrian 
am, "to riae," or "go forth." It ia 
an acQectiyal or parti ejpial form fmm 
this root (eomp. K'X\ U Chr, XXJCXL 
31) J and thus Bigaiftes "going forth," 
"riaing/' or "the eaaC The Greeka 
firflt applied tbe title to that portion of 
the eastern cositineDt which lay nearoat 
them, and with which they be<»une fiivt 
aog[aainted— the coast of Aaia Mioor 
opposite the Cycladea ■ whence they 
extended it as tbeir knowledge grew. 
Still it had al\^yb a apecial application 
to the country about Epbeeua. With 
regard to Libya, it Is perhaps moat 
probable that tbe Qreeka flrat called 
tbe south or aoutli-waat wind xt^a, 
because it brought intmiure {kl&a, oomp- 
Xfi^)i and then when they found n 
land from which it blew, called that 
land Libya; not meaning "the moht 
land," ^hicb would be a mianemer, but 
**tbe mulham land/' The jOonnexion 
with tbe Hebrew Lubim, 0^3 P pan. xl 
4a; Nahum iii. 9)^ who are probably 
D 



34 



DARIUSrS INVASION OP THE SCYTHIANS. Book IV. 



46. The Euxine sea, where Darius now went to war, has 
nations dwelling around it, with the one exception of the 
Scythians, more unpolished than those of any other region that 
we know of. For, setting aside Anacharsis^ and the Scythiui 
people, there is not within this region a single nation which can 
be put forward as having any claims to wisdom, or which has 
produced a single person of any high repute. The Scythians 
indeed have in one respect, and that* the very most important 
of all those that fall under man's control, shown themselyes 
wiser than any nation upon the face of l!he earth. Their customs 
otherwise are not such as I admire.^ The one thing of which I 
speak, is the contriyance whereby they make it impossible for 
the enemy who invades them to escape destruction, while they 
themselves are entirely out of his reach, unless it please them 
to engage with him. Having neither cities nor forts, and carry- 
ing their dwellings with them wherever they go ; accustomed, 
moreover, one and all of them, to shoot from horseback ; * and 



the modem NubiaxiB (see Beechey's Ex- 
pedition, p. 58), is very doubtful. 

The derivation of the Liatin term 
"Africa," which we use instead of 
Libya, is peculiarly obscure. Alexander 
Polyhistor quotes a Jewish writer whom 
he calls Cleodemus, and appears to 
identify with the prophet MaJachi, as 
deriving the word from Epher, ID};, a 
grandson of Abraham and Keturah 
(Fr. 7; cf. Gen. xxv. 4). Josephus 
adopts the same view (Antiq. Jud. i. 
15). Leo suggests two derivations : one 
from the Arable root fwrak, Heb. p^S, 
" to break off, separate, rend asunder ;" 
the other from a certain Arabian king 
Iphric or IphricuSy who was driven out 
of Asia by the Assyrians. These accounts 
do not deserve much attention. Perhaps 
the term Afri was the real ethnic ap- 
pellation of the tribe on whose coast the 
Carthaginians settled, and hence the 
Romans formed the word Africa; or 
more probably it was a name which the 
Phcenician settlers gave to the natives, 
connected with the Hebrew root fiTlS, 
and meaning "nomads," or "savages." 
(Compare the terms Numidsc and Nu- 
midia.) It is to be noted that the name 
was always applied espf dally to the tract 
bordering upon Carthage. (Plin. H. N. 
V. 4; Mela, i. 7 ; Agathemer, ii. 5 ; Leo 
Afric. i. 1, fto.) 

* Concerning Anaoharsis, see below, 
ch. 76. 

^ It was a £Mhion among the Greeks 



to praise the simplicity and honesty 
of the nomade races, who were Um 
civilised than themselves. Homer had 
done so in a passage which poasibly 
referred to ^ese very Scythians: 

kymm¥ IwiyMAyMV, 

irwK 

IlIad.zlU.e. 

.Aschylus had commended them aft 

i««Bun|c ^pwTfpcc, «vvoifcO( 2cv#s«. 

From. SoL Fr. la 

In later times Ephorus made them the 
subject of a laboured panegyiio. (See 
the Fragm. Hist. Gr. vol. i. p. 74, 
Fragm. 76; and compare Nio. Dam. 
Fr. 123.) Herodotus intends to imA 
his dissent from such views. 

* It is curious that the S<nrtliian 
remains discovered at Kertch do not 
give an example of a Scythian bow 




Chap, 40, 47, 



RIVERS OF SCYTHIA, 



Imng not by Ivusbandry but on their cattle, their wagons the 
only houses that they posse sa,^ how can they fiiil of Leiog uncon- 
queimble, and unassailable even? 

47, The nature of their country, and the rivers by which it is 
mterseeted, greatly favour this mode of resisting attacks. Fop 
the land is level, well watered, and abounding in pasture ; * 
while the rivers which traverse it are almost equal in number to 
the canals of Egypt. Of these I shall only mention the most 
famous and such as are navigable to some distance from the sea. 
They are, the Ister^ which has five mouths;^ the Tyras, the 

•rdier, altlioiagh tbey »how the mode i f Pigs. 2 und 3), not very uuUke tbe c*ra- 
in which the Scythj used the javelm Tan* of our wealthy gypdea. The eub- 
on horaebMjk^ uid in which they ehot joliked ^repi:efl«ntatioD« of Tatar vehieles 
their arrowfi on foot. i^re from the works of Faltaa (Figs, 1 

ilid 9), and of Mr. Oliphant (Fi^ . 3). 



*»'!'i*4t:^^''f:X 



^1k.1. 



I 




' Compare the earlier description of 
^ftcbylus :-^ 

y*l«ip<ruK Huobv* tit' 9vicvkAo%% oj^oii, 

Pnitn. Vlnct. T J4-t3*. 
Hipiocratea^ who visited Scythk a gene- 
rmt^n later thaa Herodotus^ gave a 
iiQiUAr aocountj adding the fact thivt 
the Sbythimn wagoas were either foxir^ 
wbeded or aiJi-wbeeled. (De Aero, 
Aoui, «i Lock, ^ 44, p. dh3.) 

li may b« doubted whether the an- 
oient Scythkna really llTed entirely in 
their wagons. Mora probably their 
wtfpiOB euried a teut, oonolHting of a 
Imn ftamewoi^ of wood eoTered with 
Mt or matting (Fig. IV which could 
fee readily transfeTred from tbe wheels 
to the ^oiind, and rice vcts^, Thia 
at leaAt la the case with the modem 
K<]fai and Kundim; Tatara, who how< 
eT«r me also a sort of ooirered cart 





M^ ^ m ^i ».■* ■* 



Fip. 1. 



* Tbe paaturo is now not good, <*%- 
cepting In the immediabe Tidnity af tbe 
rivers ; otherwise the picture drawn of 
the country accords exactly with tbe 
accounts given by modem traTellerH^ 
The esttreioe flatness of the whole region 
is especially aoted. De Hell speaks of 
tbe "cheerless aspect of these vaat 
plaLnSf with nothing to vary tbeir lurface 
but the tumuli r And with no other 
boundaries than the sea/' (Traveta^ p» 
S8. E. T.) Dr. Clarke says, *' All tbe 
south of Russia, from the Dnieper to 
the Volga^ ftod CTen to the tenitoriefl of 
the Rii^ssiim and Thibet Tartars {?), 
with all the north of the Crimea, ia one 
flat uncultivated deoolate waste, form- 
ing, aa it were^ a teriei of tho^o destsrti 
beiiring the name of 8T^Fi:sJ ' ( Travelft 
in Russia, La., p. 306,) 

» 9o Ephoms (Fr, 77), Arrian (Pe- 
ripL p. E. p. 135), and the Anonymous 
PeripU R E. (p, 155); but Pliny (H.N. 
IT, 12) and Mela (ii» 7) mention aii 
mouths, while Strabo (tH. p. 441) and 
Solinus (c. 19) have seven. Them 
wonld no douht be perpetual obangee. 
At pre«ient the number is but four, 

D 2 



36 THE ISTER. Book IV. 

Hypanis, the Borysthenes, the Panticapes, the Hypacyris, the 
Grerrhus, and the Tanais.^® The courses of these streams I shall 
now proceed to describe. 

48. The Ister is of all the rivers with which we are acquainted 
the mightiest. It never varies in height, but continues at the 
same level summer and winter. Counting from the west it is 
the first of the Scythian rivers, and the reason of its being the 
greatest is, that it receives the waters of several tributaries. 
Now the tributaries which swell its flood are the following : firsts 
on the side of Scythia, these five — ^the stream called by the 
Scythians Porata, and by the Greeks Pyretus, the I'iarantus, the 
Ararus, the Naparis, and the Ordessus.^ The first-mentioned is 
a great stream, and is the easternmost of the tributaries. The 
Tiarantus is of less volume, and more to the west. The Ararus, 
Naparis, and Ordessus fall into the Ister between these two. All 
the above-mentioned are genuine Scythian rivers, and go to 
swell the current of the Ister. 

49. From the coimtry of the Agathyrsi comes down another 
river, the Maris,* which empties itself into the same ; and &om 
the heights of Haemus descend with a northern course three 
mighty streams,^ the Atlas, the Auras, and the Tibisis, and pour 
their waters into it. Thrace gives it three tributaries, the 
Athrys, the Noes, and the Artanes, which all pass through the 
country of the Crobyzian Thracians.* Another tributary is 
furnished by Pajonia, namely, the Scius ; tliis river, rising near 

*° For the identification of these rivers it is untrue to say that any great rivers 

see below, chs. 51-57. descend from the northern skirts of 

^ For the etymology of these names, Mount Hsemus (the modem Balkan). 

see the Appendix, Essay ii. * On the It is almost impossible to decide to 

Ethnography of the European Soyths.' which of the many small streams run- 

With respect to the identification of the niug from this mountain range the 

rivers, that the Porata is the iVwM, names in Herodotus apply. The Scius, 

would seem to be certain. Probably however, which is no doubt the Otcius 

the Tiarantus is the Aiuta, in which of Thucydides (ii. 96), and the (Escus 

case the Arams will be the Sereth, the of Pliny (Hist. Nat. iii. 26), may be 

Kaparis the Fraoca or Jahmnitza, and identified, both from its name and poai- 

the Ordessus the Arditch, (See Nie- tion, with the Isker, The six rivers, 

buhr's Scythia, p. 39, E. T.) The therefore -— the Atlas, Auras, Tibiflia, 

names Arditch and Sereth may be cor- Athrys, Noes, and Artanes — have to be 

ruptions of the ancient appellations. found between the Isker and the sea. 

2 This must certainly be the modem They may be conjectured to represent 

Marosch, a tributary of the Thciss, which the Taban, Drista^ Kara Lorn, Jantru, 

runs with a course almost due west from Osma, and Vid. 

the eastern Carpathians, through Tran- * The Crobyzi are supposed to be a 

sylvania into Hungary. The Theiss Slavic population, and the same men- 

apparently was unknown to Herodotus, tioned by Strabo, vii. 461, and Plin. iv. 

or regarded as a tributary of the Maris. 12. The name is thought to be retained 

• Mannert (Geograph. vii. p. 8) pro- in the Krivitshi, a tribe of Russia. — 

poses to read ob /AtydKoi ; and certainly [Q. W.] 



Chaf. 47-50. 



THE ISTER AND NILE COMPARED. 



37 



» 



k 



Mount Khodope, forces its way through the chain of Hcemus,* 
and so reaches the Ister. From Illyria comes another .stream, 
the Angnis, which has a course from south to norths and after 
watering the Triballian plain, falls into the Brongus, which falls 
into the Istcr,'* So the Ister is augmented by these two streams, 
both considerable. Besides all these, tije Ister receiyes also the 
waters of the Carpis^ and the Alpis*, two rivers running in a 
northerly direction from the conntr}^ above the Umbrians, For 
the Ister flows through the whole extent of Europe, rising in 
the eoimtry of the Celts ^ (the most westerly of all the nations 
of Europe, excepting the Cyuetians ^)j and thence running 
across the continent till it reaches Scythia, whereof it washes the 
flanka. 

50. All these strearasj then, and many others, add their 
waters to swell the flood of the Ister, which thus increased be- 
comes the mightiest of rivers ; for undoubtetlly if we compare 
the stream of the Nile with the singU stream of the Ister, we 
most give the preference to the Nile,^ of which no tributary 



* Thii ii uotruft. No strwm forc^a 
it* mwf through thit chiun. The Sciua 
(/«A«r) t\ma un the notihem flAnk of 
Hsmua, exactly opposite to the poiot 
where the mugs f>f llhodop<5 (DespQto 
Ikj^h) bnwQched out from it tow'j^da the 
•dtilh«ea?t. FVom tha two opposite 
angles made bj Ehodopg with Ha2mus, 

: the two «treams of Hebrus wid 
Hence it appeora that Thncy- 
\ m more ac^sutTite thati llerodotuSt 
when he aaji of th<3 Sciua or OactUB, ^c? 
W d^oi iit Tou l^pQvt Hitv wtfi Hal A Ni' 
*rof sol i'EBpot. (ii. 9C.) 

• The AD^p^tia k either the wenteni 
Morava or the Ibar^ most probably the 
latter. The Brongtis Li the eastern or 
Bislg^uiaQ Motstt^a, The Triballuui plain 
ia that the principality of Servia. 

^ At B«(n>^otu» plunges deeper into 
Ibe E^O^opean coMtb^nt, hia knowledge 
Iftleai csxiiet. He knows the fact that 
flw DftQuhe reeaivee two great tribu- 
tanea from the south (the Drave and 
tl» SaTe) in tb© upper part of its course, 
but he dooi not any longer know the 
tniff direction of the streamH. Possibly 
mhKf be ooaceiFe* the riTere, of which he 
Itad lieard the Umbriana tell as running 
D0rtIiwarcl» from the Alps above their 
GOUntry, to be identical with the g;refit 
trilmtams whereof the dwellers on the 
middle Dun u be spoke. Thus the Carpis 
sod the Alpln would represent, in one 
pmXt ^t trieWp the E&Te and the Drave^ 



in another, the Salza and the Inn (cf, 
Niebuhr'a Bora. HiHt* vol- i. p. 1+2, 
E. TO; or po«iibly, if we consider 
where he placed the sources of the 
Danube (near F^cne), the Inn and the 
Rhine, 

■ It is interesting to find in Herodo- 
tus this firat trace of the word Alp^ by 
which, from the time of Polybma, the 
great Europesji chain has been known. 
At the present day it is applied in the 
country itself, not to the high moun' 
trtio tops but to the groeo pastures on 
their alopefl. It cau hardly have been 
at any time the real name of & river. 

" Vide supni, ii. '63. AristoUe'a 
knowledge did not greatly eiceed that 
of Herodotus. He too made the Danube 
rise in Celtica, and from Pyrflne (Me- 
teorolog. i. l^^ p. 350), He knew, 
however, that Pyrcne wait a moimtfxiu, 

^ Vide supra, ij. :ifJ, note ^ 

* The lengths of the two rivers are — 
of the Nile^ 'id 00 milesj according to ita 
present known or supposed course ; of 
the Ditnube, HfiO miles, (See ch, 3:i, 
Book IL) The Nile, whioh has no tri- 
butaries ej£cept in Ahya^inio, and is not 
fed by roina except in the upper port of 
ita course during the tropical nuns, 
Continueis of about the same breadth 
during all its course. It is occasionally 
narrower in Nubia^ in oonsequ^ioa nf 
the nature of the rocky land through 
which it passes; but having no tribu- 




88 



THE TYRAS AND THE HYPANIS. 



BookIY. 



river, nor even rivulet, augments the volume. The later remains 
at the same level both summer and winter — owing to the fblp 
lowing reasons, as I believe. During the winter it runs at its 
natural height, or a very little higher, because in those countries 
there is scarcely any rain in winter, but constant snow. When 
summer comes, this snow, which is of great depth, begins to 
melt, and flows into the Ister, which is swelled at that season, 
not only by this cause but also by the rains, which are heavy 
and frequent at that part of the year. Thus the various streams 
which go to form the Ister are higher in summer than in winter, 
•and just so much higher as the sun's power and attraction are 
greater ; so that these two causes counteract each other, and 
the effect is to produce a balance, whereby the Ister remains 
always at the same leveL^ 

51. This, then, is one of the great Scythian rivers ; the next 
to it is the Tyras,^ which rises &om a great lake separating 
Scythia from the land of the Neuri, and runs with a southeriy 
course to the sea. Greeks dwell at the mouth of the river, who 
are called Tyritee.* 

52. The third river is the Hypanis." This stream rises 



Ury in Ethiopia and Egypt, there is of 
eoune no reason for its hecoming larger 
towards its mouth. The hroadest part 
ia the White River, which is sometimes 
miles across, and divided into several 
broad but shallow channels. In Egypt 
its general breadth is about one-thira of 
a mile, and the rate of its mid-stream 
is generally from l^ to about 2 knots, 
but during the inundation more rapid, 
or above 3 miles an hour. — [G. W.] 

* Too much force is here assignra to 
the attracting power of the sun. The 
** balance " of which Herodotus speaks 
is caused by the increased volume of 
the southern tributaries during the 
summer (which is caused by the melting 
of the snows along the range of the 
Alps), being just sufficient to compen- 
sate for the diminished volume of the 
northern tributaries, which in winter 
are swelled by the rains. It is not true 
that the rains of summer are heavier 
than those of winter in the basin which 
tlie Danube drains : rather the exact 
reverao is the case. Were it otherwise, 
the Danube, like the Nile, would over- 
flow in the summer ; for the evaporating 
power of the sun's rays on the surface 
of a river in the latitude of the Danube 
ia very trifling. 
< The Tyras ia the modem DniMtr 



(ss Danas-Ter), still called, acoordii^ 
to Heeren (Aj. Nat. voL iL p. 257, 
note '), the Tyrol near its mouth. Iti 
main stream does not rise from a lake, 
but one of its chief tributariea, ths 
Sered, which rises near Zioczow in Qtl- 
licia, does flow from a amaU lake. 
There is also a largish lake on the 
WerezyscOy near LetrSerg, in the aame 
countiy, which oommunioates with th« 
main stream of the Dniestr, not hr 
from its source. Heeren regard* this 
as the lake of which Herodotus had 
heard. (As. Nat. 1. s. o.) 

* A Greek town called Tyras, and 
also Ophiusa (Plin. Hist. Nat. iv. 11; 
Steph.,^yE. ad voc), lay at the mouth 
of the Dniestr on its right bank. 
(Ophiusa in Scylax, Peripl.p. 70; Tjrm 
in the Anon. Peripl. Pont. Eux. p. 153.) 
It was a colony of the Milesians. (Anon. 
Peripl. 1. s. c.) When the Goths (Got») 
conquered the region about this Tvnr, 
they received the name of Tyri-getn. 
(Strab. vii. p. 442.) 

* The Hypams is undoubtedly the 
Bog^ a main tributary of the Dniepr. 
The marshes of Volhynia, from wh^ 
flow the feeders of the Pripet, an in 
this direction; but it is scarcely poa- 
aible that the Bog tan at any time hava 
flowed out of th^n. 



Chap, 50-53. 



THE DORYSTHENES. 



39 



ft 



within the limits of Scythia, and lias its source in another vast 
lake, arotmd which wild white horses graze. The lake ig called, 
properly enough, the Mother of the Hypanis.^ The Hypanisj 
risiBg here, during the dbtance of five days* navigation is a 
shallow gtream^ and the water ^^eet and pure ; thence, however, 
to the sea, which ia a distance of four days, it 'is exceedingly 
bitter. Tliis change is caused by its receiving into it at that 
point a brook the waters of which are so bitter thatj although 
it is but a tiny rivulet* it nevertheless taints the entire Hypania, 
which is a large stream among those of the second order. The 
source of this bitter spring is on the borders of the Scythian 
Husbafidmen,^ where they adjoin upon the Alazonians ; and the 
f^aoe where it rises ia called in the Scythic tongue Exampmxs^ 
which means in our language, " The Sacred Ways/' The 
spring itself bears the same name. The Tyras and thil Hypanis 
approach each other in the cotntry of the Alaasonians,^ but 
afl^rwards separate, and leave a wide space between their 
streams* 

53, The fourth of the Scythian rivers is the Borysthenes,^ 
Next to the Ister^ it is the greatest of them aU ; and, in my 
judgment^ it is the most productive river, not merely in Scythic, 
but in the whole world/ excepting only the Nile, with which no 
stream can possibly compare. It has upon its banks the loYeliest 



} ^ Cdmpore below, «h. SB» 

• Hen>dotiu appearB to Imvo pene- 
tnted 04 far oa thifl fountaiti (iufr^ ch« 
Bl), no trftces of wldcli ai's to be fotiud 
at the prawnt day. The water of the 
Sri^thUn riven in bradckh to a con- 
■dfltmhle diiitaiica hixm the se^ but 
tlwrs la DOW nothing pieoiiliu- in the 
water of th« Hypi^nm. 

' The etymology of this term ii dU- 
CBBed m. tiie AppeDdix, Easay ii. «* On 
Um Etimognphy of tha European 

' Tha^t ia, between the 47th and 48th 
wttliek. The fa^ here Doticed by 
Herodotti* itroagiy proves hi» actual 
koOTisdge of the gteography of these 



» The Boryitlw&ei is the Dniepr. It 
iHd ffoi ihe name an early aa the com* 
fflggaaia of th^ anoDymopt FeripluA 
ftafe. Sux. (See p. 150.) 

' Sometluiig of the tame enthuaiAam 
«fayii sppe«9 in the deecdptlou of found ftn esdleu Bource of detight in 



BuaeiA,'* aaya Madame de Hell, " the 
Duiepr aUicna one of the foremo«t 
placeHt from the length of it4 courae, the 
vc^luuae £>f ita waters, and the deep bed 
which it hjis eicaifated for itaelf acroiu 
the plains; but nowhere does tb pre«ent 
more eharming views than from the 
height I have juat mentaoned^ and tt« 
vicinity. After having spread out to 
the breadth of nearly a lea^e, it ports 
into a multitode of obannela that wind 
through foreatfl of oaka, alden, poplarSf 
and aepem, whoae vigoroua growth be- 
apeakfl the richneaB of a virgin soil. 
The grou|« of ialanda, eaprioioualy 
braakiug tbe lurface of the water«j have 
a melancholy beauty imd a primitive 
character scarcely to be eeen except in 
those vast wilderneiiee where man baa 
le^ no triiee« of hia pt^eeenoe. Nothing 
in our oountry at all resembles thii 
land of laudscftpe, ..,,,, For aome 
time after my arrival at Doutobina I 



Herodoiui breaks out alao in modem 
trvvallefa when they apeak of the 
Dni^r. *' Among the rivers of Southern 



cGntemplatliig these jm^'eetie acenes 
(Travels, pp. 56, 57 



le mweel 
, E. T.) 




40 THE B0RYSTHENE8. Book IV. 

and most excellent pasturages for cattle ; it contains abundance of 
the most delicious fish ; its water is most pleasant to the taste ; its 
stream is limpid, while all the other rivers near it are muddy ; 
the richest harvests spring up along its course, and where tiie 
ground is not sown, the heaviest crops of grass ; while salt forms 
in great plenty about its mouth without human aid,^ and large 
fish are taken in it of the sort called Antacaei, without any 
prickly bones, and good for pickling.* Nor are these the whole 
of its marvels. As far inland as the place named Geirhus, 
which is distant forty days* voyage from the sea,* its course is 
known, and its direction is from north to south ; but above this 
no one has traced it, so as to say through what countries it 
flows. It enters the territory of the Scythian Husbandmen after 
running for some time across a desert region, and continues for 
ten days' navigation to pass through the land which they inhabit 
It is the only river besides the Nile the sources of which are 
unknown to me, as they are also (I believe) to all the other 
Greeks. Not long before it reaches the sea, the Borysthenes is 
joined by the Hypanis, which pours its waters into the same 
lake."^ , The land that lies between them, a narrow point like 
the beak of a ship,** is called Cape Hippolaiis. Here is a temple 
dedicated to Ceres,® and opposite the temple upon the Hypanis 

• Dio Chrysostom notes the value of E. T.) Herodotus does not seem to 
this salt as an article of trade with the have been aware of the rapids, which 
other Greeks and with the Scyths of may possibly hav& been produced by an 
the interior (Or. xxxvi. p. 43). The elevation of the land since his time. 
salines ofirt7>6rzmp at the extremity of the (See Murchison's Geology of Russia, 
promontory which forms the southern vol. i. p. 573.) It is uncertain what 
shore of the limim of the Dniepr, are distance he intended by a day's vovage 
still of the greatest impoi*tance to Russia, up the course of a river, but there 
and supply vast tracts of the interior, seems to be no sufficient reason for 
(See Dr. Clarke's Russia, Appendix, altering the number forty in the text. 
No. VIII. p. 759.) as Matthise and Larcher suggest. 

• The sturgeon of the" Dniepr have ' The word in the Greek (fXo») is 
to this day a great reputation. Caviare rather " mai-sh " than " lake," and the 
(the rdpixos 'Ayrcucaioy of Athenseus) is iiman of the Dniepr is in point of fact so 
made from the roes of these fish at shallow as almost to deserve the name. 
Kherson and Nicolaef. For a scientific *' In summer it has hardly six feet 
description of the sturgeon of the water." (Report of Russian iSngineers ; 
Dniepr, see Kirby*s Bridgewater Trea- Clarke, 1. s. c.) 

tise, vol. i. p. 107. • This description, which is copied 

• The Dniepr is navigable for barges by Dio (Or. xxxvi. p. 437), and which 
all the way from Smolensko to its would exactly suit the promontory of 
mouth, a distance of not less than 1500 Kinbtim, applies but ill to the land aB.it 
miles. The navigation is indeed greatly now lies between the jwo rivers. Has 
impeded by the rapids below Ekateri' the author's memory played him false, 
noslav ; but still for a month or six or are we to suppose that the form of 
weeks in the spring, at the time of the the land has changed since his time f 
spring floods, tney are passed by boats. ' Or "Cybcild," for the reading is 
(See Dr. Clarke's Russia, App. viii. p. doubtful. Biihr gives Mi/Tp^t for 
756; and De HeU's Travels, p. 20, A'fifirrrpos on the authority of many of 



Chap. 53-55 , 



THE HYPACTBIS. 



41 



I 



is the dwelling-place of the Borj^Ethenites,* But enough has 
been said of these streams* 

54. Nest in succession comes the fifth rirer, called the Pan- 
tacaf>es,^ which has, like the Botystlienes, a course from north to 
south, and rises from a lake. The space between this river and 
the Borysthenes is occupied by the Scythians who are engaged 
in husbandry. After watering their country, the Panticapes 
flows through HyliBa, and empties itself into the Borysthenes. 

55, The dxth stream is the Hypacyris, a river rising from a 
lake, and running directly through the middle of the Nomadic 
Scythians. It falls into the sea near the city of Carcinitisj^ leav- 
ing Hyliea and the coui-se of Achillas * to the right. 



th« beat MSS. j and wnong the coina 
fo«ad on the ait* of Olbia, the head of 
CybSl^ with the weU-kBowii cj-own of 




II 



towerft, occui« frequently. (See Mion" 
Bet's DesoriptioD dea MtdaiOea, &c*» 
Sumilemeutj toiu. iL pp, 14- 1 a.) 

' Olbia, called also Boryathenea 
(rapra, ch. 13* note '), waa on the 
western or right bank of the H^Tajiia, 
■« iuSdcDtly appears from thia paaftoge. 
It* »it€ ia distinct ly tnarktjd hy mounds 
tL&d nims, smd hn^ been phieed beyoud 
i. doubt by the diacovery of tiamerous 
eoiiu (ittd iQflcrlptioDfl. r Clarke, pp. 
6t4-t;i:^; Cboixdea Medaille« Antiq^uea 
d'OUjiopolis oil 01 bi^ fusant partie du 
»bin«t du GonaeUler d'Et&t De Bkrom* 
berg, Puriat IW^i,) It m now called 
if?i<mMMjif, *' the Hundred Mound e/' and 
Ue« ftlM>at 12 miles below NLcolner^ on 
the opposite side of the Bog. 3 or 4 
imlev from the junction of the Bog with 
the fi'nnn. of the DniepT. (De Eell, p, 
34, E. T.) 

It is cm-ioiiii to find Olbk pliood on 
the wroog bank of the Ejpanis by 
Mi^or Rennell in hU great map of 
WmUrtL A*ift, publiihed m Itttsm 1831, 
* On the Panticapea, see ch. IS, note. 
This and the neit two rivem defy iden- 
tificatiOQ with any existing stream. 
Grevt chanigeH have probably oeourre>d 
m the physical geogrophy of Southern 
1^ Htuna linoe the time of Herodotua. 
^M (ICtmhkon's Geology of liiu^ia, pp, 
H 573-577,} The Dmepr in hia time Bcems 



to haTe had a large delta, enclosed 
within the mouth which he knew as the 
Borysthenea, and that end led by him the 
Gerrhuaj though this latter can scarcely 
have parted from the main stream at m 
great a diatance from the sea ai he 
imagined. It is possible that Uieira 
have been great changea of level m 
Southern Rusaia aioca his time, njid 
the prjint of departure may perhaps 
have been as high as Kri^lw^ in kt, 
49^, OS represented in the map pre^ 
fixed to this volume ; but perhaps it h 
more probable that the delta did not 
begin till about Kaktifka^ where the 
Bojjsthenea may have thrown off a 
blanch which passed into the Oulf of 
Ferekop by Kt^antchak (see MurcMson, 
p* 574, note) ; or, finitlly, Herodotua 
may have been completely at fault, and 
the true Gerrhus of Ida day may, like 
that of Ptolemy (iii. 5\ have really 
fallen into the Palua MuHjtis, beu^ the 
modem Mohtc/iiinj, aa Rennell auppoies. 
(Geography of Herod, p. 7K) 

^ Thia place is called Cardnd by 
PKny iH, N. iv. 12) and Mela (h. I), 
Csrcina by Ptoletny (L s, c), Cuixiinitis 
by Hccataaua (Fr. Hiat, Or. vol, i. p. 10, 
Fr* 153) and Herodotua, Cm^iDitee, or 
Corofiitcs, by the anonymous author of 
the Peripl, Pout. Eui, (p. 14B). It 
^ve name to the bay on the western 
side of the Tauric Ch^reoueae (PUn. 
1. B, c*; Mel. 1. fl. c, &<j.), the modern 
Gulf of Perekup, It doea not appear to 
have been a Greek aettlement. Perhaps 
it may have been a Cimmerian town, 
and have contained the Cymric Cacr in 
its first «y liable. 

* Tlds ifl the modem Kt>sa TinafrTo 
and Kfjss l^nHftjutck^ a long and narrow 
atrip of aandy beach ex tending about 
SO miles from nearly opposite Kalan* 



42 THE GERRHUS — THE TANAIS. BookIV. 

56. The seyenth river is the Gerrhus, which is a branch 
thrown out by the Borysthenes at the point where the course of 
that stream first begins to be known, to wit, the region called by 
the same name as the stream itseli; viz. Gerrhus. This river on 
its passage towards the sea divides the country of the Nomadio 
from that of the Boyal Scyths. It runs into tiie Hypacyria. 

57. The eighth river is the Tanais, a stream which has its 
source, (ar up the country, in a lake of vast size,' and which 
empties itself into another still larger lake, the Palus Mseotis, 
whereby the country of the Boyal Scythians is divided from that 
of the Samromato). The Tanais receives the waters of a tributary 
stream, called the Hyrgis.' 

58. Such then are fiie rivers of chief note in Scythia. The 
grass which the land produces is more apt to generate gall in 
the beasts that feed on it than any other grass which is knovm 
to us, as plainly appears on the opening of their carcases. 

59. Thus abundantly are the Scythians provided with the 
most important necessaries. Their manners and customs come 
now to be described. They worship only the following gods, 
namely, Vesta, whom they reverence beyond all the rest, Jupiter, 
and Tellus, whom they consider to be the wife of Jupiter ; and 
after these Apollo, Celestial Venus, Hercules, and Mars.^ These 

ichak to a point about 12 miles south of fourth on a small island at the mouth 

the promontory of A'infrum, and attached of the Borysthenes, dedicated to him 

to the continent only in the middle by by the Olbiopolites. (See Kohlei'a 

an isthmus about 12 miles across. Memoire sur les lies et la course con- 

Strabo (vii. p. 445) and Eustathius (ad sacr^es k Achille ; and comp. Die 

Dionys. Perieg. 306) compare it to a Chrjsost. Or. xxxvi. p. 439.) His head 

fillet, Pliny (U. N. iv. 12) and Mela also appears occasionally on the coins of 

(iL 1 ) to a sword. It is carefully de- Chersonesus (Mionnet, ut supra, pp. 

scribed by Strabo, Eustathius, and the 1 and 3) ; and in an inscription found at 

anonymous author of the Periplus, less Olbia, and given accurately in Kohlei'a 

accurately by Mela. Varipus accounts Remarques sur un ouvrage, &c. p. 12, 

were given of the name. At the wes- he is (apparently) entitled *' Ruler of 

tern extremity there was a grove sacred the Pontus " (OONTAPXHS). 

to Achilles (Strab. p. 446), or, according < The Tanais (the modem Don) rises 

to others, to Hecate (Anon. Peripl. firomaima/Zlake, thelakeof /ran-02«ro, 

P. E. p. 149). MarcianusCapella placed in lat. 54^ 2'. long. 38^ 3'. The Volga 

here tiie tomb of Achilles (vi. p. 214), flows inpart from the^^tfaf lake of Onega, 

who was said by Alcaeus to have ** ruled ' There are no means of identifying 

over Scythia" (Pr. 49, Bergk.) The this river. Mr Blakesley regards it as 

worship of Achilles was strongly affected the Secifriky, in which he finds " some 

by the Pontic Greeks. He had a temple vestige of the ancient title." I should 

in Olbia (Strab. 1. s. c), on the coins of be inclined rather to look on it as re- 

whioh his name is sometimes found presenting the Donets, if any depend- 

(Mionnet, Supplement, tom. ii. p. 32) ; ence could be placed on this part of our 

another in the present Isle of Serpents author's geography. He c»dls it in 



(Arrian, Peripl. P. Eux. p. 135) ; a third another pfaoe the Syrgis (^fra, ch. 123). 

on the Asiatic side of the Straits of ^ The religion of the Scythians appears 

Kertch, at the narrowest point (Strab. by this account to have consisted chiefly 

zi. p. 756) ; and, as some think, a in the worship of the elements. Jupiter 



Chaf, 56-61, 



RELIGION OF THE SCYTHIAKS, 



43 



gcfds are worshipped by the whole nation : the Royal Scythians 
offer sacrifice likewise to Neptune. In the Scythic tongue Vesta 
is called Tabiti, Jupiter (very properlyj in my judgment) Papijem, 
Tellns Apia, Apollo (Etost/ruSf Celestial Venus Artiinpma, and 
Neptune Tkamimasadas,^ They use no images, altars, or tera- 
ple% except m the worship of Mars ; but in his worship they do 
USB them* 

60, The manner of their sacrifices is everywhere and in every 
ease the same ; the victim stands with its two fore-feet bound 
together by a cord, and the person who is about to offer, taking 
hie station behind the victim, gives the rope a pull, and thereby 
throws the animal down ; as it falls he invokes the god to whom 
he is offering ; after which he puts a noose round the animaFs 
neck, and, inserting a small stick, twists it round, and so 
strangles him. No fire is lighted^ there is no consecration, and 
no |>onring out of drink-offerings ; hut directly that the beast is 
strangled the sacrificor flays him, and then sets to work to boil 
the flesk 

61, As Scythia, however, is utterly barren of firewood,* a plan 



(fi^powi), while he was tli© fetber ofth^ 
godi, WM &lio perhapa tb« 4iir ; Veflta 
{ToMH) waa fire, TdluB {Api>i) earth, 
lf«pbll» {Thfjniimasadis) Water, ApuUo 
(0&wyrv*) Hie Aun^ and celeatiol Venus 
(jiriimjMEw) the nio^iD. The «uppo«ed 
woroblp of M*r» was probably the mere 
wor^p of tbj& scymilar (of* Grote's 
Kifft. of Greece* vol. iiL p. 3'^a)* \YhAt 
\\m% of Hereules m^y Lhyb bepo it is 
impeKsible to det^noine j but it b 
worthy af remark tUt llerodotuB hfta 




no Scythian name for Hercules, any 
more than he baa for Mara. The Bub* 
joined repreneotation of a Scythian god 
ifl not uDooiumon in the tombs. M* 
Duboi« callft it *' the Scythian Her^ 
cu]e»/' but there is nothing which de- 
temitnately fl^ea ita cbaraeter* It hos 
rather the appearauce of & god of 
drmking, 

* The probable etymology of these 
tmnxea ia given in the Appeudix, "EsRaj 
ii, ''On the Ethnography of the Euro* 
pean Scythi," 

' The Bcorcity of fit^BWood in the 
efceppee gives rise to » number of curioiMi 
coutrivan^^ea. In South eru RuMia^ and 
ako in Mongolia and Eastern Tortary, 
olmoHt the only firing used is the dung 
of aulmala. This i« carefully collected, 
dried in the sun, and in Russia m»do 
into little bricks, id Mongolia piled in 
ith natural state aWut the tenta. The 
Tatars call this spociea of fuel firgviSt 
th« RuBsiimH kifititch, (Huo^s Voyage 
dMiB k Tartarie, torn. L p. 65 i PallsH, 
Vdl. 1 p. 5a8; De Bell, pp. 41 and 98.) 

A Himilftr scarcity in Northero Afmm 
renders the dung of the cajuel so pi^ 
cioua that on journey 9 a bag is placed 
under the animal's tail to cat^bthe fuel 
on wbiob the evening meal depends. 
(Pueho'e Voyage dans la Marmoriq^ue, 
p. lao.) 



44 SACRIFICES. Book IV. 

has had to be contrived for boiling the flesh, whic^ is the fol- 
lowing. After flaying the beasts, they take out all the bones, 
and (if they possess such gear) put the flesh into boilers made in 
the country, which are very like the cauldrons of the Lesbians, 
except that they are of a much larger size ; then placing the 
bones of the animals beneath the cauldron, they set Uiem alight, 
and so boil the meat.*® K they do not happen to possess a 
cauldron, they make the animal's paunch hold the flesh, and 
pouring in at the same time a little water, lay the bones under 
and light them. The bones bum beautifully ; and the paunch 
easily contains all the flesh when it is stript fix)m the bones, so 
that by this plan your ox is made to boil himself, and other 
victims also to do the like. When the meat is all cooked, the 
sacrificer offers a portion of the flesh and of the entrails, by 
casting it on the ground before him. They sacrifice all sorte 
of cattle, but most commonly horses.* 

62. Such are the victims offered to the other gods, and such 
is the mode in which they are sacrificed ; but the rites paid to 
Mars are different. In every district, at the seat of government,* 
there stands a temple of this god, whereof the following is a 
description. It is a pile of brushwood, made of a vast quantity 
of fagots, in length and breadth three furlongs ; in height some- 
what less,^ having a square platform upon the top, three sides of 
which are precipitous, while the fourth slopes so that men may 
walk up it. Each year a hundred and fifty wagon-loads of 
brushwood are added to the pile, which sinks continually by 
reason of the rains. An antique iron sword* is planted on the 
top of every such mound, and serves as the image of Mars : * 

1® It may be gathered from Ezekiel (Travels, p. 241, E. T.) 

(xxiv. 5) that a similar custom pre- * Mr. Blakesley well observes (not. 

vailed amoDg the Jews. The bones of ad loc.) that the expression here used is 

the yak are said to be used for fuel in scarcely appropriate to Scythia, where 

Eastern Nepaul at the present day. the people bad no fixed abodes. 

(Hooker's Notes of a Naturalist, vol. i. ' These measures are utterly incre- 

p. 213.) dible. We gather from them that He- 

1 Vide supra, ch. i. 216, where the rodotus had not seen any of these piles, 

same is related of the Massagetse. but took the exaggerated accounts of 

Horses have always abounded in the certain mendacious Scythians. How ^ 

steppes, and perliaps in ancient times country cdy&s &|v\of was to furnish 

were more common than any other such enormous piles of brushwood, he 

animal. In the province of Tchakar, forgot to ask himself, 

north of the Qreat Wall, the emperor * In the Scythian tombs the weapons 

of China has, it is said, between are usually of bronze ; but the sword in 

400,000 and 500,000 horses. (Hue's the great tomb at Kertch was of iron, so 

Voyage, tom. i. p. 57.) De Hell esti- that Herodotus is perhaps not mistaken, 

mates the horses of the Calmucks at * This custom is also ascribed to the 

from 250,000 to 300,000, their sheep at Scythians by Lucian (Jov. Trag. § 42, 

1, 000,000, but their kine only at 180,000, p. 275), Mela (ii. 1, sub fin.), Solinus 



I 



Ckap. 61-64. 



WAE^CUSTOMS. 



45 



yearly sacrifioee of cattle aud of horses are made to it, and more 

victiiiis are offt-red thus than to all the rest of their gods. Wht?u 

prisoDera are taken in war, out of every himdred men they sacrifice 

one*, not however with the same rites as the cattle, but with 

different* Libations of wine are first poured upon their heads, 

■ after which they are slaughtered over a vessel ; the yessel is then 

K^med up to the top of the pile, and the blood poured upon the 

HB^itar* While this takes i>lace at the top of the mound, 

helowy by the side of the temple, the right hands and arms of 

>the slaughtered prisoners are cut ofi*, and toseed on high into the 
ain Then the other yictims are slain, and tbcise who have offered 
the sacrifice depart, leaving the handis and arms where they may 

» chance to have fallen^ and the bodies also, separate, 
63* Such are the observances of the Scythians with respect to 
sacrifice. They never use swine for tbo purpose, nor indeed 
is it their wont to breed them in any part of their cotmtry. 

64- In what concerns war^ their customs are the following. 
The Scythian soklier drinks the blood of the first man he over- 
throws in battle* Whatever number he slays, he cuts off' all their 
heads," and carries them to the king ; since he is thus entitled 
to a share of the booty, whereto he forfeits all claim if he does 
not produce a head. In order to strip the skull of its covering, 
he makes a cut round the head above the ears^ and, laying hold 
cf the scalp, shakes the skull out ; then with the rib of an ok be 
flcmpes the scalp clean of fleshy and softening it by rubbing 
B between the hands, uses it thenceforth as a napkin J The Scyth 



fe. 19> ClameiiH Alexandriniia (Prottopt, 
IW* p. 40)^ oud others, lliceaiua nscribed 
il %o the Sauronmtae (MuIWa Fr. HIat, 
Of. ToL IF, p. 429), Ammisami Mar- 
«eUmtus Epeaks of it as belooging to the 
Ahm and Huue of hia own day (x3Lxi. 2). 
In lite time of Atiila, a aword, auppoHcd 
to bft actuadj one of these ancient 
fit^fthuii we&poQSf was diBOOTered by a 
etiiitice (Priscus PsoiLtes, Fr. 3^ p* 91; 
Jomuides ds BebuA Geiids^ c. 35 ad 
io.)^ and m&de the object of worsbip. 
Ocnghk Klian, upon his etdYatian, re- 
Mdled the same obiiervance. (Niebiib/ft 
Bc^tbk, p. 46, E. T.) It iB Bcarcely 
to be called "a Moogolic 
I f* fcr it neemA to have been 
to moait of the tribes \vhich 
bftf e wandered over the ateppea. 

* TbiB cufftom of cutting off he&da h 
tiomeioa to manj barbarous and Bcnii' 
b*tlwroita n»tiooa. la tbe Aaajrian 
i«iLtplun« we fi^uently aee decapi- 



tated oorpflea, vad AssTrians carrying 
off the beads of their fues, (Lajiird'» « 
Ninfeveh tind B?tbyloii, pp. 447, 456, 
&o* ) Accordi Dg i/x Diodoruji ( xi v, 115), 
tbe Guula spent tlie whole of the daj 
following on the battle of tbe AlUa In 
thus mutilatiDg the dead* Diivid b^w* 
ktg off the h^ad of Ooli^ k a familiar 
inetance. HertKiotiiB fumLah^s another 
in tbe coDduct which he aecribea to 
Ai'tapbemea (vi. 30). In tbe Eaat, the 
mutilation of falleo enerniea is almost 
UDiveraal. Poseidoniua of Apomea 
»|>oke of himself as an eje- witness of 
tiie praotloe in Oaul (Fr. 26 ) ; and Strabo 
calls it a general custom of the northern 
nations {iv. p. 3(>2). 

7 Heoco the phrase ^KvBurr^ x*f ^~ 
^siTTpoi' (Hesycb. ad voc, ; SopbocL 
(Enom* ap, Athenisum, m. 18, p. 410 ^, 
and the Terb inotFKveiCnPt ** to scalp/' 
used by AtheUiaQus smd Euripides. 




46 SOOTHSAYERS. Book IV. 

is prond of these scalps^ and hangs them from his bridle-rein ; 
the greater the number of such napkins that a man can sihoWy 
the more highly is he esteemed among them.* Many make 
themselves cloaks, like the capotes of our peasants, by sewing 
a quantity of these scalps together. Others flay the right arms 
of their dead enemies, and make of the skin, which is stripped off 
with the nails hanging to it, a covering for their quivers. Now tbe 
skin of a man is thick and glossy, and would in whiteness snrpaaB 
almost all other hides. Some even flay the entire body of their 
enemy, and stretching it upon a frame carry it about witii them 
wherever they ride. Such are the Scythian customs with re- 
spect to sc^ps and skins. 

65. The skulls of their enemies, not indeed of all, but of those 
whom they most detest, they treat as follows. Having sawn off 
the portion below the eyebrows, and cleaned out the inside, they 
cover the outside with leather. When a man is poor, this is aU 
that he does ; but if he is rich, he also lines the inside with gold : 
in either case the skull is used as a drinking-cup.' They do 
the same with the skulls of their own kith and kin if they have 
been at feud with them, and have vanquished them in the pre- 
sence of the kmg. When strangers whom they deem of any 
account come to visit them, these skulls are handed round, and 
the host tells how that these were his relations who made war 
upon him, and how that he got the better of them ; all this being 
looked upon as proof of bravery. 

66. Once a year the governor of each district, at a. set place in 
his own province, mingles a bowl of wine, of which all Scythians 
have a right to drink by whom foes have been slain ; while they 
who have slain no enemy are<not allowed to taste of the bowl, but 
sit aloof in disgrace. No greater shame than this can happen to 
them. Such as have slain a very large number of foes, have 
two cups instead of one, and drink from both. 

67. Scythia has an abundance of soothsayers, who foretell the 
future by means of a number of willow wands. A large bundle 
of these wands is brought and laid on the ground. The sooth- 
sayer imties the bundle, and places each wand by itself, at the 
same time uttering his prophecy : then, while he is still speaking, 
he gathers the rods together again, and makes them up once 

> The resemblance of these cuBioms a Teutonic people (xxvii. 4) ; " Hottils 

to those of the Red Indiana wiU strike captivorum Bellona) litant et Marti, 

every reader. humanumque sanguinem in otstbtu oapi^ 

• Amxnianus Marcellinus relates the turn covit bibunt avidiito." 
same of the Scordisci, most probably 



Chap. 64-68. 



ENAREES. 



47 






more into a bundle* This mode of divmation is of home growth 
jji Scythia.^ The Enarees, or woman-like men,^ have another 
method, which they say Venus tanght them. It is done with 
the inner bark of the linden-tree. They take a piece of this bark, 
and, splitting it into three strips, keep twining the strips about 
their fingers, and untwining them, while they prophesy. 

68. WTienever the Scythian king falls sick, he sends for the 
tiuee 8ootbsayer| of most renown at the time, who come and 
make trial of their art in the mode above describedp Generally 
they say that the king is ill, because such or such a person, 
meotioning bis name, has 8%vom falsely by the royal hearth* 
This is the usual oath among the Scythians, when they wish to 
swear with very great solemnity. Then the man accused^ of 
having forsworn himself is arrested and brought before the king. 
The soothsayers tell him that by their art it is clear he has sworn 
& &im oath by the royal heartli, and so caused the illness of the 
Ving — ^he denies the charge, protests that he has sworn no false 
oath, and loudly complains of the wrong done to him. Upon 
this the king sends for sis new soothsayers, who try the matter 
by soothsaying. If they too find the man guilty of the offence, 
stwghtway he is beh^ded by those who first accused him, and 
bis ^x»d3 are jmrted among them : if, on the contrary, they 
acquit him, other soothsayers, and again others, are sent for, to 



* It wu not, howeyer^ oonined to 
Sgiliii. The Scbolitut on Kicaoder 
(Ttemca, 613) obBervea that the Aiagi, 
m ««ll oa the SoytLiatja, divine by m&kDA 
of » fltftS" at tarnamk'WOfld ( Miyat B^ 

Mid tii« «tat«tiketit with respect to the 
M»^ » confirmed by a reference to 
DlUO* There b also difitmet allusion 
to iticJi M mode of diTiu&tion m Hoi^a 
(iL IS); ** My people oak coimBel of 
tbiir Atockft^ imJ tkHr st^lJf declateih utUo 
ikat.* So TocituB tells us of the 
0«miaiw; " Sortium consuetudo sim- 
ptex: r^u^mn, fm^ifersc arbori decimvmr 
m forciLtos ampntfljitf eoeque^ Dotis 
mi3ltiAd*m diicretos, BUper eandidam 
tAmerfe lyi fortmto BpRj;guiit ; 
y « • pffsefttiii Deoi^ coGlumque 
t«r nngiUos tollit| KubUtoa 
MCtauitlm impreasatn ante notam inter- 
|if»tottir.'* (Gennmi. c. 10.) AmmiDr 
SUA MiroeUmus notea a similar pmedc^ 
MDOQf Ihs Alani (xxiL 2), and Saxo 
iQfMiilililknii among the Slaves oear the 
]Wtk (Hilt. Ban. juv. p. 'im). Tbe 
— ---* -i ifitli t«ip«ot to the nmmbef 




three appears in this last, as in so many 
other inataoces. (See Mr. Blakealey's 
not. nd loc/) 

* Vide aupm, i. 106, The exkienco 
of this closa of peraoos in Scythid, and 
the religous interpretation placed upon 
thoir phyeicsl in^rmjty^ is witoosaed to 
by Hippocrstea (Da Aere, Aqii&, et 
Locis, VI. § lOe-109; see also Arist.Etb. 
vil. 7, § *l}f who calls them ^rvS^iLftf. 
This is'probabiy the exact rendering of 
the Scythic word, which I should be 
inclined to denvo from fn (= on), the 
Degative (Qreek and ^nd an, lAtin m- 
or Twr, our Hn-), iind aior (Lat. vir, Greek 
%fmt, &^^VK ^ApTji), *' a man/' This at 
least appears to me a more probable 
etymology thmi Mr. BkkeHley*fl of 
*^vdpfts quaai Ftvikptttj wnerei, VeBus, 
according to Herodotus, was in Scythio 
** Artimpaftft*' (cb, 59), 

RetDegg says that a weakness like 
that here deacrihed m still found among 
tbe Nogai Tatars who inhabit this dis- 
triet. (Cf. Adelung's Mithridatea, i. 
p. 472.) 



48 OATHS. Book IV. 

try the case. Should the greater number decide in favour of 
the man's innocence, then they who first accused him forfeit 
their Uvea. 

69. The mode of their execution is the following : a wagon is 
loaded with brushwood, and oxen are harnessed to it ; ^ the sooth- 
sayers, with their feet tied together, their hands bound behind 
their backs, and their mouths gagged, are thrust into the midst 
of the brushwood ; finally the wood is set alight, and the oxen, 
being startled, are made to rush off with the wagon. It often 
happens thai the oxen and the soothsayers are both consumed 
together, but sometimes the pole of the wagon is burnt through, 
and the oxen escape with a scorching. Diviners — lying diviners, 
they call them — are burnt in the way described, for other causes 
besides the one here spoken of. When the king puts one of 
them to death, he takes care not to let any of his sons survive : * 
all the male offspring are slain with the father, only the females 
being allowed to live. 

70. Oaths among the Scyths are accompanied with the fol- 
lowing ceremonies : a large earthem bowl is filled with wine, 
and the parties to the oath, wounding themselves sUghtly with a 
knife or an awl, drop some of their blood into the wine ; then 
they plunge into the mixture a scymitar, some arrows, a battle- 
axe, and a javelin,* all the while repeating prayers ; lastly the 
two contracting parties drink each a draught from the bowl, as 
do also the chief men among their followers.' 



s We learn from this that the ancient scymitar or short sword very much 

Scythians, like the modem Calmucks resembling the Persian (see note on 

and Nogais, used oxen and not horses Bookvii. ch. 61); but the Scyths repre- 

to draw their wagons. (Pallas, vol. i. sented on the vessels found in it had 

p. 532, and plate 6;' Clarke, vol. i. vig- nothing but javelins and bows. No re- 

nette to ch. xiv. See also the woodcuts presentation in European Scythia dis- 

in note ^ on ch. 46.) Hippocrates noted tinctly shows the battle-axe to have 

the fact more explicitly than Herodotus been one of their weapons, but its com- 

(De Aere, Aqu&, et Locis, § 44, p. 353). mon adoption on the coins of Olbia 

* There is a covert allusion here to (Sestini, Lettere e Disserta2doni, Con- 
the well-known line of Stasinus : — tinuaz. vol. iv. pi. ii., and supr% ch. 

^, * > . «. . , 18, note*), together with the bow and 

^ bow-case, is a probable mdication of its 

Herodotus had made a previous refer- use among the Scyths of that neigh- 

ence to it (Book i. ch. 155). bourhood. , 

* Besides the bow, which was the • Lucian (Toxaris, xxxvii.) and Pom- 
commonest weapon of the Scythians ponius Mela (ii. i. 120) give a similar 
(ch. 46), and the short spear or javelin account of the Scythian method of 
which was also in general use among pledging faith. It resembles closely 
them (see ch. 3, note *), the scymitar the Tatar mode, which has been thus 
and the battle-axe were no doubt described: — 

known in the country, but they must ** Si amicitiam vel fcedus cum sui vel 
have been comparatively rare. The alieni generis populis faciunt, in con- 
royal tomb at Kertch oontainedj a spectum Solis prodeimt, eumque ado- 



CiiAr, 6S-T1* 



BURIAL OF THE KmCS, 



49 



7L The tombs of llieir kings are in the hind of the* Gerrhi, 
who dwell at the point where the Bor^^gthones is first navigable. 
Here, when the king dies, they dig a grave^ which is square in 
shape, and of great size. When it is ready, they take the king's 
corpse, and, hailing opened the belly, and cleaned out thoinside, 
fill the cavity with a preparation of chopiied cy|ierupj fraDkineense, 
parsley-seed, and anise-seed, aftt^ which they sew np the o]>en~ 
iog, enclose the body in wax, and, placing it on a wagon, carry 
it about through all the different tribes. On this procca^ion each 
tribej when it receives the corpse, imitates tlie example which is 
first set by the Royal Seythiane ; every man chops off a piece of 
his ear, crops his hair close,'' makes a cut all round his arm, 
lacerates his forehead and his nose, and thrusts an arrow through 
his left hand. Then they who have the care of the corpse carry 
it with them to anothor of the tribe;3 wliioh are under the 
Scythian rule, followed by those whom they first visited* On 
completing the circuit of all the tribes under their sway, they 
find themselve^s in the country of the Gerrhi, who are the most 
remote of aih and so they come to tlie tombs of the kings, There 
the body of the dead king is laid in the grave prepared for it, 
stretched upon a mattrass; * spears are fixed in the ground on 
either side of the corpse, and beams stretehed across aliove it to 
form a roof, which is covered with a thatching of ozier twigs,' 



rant* Tutu poculum vlao pkinum in 
Acniim jiLciunt., atqUH (luiaqim eorum e£ 
bcMe poculo bibit. Turn eductia gladiifl 
m ip*o« tQ quiUliun corporia purte viil- 
bermat, doa^ Baoguia profluit. Turn 
qoieque eorum aliuriue mn^mem 
potAC ; qtio f»ct^ fusdua inter eo« ictum 
eat^" (Abu Dvlef Miaaria hen MohuU 
hul de itiuejie A«ii^tico commenttuium, 
<a K. de ikihlojer, Btirnlin. 1845, p. 3a.) 
KcHJi&ed tt^vma of the mjne certs rtioDy 
tarn ««cdbed to the LydiAiif^ i^nd Amy* 
Hans ^S Uerod^tus (i, 14), and to tbe 
Aimenieiiiia and Iberinns by Tacitus 
^Arui- lii- +7 J, The Arab practice (iii. 
9} ift ftomtswhat difterent. in Southern 
Afnea * custom verj' like the Scythian 
prevails '—*'!« the A^axndi, orcontntct 
ei friendship/' ftaya Dr. Ltviugstone, 
'*it» htmd* of the parties mnejojued^ 
HfMill ineiiioiit 9>r4 miule is the cliLaped 
on the pit« of the stomach of 
b, §md on tht right cheelu and fore- 
di, A irtnalL quantity uf btood in 
^mken from theBo point b by means of a 
•talk of gniM. The blood from one 
perMm id put into u pot of hecr« and 
tb*t of the ^coiid into another ; eiiuh 

TOL* 111. 



theu driuke the other'i blood, and they 
are Auppofltid to becotne perpetual 
friends and relfttioHH," (TmvelB, eh. 
X%iv. p, 488.) 

' The BcythiaDA represented on the 
Vflises, ornameutB, &c,, found at Kertch, 
have all flowing hwha, »s if their hjur 
w&a usually loft micut* (See the wood^ 
cut*?, cba. d and 46*) 

• Dr. M*F*hergon found the skeletons 
in the Scythic graves which he di»<jo- 
vered near Kertch, fiiequently "enve- 
loped iti sea- weed/' (Disco veri^u at 
Kertch^ pp. 90^ 96, &c,) Thig wms per- 
hiipu the material of wbioh Herodotus'i 
tunttnuA {&rMj) wus cotnpwted. 

^ In moHt of the Scythian totnh« of 
any preteiiaion which have been opetied. 
the real roof of the Hepukbml cham* 
ber is of stone, not of wood. Tha 
stones are arrangotl so as to form what 
w called an Egyptian arch, each pro- 
jecting a little beyond the l»flt, till the 
Aperture becomes bo amali^ Umt a iin- 
gleitone can close it. (Seethe "Seo^ 
tion of a tomb" represented on p. 5L) 
There is aometimes a fteeorjd or fftlne 
roof of wood b^low this. The toiub^ 

E 




50 



STRANGLING THE CONCUBINE. 



Book IV. 



In the open space around the body of the king they bury one of 
his concubines, first killing her by strangling, and also his cup- 



from which the subjoined plan and 
section are taken, was opened at Kertch 
(the ancient Panticapsoum) about twenty 
years ago. It appeared to be that of a 
Scythian king, and answered in most 
respects to the description g^iven by 
Herodotus. The tumulus which con- 
tained it was 165 feet in diameter, 
formed partly of earth and partly of 
rough stones.. In the centre was a 
sepulchral chamber 15 feet by 14, with 
a vestibule (A) about 6 feet square. 
Both were built of hewn stones 3 feet 
long and 2 feet high. The vestibule 
was empty, but the chamber contained 
a number of most curious relics. The 
chief place was occupied by a large sar- 
cophagus of yew wood, divided into two 
compartments, in one of which (B) lay 
a skeleton of unusual size, shown by 
its ornaments — especially a golden 
crown or mitra — to be that of a king — 
while in the other (FE) were a golden 
shield, an iron sword, with a hilt richly 
ornamented and plated with gold, a 



whip, the remains of a bow and bow- 
case, and five small statuettes. By the 
side of the sarcophagus, ui the ** open 
space" of the tomb were, first, the bonea 
of a female (G), and among them a 
diadem and other ornaments in gold and 
electrum, showing that she was the 
queen ; secondly, the bones of an at- 
tendant (I), and thirdly, in an excava- 
tion in one corner, the bones of a hone 
(H). There were also foimd arranged 
along the wall, a number of arrow-hcMtds 
(J), two speor-heads (K), a vase in 
electrum (L), beautifully chased (see 
the next note and compare woodcut in 
note * on ch. 3), two silver vases (MM), 
containing drinkinp:-cups, four amphono 
in earthenware (N), which had held 
Thasian wine, a large bronze vase (0), 
several driuking-cups, and. three large 
bronze cauldrons (D) containing mutton 
bones. There was sufficient evidence 
to show that suits of clothes had been 
hung from the walls, and even fragments 
. of musical instruments were discovered. 



l-J 1 


v^^ 


I 


« u 




¥m 


??*K' 


K 



(^® (D) 




Ground I'lon of Tomb. 



?fiAP« 



LNGLING OF OFFIC 



51 



bearer, his cook^ hia groom, his lacquey, his messenger, some of 



prnviDg th&t dl the kiagfa taaies had 
D««n tlken into account. 

It must btf cottfeBatid that the tomb 
Ibbave deftcribfld belongs to a biter qf-a 
thKQ uur author, probably to about B.C. 
4*.>0-350; und that there are abundant 
tnoM of Qmek influetuse m the furnl- 
tufo tad omacnoats of tbo pUce. Still 
the general ideaa ore put^ly Seythic, 
juid there (^m be little doubt that the 
tomb belong! to un^ of thoie nati^^e 
kirigSi who from b.c, 43S to B.C. Ii04 
held ihd Greeks of Panticapseum in 
Bubj«ction (Cibitoii, F. H, toL il App, 
ch« 13), Gr&ek ideas had apparently 
modiJSed tbe old barbatiirimi so far as to 
reduoo the numbor of viDtima at a king's 
dealb from six to two, and Greek skill 
lyMi impmved the method of conutruct- 
ing a Urnib ; but otherwise the deacrip- 
tiou of Helmut UA accorda id most ex- 
aotljr with the modem discovery . There 
IB not indeed Auch au abundanoa of gold 
M bo deacribev, and there ar^ imple^ 
UldBta both in iiWer and brouj^e ; but 
here we mny either consider that time 
tiad brought about a change, or (more 
«rob«iblyj IhAt onr Author indulged in 
ma Ikfounte exaggeration (se« lutro- 
duetorj EHay, ch. lii pp. 82*g3). The 
•coompanyiDg plau and section are 
lttk«a ^om the magnlficeDt work of 



Dubois. (Yojnge an tour ^A^a Caucaisep 
&c.p Atlas, 4w Strie, PL KYiu.) 

Many other tombs more or Icea re^ 
Eiembting this have been found at dif- 
ferent timea in various ports of Huafiia 
and Tarti=iry. The ornaments are geue- 
rally of silver and gold* the weapons of 
broDise, and horses are uaually buried 
with the chief. In the second volume 
of the Archicclogia (Art* xxxiii.) a de- 
fliiription is given of a barrow opened by 
the Ru^ian authorlTiea, which eou- 
tuioed the skeletona of a man, a womau, 
and a horse, with weapons, and ms-ny 
rich ornaments. The human remains 
wore laid on aheebs of pure gold, and 
covered with similar sheota ; tlie entire 
weight of the four sheets Wing 40 lbs. 
The ornaments were some of them sot 
witli rubies and emeralds. 

The thirtieth volume of the Arch©- 
ologia contains another description of ft 
similar tomb (Art. ixi.>. This was near 
Asterabadj and wsja opened by the Bey 
m 1841, It contained human and 
hordes' bones; heads of spears, axeft, 
and maoes* forks, rods, ^c.» all of 
bronze, a vase and cup of pale yellow 
stoae; two mutilated female figures j 
and a number of utensils in gold. 
These were a goblet weighing AB ounces ; 
a lamp ilQ oz.)j a pot (H oz^} S f^^ 



BkUw or TtJinb, 



K -i 



52 



GOLDEN VESSEL IN TOMBS. 



Book IV. 



his horses, firstlings of all his other possessions,^ and some golden 
cups ; ^ for they use neither silver nor brass. After this they set 



two small trumpets. A portion of the 
contents was commonly reported to 
have been secreted by the Bey. 

The excavations of Dr. M'Pherson in 
the neighbourhood of Kertch in 1856 
were curious, but produced no very 
important results, as far ns Scythian 
antiquity is concerned. He found the 
burial of the horse common, not only in 
Scythic, but in much later times. The 
great shaft, which he believed to be the 
burial-place of a Scythian king, and to 
which he assigned the date of about b.c. 
500, appears to me to contain traces of 
Koman influence, and therefore to be 
later than the time of Pompey. (See 
his * Antiquities of Kertch/ London, 
1857.) 

A tomb closely answering to the de« 
scription of Herodotus is said to have 
been opened very recently near Alex- 
andropo], in the province* of Ekateri- 
noslav (M'Pherson, p. 86), but I have 
been unable to obtain any account of it. 

* A very similar custom still prevails 
in Tartary and Mongolia. ** Pour dire 
toute la v^rit^ sur le compte des Tar- 
tares," says M. Hue, ** nous devons 
aj outer, que leurs rois usent parfois 
d'un systeme de sepulture qui est le 
comble dc Textravagance et de la bar- 
baric : on transporte le royal cadavre 
dans un vaste edifice construit en 
briques, et orne' de uombreuses statues 
en pierre, representant des hommeS| 



des lions, des el^hants, des tagras, et 
divers sujets de la myihologie bouddh- 
ique. Avcc Tillustre d^funt^ on en- 
terre dans un large cavean, plao^ an 
centre du b&timent, de grosses somma 
(Tor et d'argent, des habits royauz, 
des pierres pr^ieuses. enfin tend ce domt 
il poitrra avoir bescAn dans une autre vie. 
Ces enterrements monstrueuz coAteiU 
quelqvtfois la vie a un tfrand nombre {ffs- 
dates. On prend des enfants de Tiin 
et de Tautre sexe, remarquables par leur 
beauts, et on leur fait avaler du mercore 
jusqu*ji ce qu'ils soient suffoques ; de 
cette mani^re, ils conservent, dit-on, la 
fratcheur et le colons de leur vissge, ao 
point de paraltre encore vivants. Cm 
malheureuses victimes sont plactes (206cw^ 
autour du cadavre de lettr mattre, conti- 
nuant en quelque sorte de le serrir 
comme pendant sa vie. Elles tiennant 
dans leurs mains la pipe, T^venti^il, 1» 
petite fiole de tabac a priser, et totf 
ks autres colifichets des majestes Ttf^ 
tares." (Voyage dans la Tartarict PP* 
115-6.) 

* The Kertch tomb above descno»* 
contained eight drinking-cups in si^'^J 
and one in electrum, or a mixture^ 
silver and gold (fig. 1). They W«^ 
principally shaped like the electr**^ 
vase, but some were of a still Bt***^. 
elegant form, particularly one t^^jS?^ 
nating in the head of a ram ( fig. 2). * ?^ 
only implement of pure gold in *^ 




Fig. 1. 



Fig. 2. 



Chap. 71, 72. IMPALEMENT OF YOUTHS AND HOKSES. 



53 



I 



to work, and rabe a vast mound above the grave, all of tbeiii 
vying wiUi imcli otlier and seeking to make it aa tall as possible, 
72. Wlien a year is gone by, further ceremonies take place. 
Fifty of the be^t of the late king's attendants are taken, all 
Biitive Seythiaus — fyr as bought slaves are unknown in tlje 
ccuutry, the Scytliian kings choose any of their subjects that they 
like, to wait on tliem — fifty of these are taken and strangled, with 
fifty of the most beautiful horses. When they ate dead, their 
bowels are taken ont» and the cavity cleaned, filled fidl of chaflF, 
mnd straightway st>vvn np again* ITiis done, a numlx>r of posts 
are driven into the groundj in sets of two pairs each, and on every 
pair half the folly of a wLeel ie placed archwise ; then strong 
stakes are ran lengthways through the bodies of the horses from 
tail to neck, and they are mounted up upon the fellies, so that 
the felly in front supports the shoulders of the h4)rse, while that 
behind sustains the belly and quarters, the legs dangling in mid- 
air; each horse is furnished with a bit and bridle, which latter is 
stretched out in front of the horse, and fastened to a peg-^ The 
fifty strangled youths are tlien mounted severally on tho fifty 
horses. To effect thisj a second stake is passed through their, 
bodies along the course of the spine to the neck ; the lower end 
of which projects from the body, and is fixed into a socket, made 



p\*m WW ilue ibi«ld, whkk vftm of aehaU 
tile. 

Th&tt WM, however, r aecond tomb 
Mow that which has heen deaqribed, 
in which gold wa« mucli more pleatifuU 
ThiM tomb wat plundered, and iU con- 
temts xierer scientifioallj examined, but 
1% jM AAid to bjLfe contained not lem 
th»a 120 Iba. of gold ! (See Diiboia^ Vfv!. 
T. p, 218, and Bejmour'a RiiHaia on thu 
BUek S^ p. 2S9. On the gener&l aub- 
j«et ef the ricben found in Scytbrnn 
tonibiy ie« p!itlAB*fl TraveU, toL i. p. 197,) 

* The prutioe of impaling borsea 
»eetn« to have eeased in these roglons, 
ll WAH fanndf hovrever, amoQg the 
Tfttan BO lide ai the 14 th centurf , See 
tlM paj«ag)e quoted hj Mr. Blukesley 
from Ibn Matuta, the Arabmn traveller 
(uot, ftd loc.). In Patagonia a practice 
Ystj iiks tho ^S^vthian prevails. There 
" ibe Eavoutite horm of the deceaeed ia 
killvd at the grave. When dead it iii 
■kiiiiiod and Bttiffed, then HOpported by 
iticks (or aet up) on ite Icgn, with the 
b^d propped up as if looking at the 
grave, ^onietlmei more borsea than 
one are Idlled^ At the fuubr^il of a 



cacique four horses are HacrificfM], &nd 
one ia eet up et each corner of the 
burial -place/' (Fitzroy'e NarratiTe of 
the Beagle^ voL ii. p. 155.) 

The flliiughter and burial of the horse 
with its owner woi *' common to the 
Genuans (Tivcit. Germ, 2T), the Tachuds 
of the Altai (Ledebour, Eaise, i, 331), 
the Tartars of the Crimea (Lindnert p, 
^J'2,)^ the Celtic tribea in Gaul and Hri< 
tain ; the FrankSj as evidenced in 
Childerio*s grare ; the Saxona, aa pmved 
by constant cicaration ; and the Norse- 
meo-f aa we read in all the Norse Bogaa, 
and find in inQumenible Norae graves. 
It wa« common ako to the Slavonio 
nations; to the Runs in the tUth c^i- 
tunr (Bee Frahn's edition of Ibu Fodan's 
ti^vels, pp, I04j 105); to the Lithuanlanji^ 
Letts, Wends^ add the Ugriiin popula* 
tjod of the Finna," (Mr. Kemblo in 
Dr. M'Pheraon*a Kertchj pp. 77* 78.) 

A horse was killed and interred with 
the owner so late oa 1731. (E^ee the 
aeeount of the fuDeral of Frederic 
CkBlmir, Oomnaander of Lorraine, in the 
lUtim'st'her AnH^mjriuat 1 Abtheil, 1 
Baud,p, 20e,) 




64 



SCYTHIAN VAPOUK-BATH* 



BooEtn 



in tlie st^ke that runs lengthwise down the horse. The fifty 
riders are thus ranged in a circle round the tomb, and m left 

73* Such, then, is the mode in which the kings are bnried : 
as for the people, when any one dies, his nearest of kin lay him 
upon a wagon and take him round to all his friends in succession : 
each receives thera in turn and entertains them with a banquet^ 
whereat the dead man is served mth a portion of aU that is set 
before the others ; this is done for forty days, at the end of which 
time the burial takes place. After the burial, tliose engaged in 
it have to purify themselves, which they do in the following way* 
First they well soap and wash their heads ; then, in order to 
eleansa their ix>dies, they act as follows : they make a booth by 
fixing in the ground three sticks inclined towards one another^* 
and stretching around them woollen felts^ which they arrange so 
as to fit as close as possible : inside the booth a dish is placed 
upon the ground, into which thf*y put a number of red-hot stones, 
and then add some hemp-seed. 

74 Hemp grows in Scythia ; it is very like flax ; only that 
it is a much coarser and taller plant : some grows wild about 
the country, some is produced by cultivation:* the Thracians 
make garments of it which closely resemble linen ; so much so, 
indeed, that if a person has never seen hemp he is sure to think 
they are linen, and if he has, unless he is very exj)erienced in 
such matters, he will not know of which material they are. 

75. The Scythians, as I said, take some of this hemp-seed, 
and, creeping under the felt coverings, throw it upon the red- 
hot stones ; immediately it smokes, and gives out such a vapour 
BA no Grecian vapour-bath can exceed ; the Scyths, delighted, 
flhont for joy, and this vapour serves them instead of a water- 



* Here we see teni-nmkinBf in ite in- 
f*ncy» Tho tejita of the wandering 
tribea of the siepiies, whether CalDiiiGks 
And Khirgiji in the weet, or Mongolti in 
tht> eaiit, nre now of a ranch xnore ela- 
borate construction* These hiiHtkus^ m 
the KLiBai&nit can them, are <rircular; 
they Are at bottom ojUndncal, wilh tL 
ttomcal topj nnpported on a framework 
of small ffporfl reseiubltng In tbeir ar* 
raogement the rodtof a pttn^al* (Hue, 
torn. i. p. 62 ; Do Hell, p. 245,) The 
material is still felt. Fuitber sotith, in 
the plain of Moghttn^ towiiiti« the month 
of the combined Kur atid Aras, PaUan 
found the Kurda using a method almost 
ki simple aa that hero mentioned bj 
Herodotua:— '*Tbey plcice/' he aayt. 



"two long bent poleu trannvet^olj, 
fasten tb»m At the centre above, and 
fix their emk in the grounds they theo 
cover them with felt, or mats of sedge," 
(TraveKvoL i. p. 173, ni>teO Way not 
thiei last be the material inteuded by 
.d^bjluE when he speiikH of the wXtttrkr 
ffriynj of the Scjthmna, rather than an 
oticr framework, as Niebuhr supposes I 
(Qeograpbj of ScythiA, E* T* p. 47 u 

* Hetnp ij not now cultivated in tbeve 
regions. It forma, however, an item of 
«tome importance cuucmg the eic ports of 
Southern Bussia, being brought from the 
north hj water^cairia^e. It would te«m 
from the text that in the time of Hei^o* 
dotuB the plant wan grown in SoytbJA 
proper. He speskfi like an eye<T^itiieas^ 




Chat. T2-7G* 



ABHORRENCE OF FOREIGN CUSTOMS. 



55 



I 




bflth ; * fcir they neTcr by any chance wash their bodies with 
water^* Their women make a mixture of cypresSj cedar, and 
frankincense wood, which they {Kiund into a paste upon a rough 
piece of atone, adding a little water to it. With this substance^ 
which 18 of a thick consistency, they |>laster their faces all oyer, 
and indeed their whole bodies. A sweet odour is thereby im- 
parted to them, and when they take off the plaster on the day 
foUowing, their akin is clean and glosgy. 

76, The ScytluaJis have an extreme hatred of all foreign cus^ 
toms, particularly of those in nse among the Greeks, as the in- 
sljinces of Anacharsisj andj more lately, of Scylas, have fully 
shown. The former, after he had travelled over a gi'eat portion 
of the world, and dis^played wherever he went many proofs of 
wi^om, as he saOecl through the Hellespont on his return to 
Scythia, toucheil at Cyzicus,* There he found the inhabitants 
eelebrating with much ix)mp and naagnifieence a festival to the 
Mother of the Gods,* and is^as himself induced to make a vow 
to the goddess, whereby he engaged, if he got back safe and 
eoand to his home, that he would give her a festival and a 
night-procession in all respects like those which he had seen in 
Cyxicus. When, therefore, he arrived in Pcythia, he betook 
himself to the district called the Wootllund,^*^ which lie^ opposite 
the Course of Achilk% and is covered with trees of all manner 
of different kinds, and there went through all the sacred rites 
witli the tabour in his hand, and the images tied to him,*^ 
While thuB employed, he was noticed by one of the Scythians, 
who went and told king Saulius whut he had seea Then king 
8auliii3 came in person, and when he perceived what Ana- 
charsis was about, he shot at him with an arrow and killed 



' Herf>di>tui Appears in thin itiaiiuic« 
to hjuvt cotifoiinded together two thiDga 
in reality quite dis^tinct, viz., intoxtca- 
tjott from the fumes of bemp-weed, (ind 
liUgeoce m the var>o\ir-bath. The 
ktioEk of the Ru0«mn« to the latter is 
Itimffu, the former continuea to be 
jt Blberinti custom. (See Ctarks'a 
Kuatia, pp. ^I'l-l; Niebuhrfl 3<;7thia, 

L47.. K. T^) Compare the account id 
fik i. ch, '2m. 

'in Rii«sii th«j Und utiU m Clarke '■ 
tliD« '*mUy THpour-bath*/* (TrAvelij 
p. !47.) 

* For the site of Cjzictu eee note on 
Bo0k vL oh. 93. 

* Cybil^ or Hhea, whose worsbtp 
(eotmoic^ throughout Aaiaj p^useed from 
Uui flu^gUns %Q the loaiau Ureek^j nud 




thence to their colotufj^^ amon^ which 
were Cysicus aud Olbia. (Vide eupra, 
ch. 53.) 

''^ Vide lupn, cbn. 18, 19, and 54. 

'* The use of the tabour m the worship 
of Kliea IB noticad bj ApoUoniua Rho- 
diua: — 

(Arfonanl. L 1139.) 
Euripidea aacri>>€s the inyentioti of the 
iuBtrumeut to Ba^chtia And Hliea 
(BacL'h. 59), Polyhiuft, Dionyaitia of 
HtiXiaxmB^sumf and Clomeut of Alex- 
atidriaj^ a! hide to iba images, which 
seem to have beeit smaU figures huDg 
around the neck^ They were catled 
wpo&niBliia. fSee Polyb, ijtii, 2iij 
Dion. HaK H- 19; Cl«m. AL Protrept- 
ToL i. p. '10,} 



56 STORY OF ANACHARSIS. Book IV, 

him.^ To this day, if you ask the Scyths about Anacharsis, they 
pretend ignorance of him, because of his Grecian trayels and 
adoption of the customs of foreigners. I leamt, however, from 
Timnes, the steward ^ of Ariapithes, that Anacharsis was paternal 
uncle to the Scythian king Idanthyrsus, being the son of GnoruSy 
who was the son of Lycus and the grandson of Spargapithes. 
If Anacharsis were really of this house, it must have been by 
his own brother that he was slain, for Idanthyrsus was a son of 
the Saulius who put Anacharsis to death.^ 

77. I liave heard, however, another tale, very difierent from' 
this, whicli is told by the Peloponnesians : they say, that Ana- 
charsis was sent by the king of the Scyths to make acquaintance 
with Greece — that he went, and on his return home reported, 
that the Greeks were all occupied in the pursuit of every kind 
of knowledge, except the Lacedaemonians ; who, however, alone 
knew how to converse sensibly. A silly tale this, which the 
Greeks have invejited for their amusement ! There is no doubt 
that Anacharsis suffered death in the mode already related, on 
account of his attachment to foreign customs, and the intercourse 
which ho held with the Greeks. 

78.^Scylas, likewise, the son of Ariapithes, many years later, 
met with almost the very same fate. Ariapithes, the Scythian 

* Diogenes Laertius pays that there cult to reconcile with their supposed 
were two accounts of the death of Ana- date. According to Sosicrates (Fr. 15) 
charsis— one that he was killed while he was at Athens in b.c. 592, almott 80 
celebrating a festival, another (which he yecws before the date of his nephew*« 
prefers) that he was shot by his brother contest with Darius. But the chrono- 
while engaged in hunting. Ue calls his logy of Sosicrates is too pretentious to 
brother, Cadu'idas (Vit. Anach. i. § bo depended on. Diogenes Laertius (i. 
101-2). 101) tells us that the mother of Ana- 

* The Qrcek word (ivirpoiros) might charsis was a Greek, which would ac- 
mean "Regent." But it is unlikely count for his Greek leanings— for his 
that Herodotus could have conversed comparative refinement and wish to 
with a man who hud been regent for the travel. That the Scythian kings married 
father of Scylas, his own contemporary. Greeks we learn by the case of Aria* 
A steward or man of business employed pithes (infra, ch. 78). We may doubt 
by Ariapithes need not have been much whether Anacharsis deserved the corn- 
older than Herodotus himnelf. (See pliment of being reckoned among the 
Niebuhr's Scythia, p. 38, note 2. E. T.) Seven Sages (Epbor. Fr. 101; Nic. Dwn. 
Mr. Blakesley's conjecture that Timnes Fr. 12:^. Comp. Hermipp. Fr. 17 and 
was a ** functionary i-epreaenting the Dicaearch. Fr. 28); but we may properly 
interests of the barbarian sovereign at regard him as an intelligent half-caste, 
the factory which was the centre of the who made a very favourable impression 
commercial dealings between the mer- on the Greeks of his day, an impression 
chants and the natives," i.r. at Olbia, is the more remarkable, as the Greeks 
not improbable. wore not usually very liberal in their 

* Herodotus is the earliest writer who estimate of foreigners. Tlie anecdotes 
mentions Anacharsis. There is no suffi- in Diog. Laertius (i. § 101^5) do not 
cient reason to duubt the fact of his show much more than tolerable shrewd- 
travels, although what Herodotus here neaa. 

relates of his family history is very diffi- 



Ciap. 76-78; 



TALE OF SCYLAS. 



57 



I 

I 

I 



king, had several sons, among them tliis Seylas, who was the 
childj not of a native Scyth, but of a womiin of Istria/ Bred up 
by her, Scylas giiined an acquaintance with the Greek language 
and letters* Some time ai'terwards, Ariapithes was treacherously 
filain by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsi ; whereupon Scyks 
succeeded to the throne, and married one of his tatlier's wives,^ 
a woman name<i Opcea. This Opooa was a Scythian by birth, 
and had brought iVriapithes a son called Oricus. Now when 
Scylas found hiin.solf king of Scythia, ais he disliked tlio Mythic 
mode of life, arid was attached, by hia bringing up, to the man- 
ners of the Greeks, he made it his usual practice, whenever he 
came with his army to the town of the Borysthenites,*^ who, ac- 
cording to their own account, are colonists of the Milesians^ — 
he made it his practice, I say, to leave the army before the city, 
and, having entered within the walls by himself, and carefully 
closed the gates, ^ to exchange his Scythian dress for Grecian 
garments, and in tbis attire to walk about the forum, without 
gtmrds or retinue. The Borysthenites kept watch at the gates, 
that no Scythian might see the king thus apparelled, Scylas, 
meanwhile, lived exactly as tho Greeks, and even offered sacri- 
&om to the Gods according to the Grecian rites. In this way 
be would pass a month, or more, with the Borystlienites, after 
which be would clothe himsell' again In his Scythian dress," and 



* litrifl,, Ister^ or Istropolis, at the 
mouth of the Datiubi) or Ister, was a 
colon J" of the Mileaiana, found tsd about 
th«» time u( the Cimiiiermti iiivoaiou at 
AwU MjDor. (Peripl. Pont, Eux. p. 
157.) lt« tiome reta^DB m the modern 
HWrrt (vide Bupro, Bot@ ' on it. ^^ ), but 

lift iite %Tis probably nearer to JCastendJe, 

* Ci5njpflr« Adouijah** request to bo 
mTeti one of hiA fatber'a (Dnvid'a) wivee 
(1 Eiltgi 11* 17-25). Such morriJigeii 
wore furbidden by the Jewish law ( LdT« 
xriii- B, d^c*\ but they were no doubl 
commcfti among other nationa* 

* OlhLfL (vide vuprft, ch* b'S, nntfl.) 

^ ] t appears rroiu tliia passage tluit the 
native prinoet of Western Scytbla exer- 
c'ned uearljlhe samd authority in Olbia 
that tbeir brethtvii in tho East enjoyed 
over Pautioap^um and Thcodo^ia, The 
Scytbiau dynasty of tb@ Leuconidic^ 
wbicli bore §way in the country on 
either side of the Btmt» af Yeui-kaleh, 
fhim al>ont S.C 4 as to ii.c. 304, bad a 
quidified dominioQ m the Qr^k town of 
whJdi they did not clnim to be kings^ 
but only rulera. {See the furmuJA com- 
mon m th« inscriptions of Kertcb, 




ApX^tfToi* ..... EoinrApou ko} SfciSo* 
&tjj¥t ffoJ flsuriXfiiorToj XtyBvv^ kuI Mot- 
TWif^ jc. T. K, Dubois, 4"-* St^ritf* PL 2ri; 
Kohler'a Hemarquea, p. l!>^ &l/) The 
poflition of Scylaji in OJbia waa perhaps 
not quite on a par with thia; still his 
comJQ;^tciCA an antiiif stationing it m the 
iuburb, entering tho town, and com-- 
tn^inding the gate to ha dosed^ arc indieati vo 
of hia having the roll rights of «ove* 
reign ty. The coins of Olbia however 
did not, bke those of Panticapeeum, 
bear the heiul of a Sey tluan king ; nur 
did the public acta run in the name of a 
prince, but in those of n number of 
archoDSj, wbo eeeni to have been usually 
Greeks (se* Kohler, p» 12), 

* Herod oil »s never distinctly mentions 
whut tbe coatume of the Eumpean 
Scytha wafi. It appeal^ hj the repre- 
eontationa of it upon the remains found 
at Kertcb and else where, not to have 
difT&red gi-eatly from that of their 
Asiatic brethren (infra, vii* G4), Tbe 
ordinaiy head-ilreas waj a cap, or hood, 
comiog to a point at the top, and pro- 
jecting somewhat in the fashion of the 
Phrygian boonet (compare Ihs woodnul 



58 



SCYLAS INITIATED IN THE BACCHIC RITES. Bocw IV, 



80 take his departure. This he did repeatedly, and even bnilt 
himself a house in Borysthenes,* and married a wife there who 
was a native of the place. 

79. But when the time came that was ordained to bring him 
woe, the occasion of his ruin was the following. He wanted to 
be initiated in the Bacchic mysteries,^ and was on the point of 
obtaining admission to the rites, when a most strange prodigy 
occurred to him. The house which he possessed, as I mentioned 
a short time back, in the city of the Borysthenites, a building erf 
great extent and erected at a vast cost, round which there stood 
a number of sphinxes and griffins ^ carved in white marble, was 
struck by lightning from on high, and burnt to the grounds 
Scylas, nevertheless, went on and received the initiation. Now 
the Scythians are wont to reproach the Greeks with their 
Bacchanal rage, and to say that it is not reasonable to imagine 
there is a god who impels men to madness. No sooner, there- 
fore, was Scylas initiated in the Bacchic mysteries than one of 
the Borysthenites went and carried the news to the Scythians — 
" You Scyths laugh at us," he said, " because we rave when the 
god seizes us. But now our god has seized upon your king, who 
raves like us, and is maddened by the influence. If you think 



in notes • and ' on chs. 3 and 71); the 
material being, apparently, felt. Co the 




body was worn a loose coat, trimmed 
with fur, and gathered in at the waist 
with a belt. Loose trousers protected 
the legs, and the feet were encased in 
short boots of a soft leather, which gene- 
rally covered the bottom of the trouser. 
In the case, at any rate, of the richer 
classes, all the garments were thickly 
ornamented with spangles and coins, 
sewn on to them in rows, throughout. 
The most common colour, at least near 
Olbia, seems to have been black (Dio 



Chrysost. Or. xxxvi. p. 439). 

' The town bore the two names of 
Borysthenes and Olbia (vide supra, eh. 
18, note •); the former, which Herodo- 
tus evidently prefers, being the appella- 
tion best known among the Greeks 
generally, while the latter was afitbctad 
by the inhabitants. The two names ara 
used, not only by Herodotus, but by 
Pliny (H. N. iv. 12), Ptolemy (iii 5), 
the anonymous author of the'Periplus 
P. Euxini (p. 151), Scymnus Chius (Pr. 
11. 59-60). and Stephen (ad voc. Bepv- 
<r04y7i5). Strabo (vii. p. 470) and Arrian 
(Peripl. P. Eux. p. 132) give only the 
name Olbia. Dio Chrysostom (Or. 
xxxi.) and Martianus Capella (vi. p. 
214) confine themselves to the term 
Borysthenes. 

^ The Milesian colonists seem to havo 
carried the worship of the Fhtygum 
Bacchus (Sabazius) to Olbia. Hence 
Olbia was itself called SajSta, or JUmtti 
(Peripl. P. Eux. p. 151). 

^ Qriffins are common in the orna- 
mentation of objects discovered in Scy- 
thian tombs (Dubois, 4'»'» S6rie, Pis. 1 1, 
20, 22, and 24), and sometimes adorn 
the tombs themselves (PI. 25). Sphinxes 
have notk so far as I am aware, been 
found. 



Chap. 78^0, 



REYOLT OF OCTAKABADAS. 



I 



I 



I do not toll you trne^ come with me, and I will show him to 
yoiL*' The chiefs of the Scytliians went with the man accord- 
ingly , and the Borysthetiitej cot* ducting them into th(3 city, 
placed them secretly on one of the towers* Presently Hcylaa 
paBi^d by with the band of revellers, raving like the rest, and was 
Been by the watchers* Kegarding the matter as a very great 
misfortune they instantly departed, and came and told the army 
1%'hat they had witnessed. 

SO, When J therefore, Seyhis, after leading Borysthenes, was 
abont returning home, the Scythians broke out into revolt* They 
put at their head Octamasadas, grandson (on the mother's eide) 
of Teres* Then Scylas, when he lesnicd the dimger with which 
he waa threatened, and the reason of the disturbance, mtule his 
escape to Thrace. Octamasadas, discovering whither he had iled, 
marehetl after him, and had reached the Ister^ when he was met by 
the fon^es of the Thracians. The two armies ^vere about to engagt?, 
but before they joined battle, Sitalces ^ sent a message to Ucta- 
masada^ to this effect — ** Why should there he trial of arms be- 
twixt thee and me? Thou art my own sisters son, and thou 
hast in tliy keeping my brother. Surrender him into my hands, 
and I will give tliy Scylas back to thee. So neither thou nor I 
will risk our armies," Sitalces sent this message to Octama- 
iadas, by a herald, and Octamasadae, with whom a brother of 
Sitalces* had formerly taken refuge, accepted the terms. He 
surrendered hb own uncle to Sitalces, and obtained in exchange 
his brother Scylas,* Sitalces took his brother with hun and 



' Vifle infra, Tii. 137, Bitalcei wa* 
«»ntfiinponirj with H^rodotUB. H© 
died B.C. 424 (Thueyd. W. lOl). Teres, 
hi* father, founded the groat kmgdom 
«if the Otiryssi in the gonflratton after 
ibe Sey thiim i?ip€dition of Darius (ihid, 
ii. 29), The followiiig table will show 
the i^UdanBhip of the several metnhan 
of tbia rojal b^Uie, Mid the alHunoei 
eontraeied by them with neighbouring 
juonareha^ — 

TiBce (foundrr of the 
I kine^iiiD.) 



r 



diQgbt^ 



king of ScytliUk 



WetAidTSM BprnrmiacuM, 
orA^lKferi. ^ [ 

I BtClllHS 

m^ OctBlDBjUUlA^ 

_ r of BentliLakP, 
Ui^ of Mocedfliu 

FVom Sit&lcea bein^ mentioned here 
without an J explanation of wlirt he wan, 
it hai been argued that thia p^t^sagi^ wat» 



ye 

ponneaian War (Dahlniunn*!* Life of 
HercMi. p. 29, E»l\; Blakeeley ad loc*, 
^c^). Bat this is at Im^it doubtfuL 
(See Introductory Eaaay, eh* i. p, 21, 
note K) 

* Ferhape Spiu'a^OGtuij the father of 
Seutbea* 

^ The followiDg genealogical table of 
the Scythian ktuga may be drawn out 
firom these chap td rat — 

a.c. 




Ab. 6W 






ab.4B0 



ab.4(t0 



I 



i 



Scyloi 



fiauUnft 

Idanlbjnufl 

I 
Aiiaplttin 
I 

1 



Ortciw. 



60 



POPULATION OY SCYTHLi. 



Book IT, 



withdrew; but Octainasados beheaded Seylas upon the spot. 
Thus rigidly do the Scythians maintain tlieir own customs, and 
thaa severely do they punish such as adopt foreign usages* 

8L What the popuiation of Seythia ig, I was not able to learn 
with certainty; the accounts which I received varied from one 
another. I beard from some that they were very numerons 
indeed ; others made their munbers but scanty for such a nation 
as the Seyths.^ Thus much^ however, I witnessed with my own 
eyea There is a tract called Exampa^us between the Bory- 
sthenes and the Hypanis* I made some mention of it in a former 
place> where I s[>oke of the bitter stream which riaiiig there 
flows into the Hypanis, and rendei-s the water of that ri^er 
undrinkablo/ Here then stands a brazen bowl^ six times as big 
as that at the entrance of the Euxiue, which Pausanias, the son 
of Cleombrotus, set np^ Such as have never seen that vessel 
may understand me better if I say that the Scythian bowl holds 
with ease six hundred araphorse,* and is of thG thickness of six 
fingers' breadth. The natives gave me the following account of 
the manner in which it was made» One of their kings, by name 
Ariantaj^, wishing to know the number of his subjects, ordered 
them all to bring him, on pain of doath^ the point off one of 
their arrows. They obeyed ; and he collected thereby a vast 
heap of arrow-heads,^ which he resolved to form into a memorial 



It U complete oxoept in ono point. We 
Aftt not oxpreftfjly told that Aiiapithee 
Wta tbo Hon of rdEmtbyrauSp Chrpnolo- 
gied conflidenktiona, however, make it 
tolemblj certoJQ that he was at any rate 
I^authyrHUs'a BVicceeeior. 

* The notion entertained by the Greeks 
of the power and number of the Scytba 
may be clearly seen iu Thucydides (ii' 
97)* The great kingdom of the Udrya® 
eatabliflhed. by Ter<js and hm non Sitalces 
wall not Ui com|iaro, he sayHj in respect 
of military atreogtb and nttrnft^tttf noitlicn 
( iTTpaTau wk-f}6ti ] with the Scythn. Nay, 
h© further delivers it iid h\a opinion, 
tb*t uo uingle nati^jn, either in Ettrope or 
jitfwci, could match the Scytblims, if tbey 
were but united among tbemaelveo. 

' Vide aupra, cb. 1^2. 

■ AthemeuB (fallowing Nymphis of 
Heraeleii) relatets that PnuBaQina set up 
thU bowl at the time that be wag be- 
dtiging Byssantium. He gives the fol- 
lowing OS the imicriptiop upon it — 

MumfL opcriv av^l^f flowLloiun oWcti 
See the Beipnunoph^ vii. ^ (p. 536). 



* The Greek mnphord iain^optbi) con- 
tai Ded nearly ni ne of our gal lon8 ; whence 
it appears tbut thia howl would have 
held abcut 5400 gnllonn^ or above Bo> 
hogaheoilfl. fTbo " Great Tun" at Heidel- 
berg hohhi above 800 bogabeodfi.) Only 
one otber bowl of this eiiormoiu nixe ia 
on record, viz. the silver crater presenttrd 
to Delphi by Crmaim (supra, u 51). 

It seenm to me as impossihle to nap- 
pose thia bowl to have been the work of 
the CimmerlauB as of the Scythians. I 
cannot, there fore, with Hitter (VorbiJlo, 
p. MS]t a^ribe it to the race which the 
Scytb» drove out* It must have been of 
Greek workmanship, cait probii^bly (it 
Olbia, or Tyroa. It wui u^ed no doubt 
in the itaoi^d oereroonies which pFOCurod 
for the place where it stood the name nf 
''The SoOTcd Waya "* (suprop cb. 52). 
The story told to Herodotus of ita origin 
is entitled to very little credit, 

^ It hfls been already remarked that 
the bow was, wot* ^f oxVt ^^^ nutionnl 
weapon [aupra^ cb- 3^ Uute ^)* Here it 
is supposed that every Soythiau would 
have arrows. 8cythian arrow-headA ore 
abundant in the tombs, and are FeuMUrk,^ 



i 



Craf. 80-82. 



POOT-MAEK OF HERCULES. 



Bl 



that might go down to posterity. Accordingly he made of them 
this bowl,^ and dedicated it at Exampgeiia. This was all that 
I could learn concerning the number of the Scythians, 

82, The country has no mftrvela except its rivers, which are 
larger and more numerous than those of any other land. These, 
and the vastness of the great plain,^ are worthy of note, and one 
thing besides, which I am aWiut to mention. They Bhow afoot* 
mark of Hercnleis^ impressed on a rock, in shQ|>e like the print 
of a man*s foot, but two cubita in length,*^ It is in the neighbour^ 



sble for ike Bkilful mnnner m which 
tlj«y are barbed. They are triongulur 
&ad uiu^tlj made of bruuse* 



* Very elegant broD^ bowls (see the 
woodcut below) have beeu founii in tlie 
Bcytbma toinbB^undoubledly of Greek 
workuuLBBhip — but none at aH of the 
mm of this. 

' Oonoerniog the grtai plaiti of South- 
ern HumU, vide ffupra, ch. 47, note *. 

< Thia doen not proTe that the Scy- 
thiana rec^ipijzed Hercules a« a godt for 
the per son i who ah owed the footprfntu 
nmj haVe been Greeks. The Greek trar 
dJtiona of these parts brought Heroul^ 
into Scythia (aupra^ ch«* 8-lU^. 

A Cf* ii' 9L. These supposed foot- 
prints of gianta are pointed out in »U 
coun tries* They fonu no HulBcieiit 
ground for presutniu^, with llitter(Vor- 
haXl% pp. M'^M^) that Buddhbm waa 



ioV 



tbt rrll^onofthe Cimmeriana* ItifkeH, 
«s Buddha Sakjaj wni not born till B.C. 
^^St Miit the la«t r^^mtiAtit of the Uimme- 
ristia WBA dri veu out by the iScy th^ before 



s.c- S37 (siipm, vol. i. p. ^l), it U 
aimply itnpossible that the Cimnterifuis 
of these parts ehouid have been Buddha 
iitt^. 



63 



INYASION OP DARIUS, 



Book IT. 



liood of tlie Tyms. Having ilencriberl tiiis, I return to the subject 
oil wLich I origmally proposed to discourse. 

83, The preparations of Darius against the Scytliians had 
begun, messengers had been despatched on all sides with the 
king's command^ some being required to furnish troops^ others 
to supply ships, others again to bridge the Thraciau Bospliorus, 
when Artabauus, son of Hystaspes and brother of Darius, eu- 
treat4?d the king to desist fn)m his expedition, urging on him tJie 
great difficulty of attarking Scythia." Good, however, as the 
advice of Artubanns waa, it failed to persuade Darius. He 
therefore ceased his reasonings ; and Darius, when his prepara- 
tions were complete, led hm amiy forth fmm Susa, 

84, It was then that a certain Persian, by name CEobazns, 
the father of three sons, all of whom were to accompany the 
anny> came and prayed the king that he would allow one of 
bis sons to remain with him. Darius made answer^ as if he 
regarded him in the light of a friend who had urged a moderate 
request, "that he would allow them all to remain.'* CEoba^suB 
was overjoyed, expecting that all his children would be excused 
from serving; the king however bade his attt^udants take the 
three sons of CEobazus and forthwith put them to death. Thus 
they were all left behind, but not till they had been deprived of 
Hfe.^ 

85, Wlien Darius^ on his inarch from Susa, reached the terri* 
tory of Chalcedon * on the shores of the Bosphonis, where the 
bridge had been made, he took ship and sailed thence to the 
Cyanean islands,* which, according to the Greeks, once floated. 
He took Ida aeat also in the temple * and surveyed the Pontus, 
which is indeed well worthy of consideration. There is not in 
the world any other sea so wonderful: it extends in length 



* The c&utiDua temfief of ArtabanuB 
agMin rippean, vii. 10, 

^ Compare the jiiimljix mtaty told of 
X^nes, infra^ vij. 39 > 

' CUalcedan was nit.uated on the Aai- 
aiic Bide, at tbe point wbere the Boa- 

g bonis (Canal of Conatautinfipie) ojveni 
ato tbe Propontj«, ar Sea of Marfiiora 
(ScjL Furipl p, 83; Stmb, xii. p- «43>, 
Tha modem viilago of K*tdi ICetti^ ^ few 
mUefl south of Scutarif umrlu the pl&ce 
(vidfB mfh^ ch. 144^ note). 

* OtherwlBe called the Sympl eludes, 
Aocordiikg to Strabo (vii. p. 492) they 
wem two in aumber, and Jay, one on 
the Eiirikpeau, the other on tbe *iaitLtic 
aide oQ tbti mouth of the fttrait« Aud iig 



Pindar, the eArlieflt wnt«r who notk«t 
them, Btij», d^lSv^m Icrm'. (Pj^th- iv, 
;i7l.) Ci^mpare the KwftK**it v^*it&w 
B{ro of Apollouitm RhotUua (ii. 318)» 
They were, 8trabk> telk ua, 20 AtMdi* 
ap«u*t Irom one another* Moderns re* 
mnrk two rocks oft the two coAstfl in 
thie pf)«itiou (Clarke, p. 674). 

The legflDd of the Symplaj^^es will 
be found in Pitidar [L a* c), Apollo* 
uiufl Hbodiufi rL a. c j» and Apollodorui 
(BibUotbec. L ii, 22.). We need not 
nee k to dirtoover & matteixif-fflct eipla- 
natiou of it. 

^ The temple at the mouth of the 
atrait muutioned belaw^ ch. S7, Sett 



I 



Chap. 82*85, 



DABIUS SUBYEYS THE EUXIKE. 



I 



eleTen thousand one hundred furionga, and its breadth, at the 
widest part, m three tliousand three hundred.^ The mouth is 
but four furlonga wide;^ and this Btrait, called the BosphoruSj 
and across wliioli tho bridge of l>ariu8 had been thrown, is a 
hnndred and twenty furlong?^ in length/ reaching from the 
Euxine to the Pi-opontis* The Propontia m five hundred fur- 
longs across,^ and Iburteeu hundred long." Its waters flow into 



^lOOiTdett ^Thja distaiioe &om tbe mouth 
of the Bosphortui to the Fh^iB} which 
Herodotus roj^rtla as the ejttretue length 
£if iha Font us ^ inflteail of beiojo^ 11400 
■tftdea iVIHf) miles ^ ia, by the mo^t 
direol course, Abuut 5500 4tii[de«f or little 
luore tbaD 630 loilei^. Even foUowmg 
the ftiDuomitiefl of the» coftttj it do&n not 
Vixooed 7) iQO nUdm, or 800 mlba. Again, 
Um distfttioe MTCNW from the Thurmtxion 
f TA«nii«A) to tbe Sindic [)enio0u)a (imd 
hon the eooat-Une camiut he meuit), 
iiwiMd of bcEtiif 3300 atadea (380 mile8)i 
k about 2340 Bittdea, or 270 miles. 

It hoB b«eii tup^fred by Lurcher &nd 
Olb^rii, thAt EerodotUii here uses a dif- 
ferent fltatlft from that which ht* com- 
Kiolily emplojji, but thie is ti njere gra- 
ttutoui ft^LiinptloD to escape a difficulty* 
Dnhlmatm (Life of Herod, p. 71, E. T,) 
}mM well expoted Ihe mbaurdjty of sncb 

Hemdoiua a mmifeitly in error. The 
how wiA he milled ? In the 
rate of 
hiid pro- 
tiiblY he«ii hiinjelf from the Bo^phoruB 
to ike Phftflifl in n uiling resael, Mid 
knew thjit he had m«de sd average voy- 
^g«p Mid thul the time was, » he givev 
Hf 9 diiji nud % uisiiitB. In this Toyage 
C^ hi* he had fblkiwed the ooaet4iue, 
jjuiding occiisionally, na it fippeara (11. 
lV4). He wa^ told th&t the veaiiel marie 
1300 stidesft'^aj, when its real rute w>ia 
lit^e more thui BOO niadea. Further, 
ftt TlieioiBcyra on the TherxEiodon, he 
probslily heard that yeaaele Miled thimoe 
to Smdic& bi 21 dayn, luid applying in 
tilie <&t0e the aame rate of aailin^, he ^up- 
poaed the dbtoJice to be 3J00 ^tades. 
Bat either an occjuiionid high epe«d was 
giYen to him oa an average rate, or the 
VMielii which adTentured into the open 
iAtt were better nilere than th e ordinary 
coiaten; so that hera he ditl oot make 
■JQ ealiieiate so gi'Stttly exceeding the 
irilih> The ships which croBsed from 
TheaoicjT*. to Sindii^ in 2| days must 
liAi* attained a ipeed but little ahort of 



ms^tm iii how waa he misled ? 
inift nli^ b^oT«i^«atimatin^ the i 
t p eea pt exiling Yeaaela. He hm 




the 1000 stadia /*cr (Kraij which seems to 
have beea tbe estimate mode by Pto- 
lemy, and again by Strabo, of the |>o wera 
of aailing-vesaels in their time, (See the 
note of Larcher, quoting Ca^uboUj voL 
iii. p. 433, note lt^4.) 

' Moderns genemlly eetimate the 
width of the canal of Coufitantinople 
at three-qutiTterfl of a mile^ which would 
he rather more than six etadia. Aa 
Strabo, Pliny, EiistathiuA, and othnr 
writ era agi^e with Herodotus^, it is Gou- 
jectured that the o[>i3ning has grttdually 
widened (Kruae^ Ueber Herodota Aus- 
meMUUg dee Pontus^ Brealnn, IBlli, p. 
41). The strong current would eyen- 
tually tend to produce this etfect. It 
muist be noted, however, that Col, 
Chfianey isalla the width eiily UOU yai-da, 
or leaa thjin 3 stadea (Euphrat. Exped. 
voh i. p. 326). 

* This is under the true lengthy whJoh 
ie about 16 miles, or 14^^ atadea. It 
vim however the usual e^tinmte in 
ancteut tliues (Polyh. iv. 89; Arrian'a 
Perlpl. ad fiu.)^ aud muat have beeu 
takon from the rate of veMels sailing 
with the current, 

^ Herodotus appears to have measured 
the width of the Propoptis by a line 
running nearly north and eoutht fr^>m 
the European ahore near Peripthtiia to 
the Astatic about Plada. The diatmico 
jfl Ibeiie nearly 50 milea, or about 44U 
atades. StrabO} on the other hand* 
measured by a line running nearly e<'iat 
and west from Bisauthe to the inner- 
moat recess of the Gulf of CiuSp and so 
tnade the breadth about e^ual thtf 
length (ii. p, 187). 

^ By the length of the Propontis w« 
mus't undent t4iad here (as in Btrabo> ii, 
p, 1@B) the difitance from the lower 
mouth of tbe BoBphorus to the upper 
end of the UelleapoDt. This^ if we re- 
gard the atrait m commencing at GAlli- 
poU, ia« in a direct llnu, rather more than 
1 1 5 milesp or about 1000 atadea. Along 
the western coast the diataQoe would 
amount to 135 miles, or IHQ fftadea. 
Sti^bo estimatea it at 150U atades (L a. c). 



64 



MEASUBBHKNTS OF THE EUXIHE, &c. 



Book it. 



the Hellespont^ the length of which is four hundred furlongs, 
and the width no more than seyen*^ The Hellespont opeojs 
into the wide sea called the Egean, 

86, Tlie mode in whieh these distances have been measured 
ia the following* In a long day a vea«el generally accomplishea 
about seventy thousand fathoms, in the night s^ixiy thousand. 
Now from the month of the Pontns to the river Phasis, which ia 
t&e eirtreme length of this sea,^ ib a voyage of nine days and 
eight nighti:!, wliieh makes the distance one million one hundred 
and ten thousand fathoms, or eleven thousand one hundred fui^ 
longs. Again, from Sindica^' to Themigcyra^ on the river 
Thermodon, where the Pontua is wider than at any other place,' 
is a sail of three days and two nights ; which makes three him- 
dred and thirty thousand fathoms, or three thousand three 
hundred furlongs. Such is the plan on which I have measured 
the Pontua, tlie Bosphorns^ and the Hellespont, and such is the 
account which I have to give of them. The Pontus has also a 
lake belonging to it, not very much inferior to itself in j&lzej^ 



' Th© length of the DardaneUra, froni 
QaUipoU to tlie 0[>en sfla^ ib, as nearly ua 
pufieibl@, 40 niile« (about 345 «tades)u 
It€ bnmdtti At the uarroweat part is pro> 
bftbly ttboiit one mile tS| stadeB)^ Mo- 
dems differ considerably in their esti- 
tuatei (flee Grote^e Hi&t, of Qreece, yoL 
V. p. 2hr note). Str&bo (}i. p, lti4) and 
Pliny (Hiat^ Nat, iv. 12) agree with 
Herodotus, 

The table on the opposite page giveH 
Ht tk gUnoe the si^veral mefLHurementa of 
Herodotufl, Btrabo, and Pliny, together 
'with the (probable) actual di^taaeea. 
It will be seen that our author' » errors 
do aot Tery greatly exceed thot^e of the 
beat geographers of five centuries later, 

A^ain, it wiU be seen, thut (exof^jititig 
aa regardA the width of thu fitmitB, 
which Lb very uncertain, and which may 
not improbably be somewhat greater 
now than in hiw dtiy) the measuTenient* 
of HerodotiiB^ all but one, e^eed the 
imhty. Thin ariiiea from hii over ^ti- 
mate of the rate of aatling Tesaele. Se- 
coudly» it will be observed that hie 
errors are far greater in the Kuxiiie tban 
elsewbere. Thi^ ia conaoquent uprm the 
less aoquaintaQoe which the Gi^eeke bad 
m%h. that sea. Thirdly, it ia worthy of 
remark ^ that except in rea[)ect of the 
length of the EuKitiCj hia errors are not 
veiT ci>ttBiderai>lB, varying from oije- 
eighth to two hftbs upon the actual dia- 
tanoB. The le«a width of the ettaita Ia 



ttot to be regarded as altogether an error, 
but aa aridiig in part from the wear of 
the coatitfl at the narrowrat poiDt. 

' The i^aI greatest foia^ or extreme 
lengith, of the Euxine la fron^ the Qulf 
of hurnhm (long. 27^ 20', lat, 42'^ 30') 
to the Phaata, Tbie Ie about 70o miles, 
or above 6000 atadia. 

" The Sindicft of Herodntiia \% the 
region at the mouth of the Palua Ms- 
otift, on the eaBtero side of the Cimma- 
riim Boftphorus, the modern ** laltuid of 
Tauum " (vide supra, oh, I2S). All thii 
ancifjtit geographers agree jii placing a 
people of the iLarae of Sindl in this t^ 
gion (Scylax, Peripl, p. 75 j Stiabo, li. 
p* 12'^] Anon. PeripU Pont. Eux. p, 
1;14[ An-ian, PeripL Pont. Eux. p. IJll); 
and to their evidence mftj" be ad^m. 
that of the inicriptioDf of the Leueonida 
(vide supra, ch* 78» note '). 

* Themijicym is mentioned by Scylax 
(Peri|jl. p. ttOi as a Greek city tit tho 
month of the Therm odon. According 
to Jllfichylua (Prom, V* 744) it was 
founded by the Amazon s. Herodotus 
had been in these parts (U, 104), 

^ This ie a mistake. The filo^^k Sea 
IB widest between the mouths of the 
Telegul, and that of the ^'^thkonah or 
Sangarius (Jong, 31°), It ia there about 
400 nules across (3460 etades,) 

^ It ia commonly anppoied that Hero- 
dotus fell here into a very grosa miatake^ 
fliu<^ the Sea of Asof ia not now much 



I 



p. 86. 



( 65 ) 



2 

GQ 






O 

p-i 

P 

o 

» 
P4 



D 
» 

o 

GO 



GO 

o 

o 

a 



S ' 



CO 



I 



CO a 



^ • I 
2 'I 



1 



J 



. -3 









J Ji, 



1^ 

12 



. I 5 -s 



4 






vount 









o o 

« s s 



si 



s 

22 'Sb S 



s •& 



^ g 



1 1-1 CO ^ 



III lllll 







e « -9 * • 



•2-ec3^| 






66 



BILINGUAL INSCRIPTION OF DARIUS. 



Book IV. 



The waters of tins lake nin into the Pontus : it is called the 
MaK)tis, and also the Mother of the Pontus.* 

87. Darius, after he had finished his survey, sailed back to 
the bridge, which had been eonstmcted for him by MandrodeB 
a Sainian. He likewise surveyed the Bosphorus, and erected 
upon its shores two pillars of white marble, whereupon he ior 
scribed the names of all the nations which formed his army— OQ 
the one pillar in Greek, on the other in Assyrian characteta* 
Now his army was drawn from all the nations under his sway; 
and the whole amount, without reckoning the naval forces^ wi» 
seven hundred thousand men, including cavalry. The fleet coo- 
sisted of six hundred ships. Some time afterwards the Byaatt- 
tines removed these pillars to their own city, and used them ftr 
an altar which they erected to Orthosian Diana.* One block 

from the Msetse (Meurai), who wore oep* 
tainly a 'people in these parts, and tn 
frequently mentioned in the ioaenf' 
tions. They may be reasonably con- 
nected with the Siauro-Mat«. 

* It was natural that the Pente 
who set up trilingual inscriptions intkt 
central provinces for the benefit of tbtf 
Arian, Semitic, and Tatar popuUtSooiii 
should leave bilingual records in otb* 
places. Thus in Egypt they would hf** 
their inscriptions in the hieroglyphic H 
well as the Persian character, of which 
the vase in St. Mark's, at Venice, ii * 
specimen. In Greece they would v0t 
besides their oiK-n, the Greek langup 
and character. Herodotus, however, i* 
no doubt inaccurate when he speik* 
here of Ass;frian letters. The Isngui^ 
and character used in the inscripti^ 
would be the Persian, and not tb* 
Assyrian. But as moderns, till recentlff 
have been accustomed to speak of *'t^ 
cuneiform larupnige,*' not distingaishiD^ 
between one sort of cuneiform writing 



more than one-twelfth of the size of 
the Kuxine ; but it is possible that 
the Talus Mocotis may have been very 
greatly larger in the time of Hero- 
dotus thnn it is at present. Pallas and 
other writers have speculated on the 
former existence of a connexion between 
the Caspian and the Euxino. 'Pnllas's 
Travels, vol. i. p. 7?^, E. T.; Eennell's 
Western Asia, vol. ii. p. 394.) These 
speculations are grounded chiefly on the 
appearance of the country eastward of 
the Sea of Azof, which is low and flat, 
only very slightly elevated above the 
level of that sea, and strongly impreg- 
nated with salt. Now without advancing 
any such violent hypothesis as that of 
these writers, we may well believe that 
the sea did once cover the gi-eat plains 
to the east as fai* as the 42nd or 4;^rd 
degree of longitude, and that the de- 
posits brought do^^Ti by the rivers - 
together with an actual elevation of a 
considerable tract of country — have 
formed new land out of what was for- 
merly the bed of the sea. The filling 
up of the Sea of Azof still continues, 
and it has long been in summer not 
more than 14 feet deep at its greatest 
depth. (Heber's MS. Journal, quoted 
in Clarke, p. 329.) Tlie Palus Maeotis 
may thus at the time of Herodotus have 
liad an area four or five times as great 
as it has at present, so as to have better 
admitted of com[>arison with the Euxine 
than it now does. (Compare the very 
sensible remarks of Polybius, iv. 40, and 
note that Scylax makes the Palus Mas- 
otis hilf the size of the Euxine, p. 72.J 

* It may be questioned whether tne 
Alrootis derived its name from this idea, 
or whether it was not rather so called 



and another, so Herodotus appeiff v 
have been ignorant that in the >n^^^ 
headed inscriptions which he saw, b«W> 
the letters and the languages vtri^ 
There are, in point of fact, at least i*^ 
different types of cuneiform writing 
viz., the old Scythic B^y Ionian, t^ 
Susianian, the Armenian, the Scjthic <^ 
the trilingual tablets, the AssyH**** 
and the Achromenian Persian. Of th<^* 
the fii-st four are to a certain extent co**' 
nected ; but the Assyrian and kchsffOfi' 
nian Persian differ totally firom thrf** 
and from each other. - 

• That is, Diana, who had establiihj^ 
or preaerted their city. (Compare th^ 
Latin ** Jupiter Stator?*) 



86-89. 



BRIDGE OF MANDROCLES. 



67 



mained beliind : it lay near the temple of Baeehiiff lit Byzao- 
ium^ and waa covered with Aes^yrian writiogp The ^t where 
)atius bridged the Eosphorus was, I thiak, but I speak only 
pom conjecture, half-way between the city of Byzantium and the 

rmple at the mouth of the gtrait.' 

88. Dariug was so pleased with the bridge thrown acrosa the 
-ait by the Samiau JEandrocleSj that he not only bestowed 

pern him all the customary presents, but gave him ten of every 
d. Mandrocle^ by way of offering firsifruits from these 
lOts, caused a picture to be [lainted which showed the whole 
bridge, with King Darius sitting in a seat of honour, and 
army engaged in the passage. Thia painting ha dedicated 
tte temple of Juno at Samos, attaching to it the iuscription 
lUowing : — 

" The fi«h'fnitigbt Buspborus biHdged, to Junt/s Cone 
Did MAodroclea tkk proud memorUl bnag ; 
TThen for himBelf % crown be *d akill tp gsun, , 
For Samoa pmiae, conteotio^ the Qrm.t King." 

iueh was the memorial of his work which was left by the 
irchitect of the bridge, 

89, Darius, after rewarding B[androcle8, passed into Europe, 
while he ordered the lonianii to onter the Pontus, and sail to 
Ilia niouth of the Ister. There he bade them throw a bridge 
across the stream and await his coming. The lonians, /EolianSj 
Mnj Helle^ontians were the nations which furnished the chief 
SJfength of his navy. So the fleet, threading the Cyanean lales, 
|9&oeeded etraight to the Ister, and, mounting the river to the 
jotnt where its channels separate,^ a distance of two days' 



^kB««, and ftbove in di. Bh, ths temple 
H^KUat Uriui (Odptoi) is auppoaod to 
^nBiiit, (Bahr ad loo,) TbU tapiple 
^ftmlj WB» coDai<Ured in later times 
^ nurk the mouth of the strait (eee 
'^tt^FeripL Pont. Eiix. p. 124; Strftbo» 
?^ ^444; Aiion* PeripL p. H>S-7 „ but 
I* b»ffy uaoeftftiu whether Herodotiia 
JJ'wifii tfl iti for, first, it was cm the 
*JWJc pide («e« tlic Pautmgorian Table; 
^l|ki?*3e, &c.), and w^& should el- 
s''** rfl«r the meutioa of Byzantium, 
iittOoA fikoe on the European coaat; 
*J^ftmW, we have no evidence that 
*« UaipJ* af J(ipit«r Uriua wm built 
JJ^riy, Tbfi Bj-¥ii.ntiD8e bad a temple 
*!^^f cf{Kmt« to t>h« tample of Jupiter 
^*^ If, m wnerallf tuppoeed, it U 
*« vWvof mnhf> ipeaka (L i. c.) as 



mm 



" the temple of the ChalcedoaiMia ." 

^ The DAQube divides at preaent near 
ImtcAa, between Jrai^m* and /jffrtai/f but 
we eatinot be certaJa that the dlrialoti 
was always at thia pUce. Although the 
recent aur^^ys have ibawn that no 
branob can ever have been thrown out 
from the angle near Ruissawa (aea Qeogr. 
Jouru. voL xivi. p. 210), yet we do not 
knovtf^ enough about tb« Dohrudseha to 
say whether there ia not aomo other Ibie 
by which a stream may have po^ased oou^ 
aiderably to tbe «iouth of all the pment 
mouths. It aeemj oleAr that a QAvigftble 
branch must onpe have reached tho @ea 
at or near latria {aee above, Book iL ch. 
33, note^j, which waa certainl J as far 

r 2 



68 THE TEARUS. BootlIY. 

voyage from the sea, yoked the neck of the stream. Meantime 
Darius, who had crossed the Bosphorus by the bridge over it, 
marched through Thrace ; and happening upon the sources rf 
the Tearus,' pitched his camp and made a stay of three days. 

90. Now the Tearus is said by those who dwell near it, to be 
the most healthful of all streams, and to cure, among other 
diseases, the scab either in man or beast Its sources, which are 
eight and thirty in number, all flowing from the same rock, aie 
in part cold, in part hot. They lie at an equal distance fitan 
the town of Heneum near Perinthus,^ and Apollouia on the 
Euxine,^ a two days' journey from each.^ This river, the Teanu^ 
is a tributary of the Contadesdus, which runs into the Agrianes^ 
and that into the Hebrus.* The Hebrus empties itself into the 
sea near the city of iEnus.* 

91. Here then, on the banks of the Tearus, Darius stopped 
and pitched his camp. The river charmed him so, that he 
caused a'pillar to be erected in this place also, with an inscription 
to the following efifect : " The fountains of the Tearus afiford the 
best and most beautiful water of all rivers : they were visitel 
on his march into Scythia, by the best and most beautiful rf 
men, Darius, son of Hystaspes, king of the Persians, and of the 



' The Tearus has generally been sup- the coast of Illyria, of which Herodotal^ 

posed to be the modem T'ekederCf which speaks (^infra, ix. 92). ApoUonia ««0* 

runs into the Karishtiran, near Eski Baha. the Eitxine is mentioned by Soyla^ 

It appears, however, to be rather the among the Greek cities of Thno0- 

Simei-deref which rises from the western (Peripl. p. 69.) According to the anonym 

side of the woody range called Stntnja moua author of the Periplus Pont* 

Dwjh, or the Little Balkan^ near the Euzini, who follows here ScrmDtf^ 

villages of Yene and Bunarhissar, Here Chius, it was founded by the HiistiaiB^ 

"the 38 sources of the Tearus men- 50 years before the accession of C!yr»^ 

tioned by Herodotus may easily be made (about B.C. 609). The same writer ii>^ 

out. All are cold during the summer, but forms us that ApoUonia in his time ba^ 

many of them become so warm during become Sozopolis, which determines it^ 

the winter that snow or ice thrown into site to be that of the modem SizeboH, o^ 

them immediately melts." (Geog. Joum. the south side of the Gulf of BHrgka*,^ 

vol. xxiv. p. 45.) The springs are not * The village of Yene is nearly equ** 

now supposed to have any healing distant from JE-VcWi (Perinthus) and fiw'^' 

eflScacy. bolt ( Apollonia), but a little furUiepfro*** 

* Perinthus (afterwards Heraclea) lay the latter. The distance, however, «*>** 

upon the Propontis, in lat. 41^, long, as the crow flies, is above 50 miles t^ 

28 ^, nearly. Its site is marked by the the nearer (Erekli), and would be 70 

modern Erekli (vide infra, v. 1). He- by any practicable route: thus theeiti** 

rsum or Hereon- tichos CHpaioy ruxos) mate of two days is too little. 

OB it is called by Demosthenes (Olynth. * The Agrianes is undoubtedly th^ 

iii. § 5) and others (Steph. Byz. ad voc. modem Erkene, which mns into tk^ 

Puidas, &c.) was an unimportant place Maritza (Hebrus) to the north of tb^ 

near Perinthus. Its exact site is un- range of Rhodope [Despolo DagK), Tb^ 

known. According to the Etym. Mag. Contadesdus is the river of Kari^inr^ 

it was a Samian colony. ' Concerning the site of .£nuB, ^d^ 

2 There were several cities of this infra, vii. 58. 
name. The most famous was that on 



I 



^ 



Chap. 69-93. THE GET.E ENSLAVED BY DARIUS, W 

whole continent," ^ Such was the inaciiption which he set up 

at this place, ^ 

92. Marching thence, he came to a second river, called the 
Artiscus * which Bows through the country of the Odrysians,' 
Here he fixed upon a certain sjjot, where every one of his 
aoldiers should throw a stone as he passed by. When hie orders 
were obeyed, Darius continued his march, leaving behind him 
great hills formed of the atones east by his troops. 

93. Before arriving at the Ister,^ the first jieople whoni he 
subdued were the Geta^,^ who believe in their immortality* The 
Thrai^ians of Salraydessns,^ and those who dwelt above the cities 
of Apollonia and Mesembria* — the Scynniada^ and Nipsseans, 



* Tide flupm» i 4. '* T^tf*kffiaw oi- 
tf«ifirrrat si ll4pirai.** 

"* There in aoms rea»Qn to belter e 
Uut % poriioEi of thiA itiflcriptioci w&a 
io exi^tenoe a few ye^rs ago. Wlien 
Ooiienl Jochmus yUited Btmarhv^ir 
m 1841, h& WW! informed by aa old 
Turk thnt an iu-icHptioD m ^* old Syrian** 
{tMi Surifmi), vritteu witk '* letters Hkc 
naih/* bad bepB Ij^g uncared for uot 
tOMSif y«ftn previoufily near hk houAS^ 
Searcli wm of courie made, but liufor- 
tuDaiely it proved Yain ; and the in- 
■cription ia b«lieired io bnve be«Q either 
bunit for lime, or posaibiy built id to 
th« waII of a fanu'houise, (Geogmph, 
Jonm. vol. xxir, p. 44.) 

* Tbii river ban been iuppoaed to be 
ih« Ai^ CGatterer^ P* 42), which jdnB 
the MArilza from the westi not much 
bslow Adriaoople ; hut it la tiot at alt 
probftble that Daring wont bo fiu' to the 
left AS to toucli thia streaiD. The Artifl* 
en* 11 most likely the Ttthedereh^ which 
Is erocaed aeveial timea on the preaent 
h%h road to the Baikal^. Here GeoenU 
Jodlmua obaerred od an eminence near 
Hm roftd tix large icpe^ or tuuiuli. He 
•bo i«narked m the windiDg bed of the 
lirar And the adioinicg low grounds, 
** iinme:isar&bltt lar^ loom stones/' 
which may have cftuaed Darius to give 
the Otd«r to hk ^oldien that Herodotus 
ha* mmtia^M. (See Oeogr. Joum, voL 
Diir.p.47,) 

* Tbti country of the Odry^sD woa the 
gmat plain included withm tht^ ebalna 
of Bhodope, HaemuSt and the Little 
Bfcl fa n t Tbucyd' 11. 96), tu the centre 
ot which now atandfi the city of Adrian- 
Ople* 

* It w liot quite dear by which route 
D^ui QTtitmd the Balkan^ but the 
prohftbillty' is that^ poasiBg the little 




Balkan between Doict and Fuki^ he de- 
scended to the ahore about Bttrghta, 
and tbeuce proceeded by the defilea 
neareet io the sea-coast, which lie be- 
tween Miscrria lujd y^jran'Derrvtfi, Ho 
would ihuB have followed the route 
pursued by GeueraU Roth and Rudiger 
in IB 28, and by Marshal Diebitsch in 
1829. 

* The identity of the Oetsi with the 
Goths of later times ia more than a 
plauslhle conjecture. It may ho re- 
garded ia hktoricallj certain (see note 
on Biook T. ch» 8)» McreoTer the com- 
pounds* Masaa^get®, Thys8a*getK, Tyri- 
get^, have a atriklng analogy to the 
later names of Visi-goths and Ostro- 
goths. 

^ Salmyde$eua» or HalmydessuiS, was 
a strip of shore (aiY^aX^f, Soymu, Ch. L 
723) III the neighbourhood of a Hver of 
tho same name, which emptied itself 
loto the Euxiue 70 miieii from the open-* 
JQg of the Boflphorus. (Arrian, PeripL 
ad fin, ; Anon. Peripl. p. 164,) It is 
mentioned by Xenophon (Anah. ^^ii. 5* 
I 1'2 )f who visited it, and waa witness 
to the barharoua conduct of the Thia- 
clan Lnbahitanta towards the pelvonj 
wrecked upon the coast. A fragment 
of the old appellation appears to sur- 
vive in the modern Turkish town of 
Midjch (long. 28^ W, Ut, 4l« 35'). The 
name Salmydesaua seems qomponndod 
of the root Sdim (found alao in Zalm- 
oti& and iSV/^-bria), and of the word 
OdeaauH, the name of another town upon 
this coafit. 

* Mesemhria is mentioned by ^otIix 
among the Greek citiea upon the Thrft* 
dan coast. (Pedpl. p, 6d,i According 
to Scymnua Chiua ^11. 740, 741) it was 
founded by the 0iah<edimiaTis artJ Mc 
gureaTi^ about the time of Dariua'a expe- 



70 



&TULY OF 2ALM0XIS. 



£cx}K IV- 



as they are called — gave tliemselves tip to Darius without a 

stniggle ; but tlie Getm oljstinately defending iLemselveSj were 
forthwith enslaved, notwithstanding that they axe tie noblest as 
well as the mort. just of all the Thracmn tribes. 

04* The belief of the Getae in respect of immortality is the 
foUowiii^* They tbink that they do not really die, but that 
when they depart this life they go to Zalmoxia,"^ who is called 
also Gebele'izis ^ by some among them. To this god e%'ery five 
years they eend a messenger, who is chosen by lot out of the 
whole nation, and charged to bear him their several requests. 
Theh- mode of sending him is this. A number of them gland in 
order, eacli holding in his hand three darts; others take the 
man who is to be J?ent to Zalmoxis, and swinging him by his 
hands and feet, toss him into the air so diat he falls upon the 
points of the weapons* If he is pierced and dies, they think 
that the god is propitious to them; but if not, they lay the 
fault on the messenge^r, who (they say) is a wicked man : and 
so they choose another to send away. The messages are given 
while the man is still alive. This same people, when it lightens 
and thunders, aim their arrows at the sky, uttering threats 
against the god ; ^ and they do not believe that tliere is any god 
bnt tbeir own, 

95. I am told by the Greeks who dwell on the shores of the 
Hellespont and the Pontus, that this Zalmoxis was in reality a 
man, that ho lived at 8amo8, and while there was the slave " of 



#tioii Kgniiist the BcTtks. Stmbo (viL 
p. 462) caUa It n colony of the Mega- 
reojiB only. Arrian (PeHpl. |j» \M) and 
tbe nnouymouB author of th« F«Hpliia 
Fonti Ku^ini tuflQcientlT mark its site. 
It Uy At the bane of MiJi^ot Hi^muSr i& 
little to the south. The mime rew&ine 
in the mod era MiHTriti (long. ^7^ 4^\ 
lal. 42^ 35'). 

'*The Thmdema of Salmydgtaatifir ^^^ 
tliOM who dwt;lt iibove the citieii i>f 
Apolloiiis and MeBenibria/' would r«pre^ 
^nt the kthabitaiita of the entire tract 
between the Little Balktui and the 
BlELCk Bea. 

t^ Thut Zaliitoxie or Zomc^lxis was the 
dhief object of woFship among the GeNe 
jfl witnessed al«o by Hniie«iii» of Batne 
(Ft. 23), by Strabo (vii. p. 430), Jam- 
blichtMi (Tit. Pythag. § 173 , md Die- 
tmm Laertitia (viii. l), Mnaaeaa re* 
trded him w identicul with the Chro- 
tfim of the Greeks. Porphyry (Vit, 
prtliiff. § H) derives the namii fr^m a 
- Afidaii word ^o/mtM, which, be aaya^ 



I 



signified **a ikan :" btit this ileea not 
tsecm a very probable ori^o. May -wm 
ccmtiect tbe name with that of Sffli^j tb» 
BQH of FeHdun, who in ArinTi rvmuie^ 
inherited froui his fn-tber the we«ieni 
third of the world? Pluto mentioo* 
ZalmoiJa in eon junction wrth Abaria in 
tbe €'faArn)l<feff ip. 15B^ B^ an a in set er 
of incantation* Vide anpra^ ah. 3*J, 

* A Lithuanian etymology i Gytn /r;/^, 
*' givei- of rest ") hsa been siiggeeted for 
this word iBajer a Origin. Sinic. p, 2S3)* 
Zalmoxia or ^inolxk mi^ht, it is mM^ 
in the same language signify " Lord of 
the earth." 

' Compare the eustoma of the Calyii- 
6'mm» {i. 172J, and the pBylli {iv. 173), 

' Thntcian alaves were very nnmerocifl 
in Greece, The ThTiflciHna often aold 
their children into alavery (infiTi» v, B)^ 
In the times of the later eomedyj Geia 
and Uav^ (A4^s, A^hx) were the mosi 
common names for slaveB* (See the 
comedies of Terence, passim.) 



4 



Chap. $3-9T. 



PASSAGE OF THE ISTER. 



n 



I 



Pytbagorgs son of Mnesarehua, Aftar obtaining his freedom ha 
grew rich, and leaving Samos* returned to his own countrjri 
The Thnuiiana at that time lived in a \¥Tetched way, and were a 
poor ignorant race ; Zalmoxis^ therefore, who by his comineTce 
with the GreekE, and e&peciaUy with one who was bj no means 
their most contemptible philosoplier, Pythagoras to wit, was 
acquainted with the Ionic mode of lile and with manners moro 
refined than those current among his countrj^nen, had a chamber 
buiit, in which from tirae to time he received and feasted all the 
prioeipal Thracians, usiog the occasion to teach them that 
neither ho, nor they, kb boon companions, nor any of their 
posterity wonid ever perish, but that they would all go to a 
place where they would Uve for aye in the enjoyment of every 
C4)nceivable good. While he was acting in this way, and holding 
tbifl khid of discourse, he was constructing an apartment under- 
ground, into which, when it was completed, he wtthdrewj vanish- 
mg suddenly from the eyes of the Thracians, who greatly 
regretterl his loss, and mourned over him as one dead.* Ho 
meanwhile abode in \m secret chamber three full years, after 
which he came forth from his concealment, and showed himself 
4mee more to his countrymen, who wen? thus brought to believe 
in the truth of what he had taught them. Such is the account 
of the Greeks. 

96, I for my port neither put entire &ith in this story of 
Zalmozis ^^ and liia under-ground chamber, nor do I altogether 
discredit it : but I believe Zaltnoxia to have lived long before 
the time of Pythagoras. Whether thei'e was ever really a man 
of the name, or whether Zalraoxis is notliing but a native god of 
tie Get©, I now bid him farewell As for the Getce themselves^ 
the people who obsen^e the practices described above, they vrere 
now reduced by the Persians, and accompanied the army of 
Darius,^ 

97, When Diirius, with his land forces, reached the Ister, he 
made his troops cross the stream, and after all were gone over 
gave orders to the lonians to break the bridge, and follow him 




•Thii nioTf WB» totd also hf H^l- 
(|>. 173]^ wbo ««em» to lia^i 
eopi&d Herodotiifi, (Comp. 
ijt, ap. EuBcb. P* E. x.p. 466, B.J 
~ mtiiii I life of Herod, p. 115, 
E. T.) cciDJa^ure^ ihat thlE whoU fttory 
spntag oat gf the n^u^, which woa as 
ofleii writteti Zmnolxia ai ^ImoJtk, 
The Greekfl of tbu P6zktu£ imagined that 
£amo-]^js muat havd been a native of 



Sawiios / luid the belief of the Getaj, who 
woniblpp«d him, in the trnmortatity of 
the aoul, must have come, thej thought^ 
from PythflgorRB. 

^ The whole tract betweeq the Balk&a 
(H^tuuK) and the Danube, the modern 
Bfii<fariftt eeema to luive b««ii ai thi« 
time in the poaaeaaiou of tbe Qetm, who 
reached np thft riYer alinoflt to the coii>^ 
Mm of Serving ^Thucjd. li* &6.; 




ADVICE OF COISS. 



Book IV. 



with the whole naval force m his land march. They were 

about to obey bia command, when tbe general of tbe Myti- 
lenaeans* Goes son of Erxanderj having first asked whether it was 
agreeable to the king to listen to one who wished to sjjeak his 
mmd,^ addressed him in the words following:— "Tbon art about 
Sire, to attack a country no part of which is cultivatedj and 
wherein there ia not a single inhabited city. Keep this bridge, 
then, as it is, and leave those who bnilt it to watch over it. So 
if we come up with the Scythians and succeed against them as 
we could wisK we may return by this route ; or if we fail of 
finding them, our retreat will still be secure. For I have no 
fear lest the Scythians defeat us in battle, but my dread is lest 
we be unable to discover them, and suffer loss while we winder 
about their territory. And now, mayhap, it will be said, I 
advise tliee thus in the hope of being myself allowed to lemaia 
behind ; ^ but m truth I have no other design than to HBOom* 
mend the course which seems to me the best ; nor will I eonsent 
to be among those left behind, but my resolve Is, in auy case, 
to follow thee/* The advice of Goes pleased Darius highly, 
who tlius replied to him :— " Dear Lesbian, when I am safe home 
again in my palace, be sure thou come to mo, and with good 
deeds will I recompense thy good w^rds of to-day," 

9S. Having so said, the king took a leathern thong, and tying 
sixty knots in it, called together the Ionian tyrants, and ^poke 
thus to them : — " Men of Ionia, ray former commands to you 
concerning the bridge are now withdrawn. See, here is a thong : 
take it, and observe my bidding with respect to it. From the 
time that I leave you to march forward into Scythia, untie every 
day one of the knots. If I do not return before the last day to 
which the knots will hold out, then leave your station, and saO 
to your several homes. Meanwhile, understand that my resolve 
is changed, and that you are to guard the bridge with all care, 
and watch over its safety and preservation. By bo doing ye will 
oblige me greatly." When Darius had thus spoken, he set out 
on his march with all speed. 

99. Before you come to Scythia, on the sea coasts lies Tbraca 
The land here makes a sweep, and then 8cji;hia begins, the 
liter falling into the sea at this point with its mouth facing the 
east Starting from the later I shall now describe the measure* 



* Compare the inquiry of Crcestii (i. 

89). The fear of giving offence to the 
Great King iJi atrongly miirked by thii 
practice. 



* After tlie pUDiahmetit of CEobuyitu 
(suprai ch. 84;, it whs important tQ guard 
ag^nat thi^ auBpldt^Q* 



Ceap. S7-09. 



THE TAUEIC TERRITORY. 



78 



menta of the sea-ehore of Scythia. Immediately that the Ister 
is crossed, Old Scythia * hegins, and continues as far as the city 
called Carciisitis, frojitin^ towardj^ the south ivind and the mid- 
day. Here upon the some seo^ there lies a mountainous tract * 
projecting into the Pontus, which is inhabited by the Tauri, as 
far as what is called the Kugged Chersonese,* which runs out 
into die sea upon the east For the boundaries of Scythia 
extend on two sides to two different seas, one upon the south, 
and the otlier towards the east, as is also the case with Attiea* 
And the Tauri occupy a position in Scythia like that which a 
people would hold in Attica, who, being foreigners and not Athe- 
nians, should inhabit the highland ' of Sunium, from Thoricus 
to the township of Anaphlystus,® if this tract projected into the 
sea somewhat further than it doea Such, to compare great 
things with small, is the Tauric territory. For the sake of those 
who may not have made the voyage round these parts of Attica, I 
wJU illustrate in another way. It is as if in lapygia a line were 
drawn from Port Bnmdusium to Tarentum, and a people different 
from the lapygijins inhabited the promontory.* These two in- 



* Herodotiui conaidera tliat th« Cim- 
IMnuzs maintained tb^nuetrea in parts 
^ Eaoteni Scythia, im^ t. g. in the Rug' 
0ed Ch«r«oii«8e, loDg oflor they werD 
Siroe4 to ivlitiquiiih the rmi of tbcir 
tcstitary* Old Scythia is the ptirt fit>m 
«y«li thf y were driven at the first. 

* Tlie muimtaini Ue only along the 
■outliem coiuft of the Crimea, All the 
f«0t of the penLnaitla belongs to the 
vieppe«. *' We beheld towards the 
•oath,'* aaya I>r. Clarke, *'& ridge of 
SQuotml«mfli upon the eo^t; but unless 
m Ukv«IlQr ftiUowa the «mu4>j$ity of the 
•Ortttbtfn fibore of the Crimea^ all the 
IMl dt the panimiuln Ir as flat as ^\\vi- 
boary Flaia/' (TravtjU, p. 4tiK See the 
Tiew OTerJeftf.) 

* By tlie "rough" or "nigged^* 
Cbenonefte, Herodotus plainly intenda 
ihe^ eastem part of the Ctimeaj CftUed 
tlifl Peomsulft of Kertebj which in his 
day, md for m^nj centuries later, 
Ibniied the kiDgdmn of the Bo^phorus^ 
^niif tnet id hilly and uneveUj presf^ut- 
ing; a ftrong contrajit with the steppe, 
but it aearoelj deaerves an epitbet ap 
plied alao to waatem Cilicia— a truly 
rouged country. Probably the gencml 
duraeter of the south coast of the 
CMnea wae considered to extend along 
Up whole length. 

t Thii Mema to be the meaaing of the 




rare wordj youvh%^ here. See the autho- 
Htiea quoted hy SchweighiPU^er (not. 
ad loc.). In this settAO it is an apt de- 
acHption of the p]ace> Comp. Soph* 
Aj, %¥ bKd^t¥ ^irttfTi ir6¥^o¥ ffpA^Ki^fA^ 
kkitckvirroif, iS jf p a k Iwh irKdica 2Joi^- 
ylov* And Dr» Chandlers de^ription; 
** We now approach Cape Sumnuj, 
which is st^pr abrupt, and rocky* On 
it ia the ruin of the temple of Minerva 
Suuiaflt oTerlooking troui its lofty aittia,- 
tion the subject deep/* (Ti-avelA, voL 
ii p. 7,) 

* Tbe sites of Thorious and Anaphly* 
fltus are marked by the Tillages of Tk»* 
rko and Anaphi^^ the former on the out, 
tha latter on the west eide of the penin- 
sula. They were both fortified posts in 
lat^r tiineSj for the protection of the 
neighbouring silver-mines* (Xen* da 
Hodit. iv. § 4,1.) 

^ This passage, aa Mitford and Dahl" 
mann have observed, was eTidently 
written in Magua Gr^ecia. (Mitford 'e 
Qreece, vol. ii. pp 356; Dahlmanu's Life 
of Herod, p. 35. ) Herodotus at Thurii 
would have lapygia i the Terra di Otrmito) 
before his eyes, as it were. Writing 
from Ionia, or even from Greece Proper^ 
be would never have thought of such au 
ill n atratio n . Brund u«i um an d Tarent um 
remain ia the Brmdiii and Taranijj of 
tbe pj:vseut day« From 



Chap. 99-103. 



CUSTOMS OF THE TACRl. 



75 



P 
^ 



I 



stances may suggest a number of others where the shape of the 
land closely resembles that of Taurica* 

100* Beyond tltis tracts we find the Scythians again in poft* 
jesaion of the country above the Tauti aiul the parts bordering 
im the eastern &ea, as also of the wliole district lying west of the 
Chumerian Bosphonis and the Pains Maeotis, as far an the river 
Tanaie^ whicli empties itself into that hike at its upper end. As 
for the inland boundaries of Seythia, if we start from the Ister, 
we find it enclosed by the following tribeSj first the Agathyrsij 
next llie Neuri, then the Androphagi, and last of all, the 
Melaachlfeni. 

101, Scythia then, which is square in shape, and has two of 
iii sides reaching down to the sea, exten<is inland to the same 
diEtanee that it stretches along the coast, and is equal every 
way. For it is a ten days* journey from tiie Ister to the Bory- 
sthenes, and ten more from the Borynsthcnes to the Palus Meeotis, 
while the distance frora the coast inland to the country of the 
Melanchla*nij who dwell above Seytliiu, is a journey of twenty 
days. 1 reckon the day's journeys ut two liundred furlongs. 
Thus the two sides which run straight inland are four thousand 
furlongs each, and the transverse sides at right angles to these 
are also of the same length* which gives the full siaie of Scythia/® 

102* The Scythians, reflecting on their situation, perceived 
that they were not strong enough by themselves to contend 
witb the army of Darius in open fight. They, therefore, sent 
envoyn to tlie neighbouring nations, whose kings had already 
met, and were in consultation upon the advance of so vast a 
bost. Now they who had come together wore tho kings of the 
Tauri, the Agathyrsi, the Neuri, the Androphagi, the Melan- 
chlieni, the Geloni, the Budiui, and the Sauromatoe. 

1U3» The Tauri have the following customs. They offer in 
iscrifice to the Virgin all shipwrecked persons, and all Greeks 
eom polled to put into their ports by stress of weather- The 
mode of sacrifice is this* After the preparatory ceremonies, 
they strike the victim on the head with a club. Theuj a^^cording 
to some accounts, they hurl the trunk from the precipice whereon 



> ^BMlf]^ 



both compnriactu it mutf be 
that Herodotufl did not look 
moo iJbe T&iulo Penmnula as jamed to 
tM doacJneQt bj a narrow utbmus, but 
*m umtad by a broad tract. fNkbulir's 
geyOiM, p. 3% E. T.) What if chapges 
In th# LitDd Itmve taken place, and the 




Putrid Bm did not csist in his ttmef 
8oyljix cttlU lh« tFGtot Ml i^Kptn-ftpiov {p, 
70), and Strabo m the titat who apMMM^ 
of it ma a x*^^^*^^^^ ^^ peuiD^uIa (vii* 
p, 44&,. 

>* See t)ie A[ipen(lix, Eissnj LiL^ " On 
the OeogTftphy of Scjrtkui*" 



76 



THE AOATHYRSI, 



Book it. 



the temple stands,^ and nail the head to a cross. Others grant 
that the head is treated in this way, hut deny that the body is 
thrown down the cliff — on the contrary^ they say, it is buried. 
The goddess to whom these sacrifices are offered the Tauri them- 
selves declare to be Ipbigenia^ the daughter of Agamemnon, 
TVTien they take prisoners in war they treat them in the follow^I^g 
way. The man who has taken a captive cuts off his he4id5 and 
carrying it to his homey fixes it upon a tall pole, which he 
elevates above his house, most commonly over the chimney* 
The reason that the heads are set up so high, is (it is said) in 
order that the whole house may be under their protection. 
These people live entirely by war and plundering*^ 

104. The Agath}'Tsi are a race of men very luxurious, and 
very fond of wearing gold on their persons,* They have wives 
in common, that so they may be all brothersj^ and, as members 
of one family, may neither envy nor hate one another* In 



^ Thli temple occvipisd a promontory 
on ihe loutU coast of the Crimea^ not 
lir from Critimetopon (Capo A iaX The 
momoati>ry itaelf wii« ii&med oy the 
Greeks PartkeDiumi from tbe t«mple 
(Strab. vii. p. 446 ; l^lin. H. N. iv. 12 ? 
MoIa, iu L Ac.)* It ia tboui^lit tbut tlie 
monaitery of St, George oectipka the 
ute. 

" Tbe virgin go<idega of the Tauri 
wa« more genemlly ideotilied bj the 
GteeikB with their own Arti^mis: beoce 
Jkrtetn\» got the epithet wf Taupowikos. 
(Cf* Diod, Sic. iv- ++; Etym.Mag* ad voe. 
Scholioat. ad Supk Aj. 172.) The le>getid 
of Iphig^tiia lA probfibly a toore Grci^k 
fancy, hftying tJie Tauric ountom of 
offering human sacri^cefl ob ita bam&. 
In the time of Herodotus tbe Tatiri 
were not avcme to admitting the 
legend^ and ideotifyixig their oatiopai 
goddesft with the vii^in woi^hipped by 
tbe Greeka. 

■ Tlie coDJeeturo that the Tauri were 
a remoaot of the Cimmertaoii (Qrote, 
vol. iii p. 327 ; Heereu** An. Nat. voU 
ii. p. 260, E, T.) has little more than 
ita internal prok\bilitj to re&i upon. 
We do not kuow their laoguagOf and 
there ib Acaro^lj anything in their man- 
ners and GUtiomj to distinguish tbem 
from the Scytbians. An, ho^vever^ it m 
decl&red by Herodotua that they were 
not Scjtbiana, end we muEt therefore 
aeek for tbem some other etboio con- 
nexion^ the Cimmerian theory may bo 
accepted aa probable. It U ckar thiit the 
fltroag and mountainous region extend- 



iDg aloDg tbe Bouth coaAt of the Oimea 
would offer j\iBt that refuge in whioh 
a weak nntioo, when driveu from the 
plainsj k able to mnintain itself againat 
a itrong one. It b noticeable alao that 
tbo tradition made tho last reattn^-plaoe 
of the Ciminenans to be the Crimcft 
(aupra, cb* 12)^ where they left their 
name bo firmly fixed that it baa olung 
to tlie country tin the preaent day. 
Names aloo closely reflembling that of 
the Tauri w*« found in a dearly Cinabrio, 
or at any rats ColtiCj connexion, as those 
of the Teurifitaj and Tauriaci, who were 
called Gauls by Posidonius (Fr, 75) | 
and that of the city Taui^oeis or Tauit>- 
ontium(cf. ApoU.Mi. Fr. 105, with Strmb! 
iv. p. 247). ft Celtic town, according Im 
Btaphen (ad yoc. TaupiJtir). It may be 
questioned alao whether the Taurini, 
whose name remains in tbe modern 
Turin » were not really Oaula, though 
called Ligurinns by Strabo (iv. p, 286), 
At least it is strange , if they were really 
different from the Tauriaci, who are 
acknowledged to be Oauls (Folyb, ii. 
lo, § 8), and who aftenrarda dwelt ill 
theae parte. 

"" The country of the Agathym is 
diatinetly marked i^eup, 49) as the plain 
of the Marosch (Maris). This regiotif 
enclosed on the north and eaitt by the 
Carpathian Alps* would be likely to bo 
in early times auriferouB* 

* Thi« anticipation of the theory of 
Plato fRop, V.) ia curious. Was Plato 
indebtad to Herodotus ? 



I 



Chap, 103-1D6. THE NEURI — THE ANDROPHAGI. 



77 



other res{>ects their customs approach nearly to those of the 
Tliraciaus,* 

105, The Neiirian customs are like the Scythian, One gene* 
ration before the attack of Darius they were driven from their 
land by a huge raultitude of serpents wkich invaded them. Of 
these some were produced in their own country, while others, 
and those by far the greater number, came in from the deserts 
on the north. Sufieriug grievously beneath tliis seourgej they 
quitted their homes, and took refuge with the Budini, It seems 
that these people are conjurers : for both the Scythians and the 
Greeks who dwell in Scythia say, that every Neurian once a 
year becomes a wolf ^ for a few days, at the end of which time 
he is restored to his proper shape.* Not tliat I believe tliis, but 
they constantly affirm it to be true, and are even ready to back 
their assertion with an oath,^ 

106. The manners of the Androphagi ^ are more savage than 



£4 1\ f^ftth^^ from tbSs tbiii the Aga- 
tfaTm were Kotuallj ThrncunS} and 
mitttfe« to jdestifj them wttb the Daci 
ofUt^r timeii, Ritter (VorbaJle, L pp. 
2SG-7J ooiuidere them to bare been 
Swrmatiuna. There scarcely appear to 
he snlficient grouniJa for either of theae 
orpiDionaH, All that can be said is^ Ibnt 
the A^thjrsi dwelt id the time of 
H«rodotu]» in the oauntry now called 
Truu^lTtmia, and were afterwards 
dnv«m more to the tiorth* They ai'o 
Skeotieiitid hj Ephonii (Fr* 78); PUny 
tvw. J 2); Mela fit 1); Dionyii. Per. 
j3J0)l Mapq. Herai?!, p. 56; and Pto- 
lemy <.m. 5,. The 1 astern entioiied geo* 
Ipfspher placet them near the Baltic. 
The custom of the Agathyrsi which 
drew niijfit attention in laUr timea^ waa 
ihelr practice of painting their bodies. 
(See Virg. Mn, iv. l+6j Solio. Poly hist. 
20; Mela, L h. c. &c.) 
' A elam of people in Abyssinia are 
;^beliei?ed to ehauge ihemaelves into 
"kjmnnA when they like. On my ap- 
n^ to discredit it, I waa told by one 
^who lived for yeare there that no well 
infarmed person doubted it^ and that be 
WKi onoe walking with odo of Ihem 
when he happened to look away for a 
moment, and on turmng again towards 
hit companion he saw him trotting ofT 
Id the shape of a hy^na. He met him 
Afterwards in hi* old form. These wor- 
thiea are blaekemiths. Tbe atory recalls 
the loup'garou of France, —[G. W,] 



* As Herod otufl recedes from the sea 
his accounts become more mythie, and 
leea truetwortby. Still tbe Neiiri muat 
be regiirded as a real nation. They 
set m, m the tim^ of Herodotus, to ba^a 
inhabited the modem Lithnanja and 
Yolhynia, extending eaatward perhape 
ae far na the government of Smolenak* 
Their name may perhaps be traoed in 
the town Nfir, and the riv*er Kitret^^ 
which lie in this dJstricL They are 
Tuentioned by Ephorus ( Frag, 78) ; Plitiy 
(Hist Nat, U, VA)i Mek (ii, 1); and Am- 
miunns Marcellinua (xxiL B). Perhaps 
aleo by Ptolemy, nnderthe name of Nai^- 
apoi tiiu 5). Schafarik (Slav. Alt. pp. 
194*199) venturea to pronounce them 
Slaves, but od very slight grounda^ 

» Welcker, in his " Kleine Schriften " 
(yoU in, pp. 1&7, et eeq.) baa collected 
the various traditions of distant nations 
with respect to this belief, which the 
Oermana have embodied in their wchr- 
fvoiff and the French in their hfip-0ftrotim^ 
It is a form of the belief in witchcraft, 
and probably c^uite unconnected with 
the duease of lycanthropy. 

^ Or '* Men-eaterir/* Here the na- 
tional niimo is evidently lot^t; but a 
peculiar people is meant. Heeren [As. 
Nat, ii. p. 265, E, T.) thinks the Baa- 
tarn ic; but; aa it seems to me^ ^n in- 
sufficient grounds. The country of the 
** men-eatera " is Central Runi% from 
the Dniepr to the Desna probably. 
Compare with their name the Red 
I ndian " Dog-oatera ''and '^ Fisb-eatew/* 



78 



THE MELANCHL/ENI — THE BUDINL 



BooE IT 



those of any other race* They neither obser\ e justiee, nor are 
governed by any laws. They are nomads, and their dreas is 
Scythian ; but the language which they speak is peciiliar to 
themselves. UnUke any other nation in these parts, they are 
cannibals. 

107. The Melanchlieni " wear, all of them^ black cloaks^ and 
from thi8 derive the name which they bean Their customs ai>e 
Scythic, 

108. The Bndini are a large and powerful nation : they have 
aU deep blue eyes, and bright led hair,^ There is a city in their 
territory, called Gel6nus, which is surrounded with a lofty wall^ 
tliirty furlongs e^clx way, built entirely of wood.* AU the houses 
in the place and all the temples are of the same material Here 
are temples built in hononi" of the Grecian gods, and adorned 
after the Greek fasliion with images, tdtars, and shrines, all in 
wood. There is even a festival, held every thh'd year in honour 



(Ro«a*B Fur-Huat«rfl of th^ Far West, 

^ Or " Black -cloaks/' Thw m probably 
A tniiiBl«.tioii of the native aame^ There 
is nt presant a tribe in tb« Hiodoo 
Kooab} who caU thems6lvBB Suih-p<fi>ah^ 
it'bieh k &ti exiL^st equtviUent of Mt^cc^- 
^hsUvot, (Eeuueirv Geo^^ph^ of Herod. 
p. 87,) Thf^ro ifi bJbo a tribe of " Bkck- 
robd " mnong thu North- AmericaD In- 
diana (Ro&St vol. i. p. 305). Sueh ililea 
are common luijong borbiwroiiB people. 

The dreas of the Melanehlietii m noted 
by Dio CUrynost^jm (Drat. xaxtL p. 
439} J who eajB it hod be«u adopted hj 
the Olbiopolitee. He deicribea the cloak 
aa ^'Bmail, blackt smd ttdn^* (^iiKp^t^i 
^iAjiff, \fTTiv). I'robftbly the dresa 
wan the more remarked, as tbe other 
nations of theae parts, like the modern 
CaimuckA and Tatant g^uerillj, may 
haTe afifected bright coloura. 

The MeloDGblseni had beeQ meationed 
by HeoatcBUfl {Fr. 154j as "aSoythiun 
nation/* They coutmuo to figure hi the 
Geqgraphiea {Pliti. vi. 5; Mela, i. 19; 
Diouy«, Perieg. :My^; Ptta, v, 10^ &g.), 
but Appear to be gmdiiidlj pressed east- 
ward. By Ptolemy they are placed 
upon the Hba or Wolgo* 

Their podtiou in tbe time of Herodo- 
tuB eeemJB to be tbe country between 
the Deaua tKtid tbe D(m» or Tanait. 

* Thesis pbysical chai^oieriatica of the 
Budim are very reuturkable^ and would 
give them a far better title to be con- 
aider ed the anceistora of the Germjui 
r«ice, than the Aadroph«gi acid Mehui^ 



ohlo^ui, to whom Heeren grants that 
honour, (Ab, Nat. iu p. 265, E, T,) 
The nomade races which people tbie 
entire truct &om the Don to the Narih 
Pkcdfic, have univerHally dark ey«e aiid 
hair* May not tbe Budini have been i 
remnant of the Cimmeriana, to whom 
the woody country b<>tweon the upp«r 
Don and the Wolga fumiabed a protae- 
tion ? In tiiat caae Gd-Qni (compare 
*'Gael," and *'Galli'*j might be their 
true ethnic title» aa tbe Greeks generallj 
maintained^ (Vide infra, oh. 10^.) 

* Heereu (Aa. Nat, ii. p. 292, E, T.) 
aeea in thin oity, or sldioder a ataple fSar 
the fur^tiiidef founded eipre^^ly for 0QI&- 
mercifiJ purpoaes by the Greaka of ^m 
coast. Schal'arik regards it aai not of 
Gr^ek^ but of barborije origin, and 
gi'ouudf upon it on argum^eot th^t the 
Budini were a Sclavonic peopk. (SW 
viache Altertb. i. 10, pp. 185^95.) T1^ 
last vbw, of which Mr, Grota ipeaka 
with aome favour (Hist, of Oroece, vol* 
iii, p, 32^j, note) it utterly ftb 'roriatiae 
with the BtatementB in Beradotuap 
Heeren ia probably right, that the plane 
became a staple, for it lay in the line of 
the trade caiTied on by tbe Greeks wjUx 
the interior (aupra, chs, 2t-24}; but aa 
we know no other inatan<se of the Greeks 
founding a Ikutory for trading puifiOMi 
at a dltttance from the coast, it is pep>- 
hiipti best aim ply to accept the narratiTa 
of Herodotus, that it waa a place whera 
certiun furtive Greeka happenad to 
settle. 



I 



Chaf, 106 -1 10. THE GELONI — THE S AUROHATiE. 



79 



of BaceliUi^, at whicli the natives fall into the Baccliic fury. For 
tlie tact IE that the Gel6ni were aociently Greeks, who, being 
driven out. of the factories along the coastj fled to the Budini 
and took up their abode with them* They stiU speak a language 
half Greek, half Sejlhiau. 

109, The Budini, however, do not speak the same language 
as the Geloni, nor is their mode of life the same. They are the 
aboriginal people oi the country, and are nomads ; unlike any 
of the neighbouring races, they eat lice* The Geloni, on the 
oontrarv\ are tillers of the soil, eat bread, liave gardens, and 
both in shape and complexion are quite diflereut from the 
Budini. The Greeks notwithstaudmg call these latter Geloni ; 
bat it is a mistake to give them the name.^ Their country is 
thickly planted with trees of all niauner of kinds*^ In the very 
woodiest part h a broad deep lake, siu-rounded by marshy ground 
with reeds growing on it. Here otters are caught, and beavers, 
nith another sort of animal which has a square face. With the 
Bkixks of this last the natives border their capotes : ' and they 
also get from them a remedy,* whicii ia of virtue in diseases of 
the womb. 

110. It is reported of the Sanromatie, that when the Greeks 
fought with the Amazons,^ whom the Seythiaos call Omr^paia 



* It baa been coxijectured that the 
iiHn« Bv4ini b ft religious title, and 
mmkM that the people whi» bor^ it 
Wero BuddhieU, (Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 
^.) But aa Buddha or Sak}'ii did not 
iMgis to aproad hit doctrines tOl about 
S^ GOO, «»d then taught in India and 
^lifbet, tt U extT^melj improbable that 
ha ftligion could bate reached Euro- 
pean Scytiib by the days of Herodotua, 
Perbapct tbe uoiDe is best ccmnected 
Wtth tbi ethnic appellatLve Wmdf wbiab 
la from ^cmda, "water," SclaT, woda, 
Fhrvg. $tSu, Stc. (Sto Smith's Diet, of 
Gr. aoa R. Geography, «. v- BUDIKL) 

* Thhs part of the deaoriptiou aeetua 
to fix the locality of the Budiiii to the 
XHion about Zadoitsk. and Wor&ii^tz, 
whk^ offefa Ae remarkable a contrast 
to the reat of Rujuia. (Clarke, x. p. 
19^*) The mention, however^ of the 
Jak^ containing ottera and beHVera^ and 
eapeciallj of th« ** equare-faeed ajiimols ** 
— if theaa are aeala^ would seem to re- 
CQire a poattios further to the east. 
There are no 1ak«a in the Woroneti^ 
eountrj^ and though Be&la are fotiud iti 
iba C^pian, at the moutbd of the 
Wo^g^ and in iom« of the ii^ibGiiaQ 



hdcea (Heereu, Ae. Nat. ii, p. SBl, notCi 
E. T.), they do not mount the Wolga, 
nor are they found in tbe Tanak. It 
m^j be doubt«d wbuther Bcals ore really 
intended. 

f A bordor of fur ia oommonly seen 
to edge the coat worn by tbe Scvthiana 
on tbe aeptilcbral Taaea uid other re^ 
maiUB. See woodcuta in notes ^ and ^ 
on chi. 4tj and l'/S* It ia nlao Sequent 
at the present day, (E*allaa^ vol, ii, 
pL 23; Dubois, vol. T, p. 202.) 

' '* Horum i testiest f is remedium ob- 
tinent, quod in morbia uterims usui eat.'^ 
Thia boa b«eu thought by aome to ahow 
that CiiMtor oil waa in the pharmacopeia 
of these nationa, Herodotue might 
bare been miainfomied as to which of 
tbe three animals funiiihed the remedy p 
axid tbe other mistake prevailed til] com* 
paratively modem times. Mr.. Bjakesley, 
boweveTj luppoaefl that the " bt^ of 
the musk-deer" are meant (note ad 
locO- 

' Some Amazona were supposed to 
life m Aaia, others in AlHca. Diodorua 
(iii, jl ) says the Ifttter were much tbe 
mti6t ancient, having lived many ages 
btifore the Trigan war (^thoie of tlie 



80 STORY OF THE AMAZONS. Book IV. 

or " man-slayers," as it may be rendered, Oior being Scythic for 
" man," and pata for " to slay " — ^it is reported, I say, that the 
Greeks after gaining the battle of the Therm6don, put to seSi 
taking with them on board three of their vessels all the Amaxoiu 
whom they had made prisoners ; and that these women upon the 
Yoyage rose up against the crews, and massacred them to a man. 
As however they were quite strange to ships, and did not know 
how to use either rudder, sails, or oars, they were carried, after 
the death of the men, where the winds and the waves listed At 
last they reached the shores of the Falus Mseotis and came to a 
place called Cremni or " the Cliffs," ^ which is in the country of 
the free Scythians. Here they went ashore, and proceeded by 
land towards the inhabited regions; the first herd of hones 
which they fell in with they seized, and mounting upon their 
backs, fell to plundering the Scythian territory. 

111. The Scyths could not tell what to make of the attack 
upon them — ^the dress, the language, the nation itself, were alike 
unknown — whence the enemy had come even, was a marvd- 
Imagining, however, that they were all men of about the sam© 
age,^ they went out against them, and fought a battle. Some 
of the bodies of the slain fell into their hands, whereby the^" 
discovered the truth. Hereupon they deliberated, and made 0^ 
resolve to kill no more of them, but to send against them ^^ 
detachment of their youngest men, as near as they could gues^ 
equal to the women in number, with orders to encamp in thei^ 
neighbourhood, and do as they saw them do — when the Amazon^ 
advanced against them, they were to retire, and avoid a fight — 
when they halted, the young men were to approach and pitch 
their camp near the camp of the enemy. All this they did on 
account of their strong desire to obtain children from so notable 
a race. 

Thermodon only a little before it), and was probably a colony from Pttntioa- 

their queen, Myrina, was the friend of psoiim. Its nanie is clearly Greek, and 

Horus the son of Isis. The numerous marks that it was in the neigliboui^iood 

body-guard of the king of the Behrs, of some high cHffs, which are difficult 

on the White Nile, is to this day com- to find on the shores of the Sea of Aiol 

posed entirely of women (his ministers Perhaps the most probable site is near 

only having access to him .when he is Marianj^ol (see PtoJ. iii. 5), where the 

about to die, to prevent his leaving the coast attains some elevation. Cremniici 

world by a vulgar natural death) ; and a is not to be confounded with CremnL 

similar custom may have been the origin It was on the Euxine, between the 

of the fable of the Amazons. It is found Dniestr and the Danube. (Anon, 

again in Western Africa. The name is Peripl. P. E. p. 153; Plin. H. N. JY. 

probably African, not Greek. V. note *, ' 12.) 

ch. 191.— [G. W.] * That is to say, as they were all 

^ Vide supra, ch. 20. This place alike beardless, they took them for an 

appears to have been a Greek port, and army of youths. 



Cbat, 110-115. 



STOEY OF THE AMAZONS. 



81 



^^ aftei 



k> the youthfi departed, and obeyed the orders which 
I given them. The Araa^ons soon found out that they 
had not come to do them any harm ; and so they on their part 
ceased to offer the Scythians any molestation. And now day 
after day the camps approached nearer to one another ; both 
ies led the same life, neither having auytliing but their arms 
md horses, so that they were forced to support themselves by 
hunting and pi'lage. 

IKl At last an incident brought two of them togetber— the 
man easily gained the good graces of the woman, who bade him 
by signs (for they did not understand each other's language) to 
* bring a friend the next day to the «pot where they had met^ 
promising on her part to bring with her another woman. He 
did so* and the woman kept her word. When the rest of the 
Touths heard what bad taken place, they also sought and gained 
the fevonr of the other Amazons. 

114. The two caraps were then joined in one, the Scythians 
living with the Amazons as their wives; and the men were 
unable to learn the tongue of the women, but the women soon 
cangiit np the tongue of the men. When they could thufl 
nnden^taud one another, the Scyths addressed the Amazons in 
these w^ords, — **We have parents, and properties, let us there- 
fore give up this mode of life, and return to our nation, and live 
with them. You shall be our wives there no less than here, and 
we promise yon to have no others." But the Amazons said — 
'* We could not live with your women — our customs are quite 
different fi-om theira To draw the bow, to hurl the javelin, to 
bestride the horse^ these are onr arts — of womanly employments 
we know nothing. Your women, on the contrar}% do none of 
these thijigs; but stay at home in their wagons, engaged in 
womanish tasks, and never go out to hunt, or to do anything. 
We should never agree together. But if you truly wish to keep 
Its aa your wives, and would conduct yourselves with strict 
justice towards us, go you home to your parents, bid them give 
yon your inberitanee, and then come back to us, and let us and 
you live togetlicr by ourselves/* 

115. The youths approved of the advice, and followed it. 
They went and got the portion of goods which fell to them, 
returned with it, and rejoined their wives, who then addressed 
tbem IB these words following : — " We are ashamed, and afraid 
to liTa in the country where we now are, Not only have we 
stolati you from your fathers, but we have done great damage to 




82 



CUSTOMS OF THE SAUROMAT^. 



Book IT< 



Scytliia by our raragea. As you liko us for wives, grant the 
request we make of you. Let us leave this country together^ 
md go and dwell beyond the Tauais." Again the youths com- 
plied* 

116. Crossing the Tanaia they journeyed eastward a distance 
of three days* march from that stroanij and again uortliward a 
distjince of three days' march from the Pains Mteotis** Here 
they came to the country where they now live, and took up their 
abode in it* The women of the Saiiromatie have continued from 
that day to the present, to observe their ancient customs,* fre- 
quently hniiting on horseback with their husbands, sometimes 
even unaccompanied ; in war taking the field ; and weai'ing the 
very same dress as the men, 

117. The Sauromat^ speak the language of Sc}^hia,'^ but have 
never talked it correctly, because the Amazons learnt it imper- 
fectly at the first. Their marriage-law lays it down that no giri 
shall wed till she has killed a man in battle,"' Sometimes it 
happens that a woman dies unmarried at an advanced age, 
having never been able in her wholo lifetime to fLdlil the con- 
dition. 

118. The envop of the Scythians, on being introduced into 



* Here we have ui iBdioatiou of the 
belief of Herodotus, tlmt the Pidiw 
MKotia extended Home oouaidemble dk- 
toQce C'istwiud of tbe plnee where the 
TuiAis f*i\l int<i it. It hiui been already 
obeerred th&t ^ gi'oat portieu of what is 
new ilie goverameat of (the Cttiicw^us, »b 
well BJi part of the cr^uotry of the Doti 
CowackM^ w«s prohablj once under 
water ^ tind Lnduded iti the Se& of Azof. 
Tide itipra^ ch* 86, note ^, and infra, 
Appendix^ Esaay 11. 

* Accortiing to this deaenptioii the 
oiYuntry of the Saiir^mata? did wsi touch 
the Mu.'otbj but began about the iSih 
paralleL Compare however the state- 
ment inch* 3L Iq later timeiH as we 
find by the Peripluft of Scylax (p- li), 
they ceiiainly reached to the aea. 

* Thifl u of course the origin of t!ie 
myth oarrated above. That the Sartiia^ 
tun wotDeo bad tbcse habita aeciiie to be 
ft oertain fact, (Com]jare Nic. Dam/iac, 
Fr 122; Hippocr* De Aer. Aq. et Loc, 
§42; Ephor- Fi«g. 78, Scylai, PeripL 
p. 74*) Yet Niebnhr (Eeiiearehea^ ft, 
fiS, note 78, E. T,) regaixied the whole 
matter aa a tale without fouuduiion. 
For modem iuatanGes of Atnazonian 
bablta^ vide BuptU| ch* '26, note \ and 



oh, no, note ■* 

^ That the SauromataF of Herodotus 
are the SamiatiaDa of Iftter tim^ do«e 
mot appear to admit of a dchubt. Nio^ 
buhr (ittf searches, pp, 74-Bl) tnacea their 
gradual progreaaM^u the ateppos of tbo 
Don to the rich plaios of Hun^arj. 
Thence, under the Dame of Slu^ea tbej 
overspread Poland and Riusia. In 
them we seem to have a link, elaewbere 
deaidaiated, between the Arian and the 
inodern European racef. Their name, 
Swiroiijatce (Sauro-Medea or l^Torthentt 
Medes), aa well aa their l<K^ity and lan- 
guage (Boeokb, Corp. Insor. part il pp. 
1 D7- 117) , oonnect them with the Meditts 
natioDj and theb identity with tlii» 
Slnvee is a matter of biatoric eertainty, 
\^liflther we may preeiime from tli4 
declaration of Herodotus, thut the Satt- 
roEUata? apoke bad Scythian, to regard 
the SoytlxB as Slavee ia a distinct quea> 
tion* An aualyaia of the Scythian lan- 
guage leads to a diO'erent resuit« Be« 
Appendix, Essay IlL 

^ Nicholwi of Damaactta repeata tliii 
statement (Fr. 122), but it is not certain 
that he doeu mare than fallow HeRK 
dotuft. 



I 



I 



jmaK 



fe-119. CONFERENCE OF 'fflE PRINCES. 



83 



Jie presence of the kings of tliese nations^ who were assembled 
delibemtCj made it known to them, tliat the Persian, aft-er 
inbdning the whole of the other continent, had thrown a hridge 
hrer the strait of the Bosphoriis» and crossed into the eotitinent 
}i Europe, where he had reduced the Thracians^ and was now 
baking a bridge oyer the Ister, bis aim being to bring under 
lis sway all Europe also, " Stand ye not aloof then from this 
Sontesl^** tbey went on to say, " look not on tamely while we 
\te perishing — hut make common cause with ub, and together 
et us meet the enemy* If ye refuse, we must yield tt) the 
Sresiarej and either quit our country, or make terms with the 
,?aders. For what eke la left for us to do, if your aid be with- 
held from m? The blow, be sure, will not light on you more 
gently upon this aecount. The Perasian cornea against you no 
\m than against lis : and will not be content, after we are con- 
qtii?red, to leave you in peace* We can bring strong proof of 
^hat we here advance. Had the Persian leader indeed come to 
avenge the wrongs which he suffered at our hands when we 
enslaved big people,*^ and to war on ns only, he would have teen 
touiid to march straight upon Scythia, without molesting any 
trntiim by the way. Then it would have been plain to all, that 
Scythia alone was dmed at But now, what has his conduct 
l^n? From Uie moment of his entrance into Europe, he has 
i^bjngated without exception every nation that lay in his patlh 
AU tiie tribes of the Thracians have been brought under his 
«*^yt and among them even our nest neighbours, the Gette," 

Uy. The assemlded princes of the nations, after hearing all 
^l the Scythians had to say, deliberated. At the end opinion 
*afl divided — the kings of the Gelonij Budini, and Sauromata 
^ei^of aceordj and pledged themselves to give assistance to the 
%thiiin8 ; but the Agathyrsian and Neurian princes, together 
^th die sovereigns of the Androphagi, the Melanchheni, and the 
Tmirij replied to their request as follows :—'* If you had not 
^ the first to wrong the Persians, and begin the war, we 
*kcKil<i have thotight the request you make just ; we should then 
l^^e complied with yoiu* wishes, and joined onr arms with 
J^a Now, however, the case stands thus — you, independently 
^ % invudid the land of the Persians, and so long as God gave 
Jou the power, lorded it over them : raised up now by the same 
^L thi^y are come to do to you the like. We, on our part, did no 

* AllndLD;^ to tKe S<!3rihi*& invuion of Aiiii in the tiniQ of Cjazarea. Bm Book i, 

Q 2 



84 PLAN ADOPTED BY THE SCYTHIANS. Book W. 

wrong to these men in the former war, and will not be the first 
to commit wrong now. K they invade our land, and begin 
aggressions upon us, we will not suffer them ; but, till we see 
this come to pass, we will remain at home. For we believe tbat 
the Persians are not come to attack us, but to punish those who 
are guilty of first injuring them." 

120. When this reply reached the Scythians, they resolved, as 
the neighbouring nations refused their alliance, that they wonld 
not openly venture on any pitched battle with the enemy, bat 
would retire before them, driving off their herds, choking up all 
the wells and springs as they retreated, and leaving the whole 
country bare of forage. They divided themselves into three 
bands, one of which, namely that commanded by ScopasiSyit 
was agreed should be joined by the Sauromatae, and if the Pe^ 
sians advanced in the direction of the Tanais, should retreat 
along the shores of the Pains Mseotis and make for that river; 
while if the Persians retired, they should at once pursue and 
harass them. The two other divisions, the principal one under 
the command of Idanthyrsus, and the third,* of which Taxads 
was king, were to unite in one, and, joined by the detachments 
of the Geloni and Budini, were, like the others, to keep at the 
distance of a day's march from the Persians, falling back bb 
they advanced, and doing the same as the others. And first, 
they were to take the direction of the nations which had refused 
to join the alliance, and were to draw the war upon them : that 
so, if they would not of their own free will engage in the conteA 
they might by these means be forced into it.^ Afterwards, ^ 
was agreed that they should retire into their own land, apA 
should it on deliberation appear to them expedient, join battl® 
with the enemy. 

121. When these measures had been determined on, tl^® 
Scythians went out to meet the army of Darius, sending on ^ 
front as scouts the fleetest of their horsemen. Their wag<^^ 
wherein their women and their children lived, and all th^^ 
cattle, except such a number as was wanted for food, which th^^ 
kept with them, were made to precede them in their retreat, ar> 

• These three divisions, and the three * It is to be observed, that, accordi^^ 

kings, Idanthyrsus, Toxacis and Scopa- to the narrative of Uerodotus, the ij^ 

sis, recall the ancient triple division of tions who assisted the Scythians had t^^ 

the nation under the mythic Leipoxais, war drawn upon them as much as tho^^ 

Arpoxais, and Colaxais (supra, ch. 5). who refused. The Sauromatse, Budii P^ 

Possibly there were at all times three and Qel6ai are even the jirst suSom^^ 

great tribes among the Royal Scythians (Infra, chs. 122, 123.) 
whose chiefs had a special dignity. 



Cmat, 11£>-124, 



MARCH OF DARIUS* 



85 






I 



departedt with orders to keep marchiog^ without change of course, 
to tlie north, 

122* The scouts of the Seythians found the Persian host 
advanced three days' march from the Ister, and immediately 
took the lead of them at the distance of a day's march, encamping 
from time to time, and destroying all that grew on the ground. 
The Persians no sooner caught sight of the Scythian horse than 
they pursued U[>on their track, while the Gnemy retired before 
them. Tiie pursuit of the Persians was directed towards the 
Bingle division of the Scythian army,^ and thus their line of 
inarch was eastward toward the Tauais. The Scyths crossed 
tlit+ river, and the Persians after them, still in pursuit* In this 
way they passed through the country of the ISauromatiE, and 
entered that of the Budini, 

123, As long as the march of the Persian army lay through 
the countries of the Scythians and Sanromata?, there was nothing 
which they could damage, the land being waste and barren j 
but on entering the temtories of the Budini, they came upon 
the wooden fortress above mentioned,^ which was deserted by its 
inliabitants and left quite empty of everything. This place they 
burnt to the giound ; and having so done^ again pressed forward 
on the track of the retreating Scythians, till, having passed 
fjirough the entire country of the Budini, they reached the 
desert, which has no inhabitants/ and extends a distance of 
aeven days* journey above the Budinian territory. Beyond tliis 
desert dwell the Thyssagetie, out of whose land four great 
streams flow. These rivers all traverse the country of the 
Bleeotians^ and fall into the Palus JIajotis. Their names are the 
Lycus, the Oarusj the Tanais, and the Syrgis,* 

124. When Darius reached the desert^ he paused from his 
pursuit^ and halted his army upon the Oanis/ Here he built 
eight large forts, at an equal distance from one another, sixty 
furlongs apart or thereabouts, the ruins of which were still 
Teoiaining in my day/ During the time that he was so occupied, 



s Th« divUioii of Scopa^ii (supTii, ch. 
12Q> 

■ ThAt \b^ the town Gelouus. Yid« 
supi«. cb. 108, 

' Tki« app^ai^ to be the Btreftm caUed 
Urn HjT^ in cb. 57. It la there said to 
run into the Tfuuii^ Ptoti?mj however 
nsdkfs the Hjrgiej a£ woO as the Lycua, 
run into the Pahia MceotU, betwocn 
Cnmni Mid th^ mouth of the Toiuu^* 




* The Oarua is geoenJly uupposed to 
repreaeDt the Wolga (.Hitter, Erdkundo^ 
ii^ p. 765; ReQueli, p. 00; MKnnert, iv, 
p. 79); but the giMgtmithy of this region, 
as deBtTibpd by Herodotua, m bo utterly 
unlike the present coi^ortuattou of the 
country t that no positive ideutilieatlt^Qji 
tLve poafiible. 

' The coi^ecture ii probable th^t 
these iuppoMd "fortfl'* were mitivfl 
b^rowa^pfii4iA|M of larger ahce »iMl 



86 LINE OP HIS RETURN. Book IV. 

the Scythians whom he had been following, made a circuit by 
the higher regions, and re-entered Scythia. On their complete 
disappearance, Darius, seeing nothing more of them, left his 
forts half finished, and returned towards the west. He imagined 
that the Scythians whom he had seen were the entire natioao, 
and that they had fled in that direction. 

125. He now quickened his march, and entering Scythia, fell 
in with the two combined divisions of the Scjrthian army,® and 
instantly gave them chase. They kept to their plan of re- 
treating before him at the distance of a day's march ; and, lie 
still following them hotly, they led him, as had been previously 
settled, into the territories of the nations that had refused to 
become their allies, and first of all into the country of the 
Melanchlaeni. Great disturbance was caused among this people 
by the invasion of the Scyths first, and then of the PersianB. 
So, having harassed them after this sort, the Scythians led the 
way into the land of the Androphagi, with the same result as 
before; and thence passed onwards into Neiuis, where their 
coming likewise spread dismay among the inhabitants. StiD 
retreating they approached the Agathyrsi ; but this people^ 
which had witnessed the flight and terror of tlieir neighbonn^ 
did not wait for the Scyths to invade them, but sent a herald to 
forbid them to cross their borders, and to forewarn them, that»if 
they made the attempt, it would be resisted by force of armfl. 
The Agathyrsi then proceeded to the frontier, to defend their 
country against the invaders. As for the other nations, the 
Melanchlaeni, the Androphagi, and the Neuri, instead of de- 
fendinj? themselves, when the Scyths and Persians overran theii 
lands, they forgot their threats, and fled away in confusion ^^ 
the deserts lying towards the north. The Scythians, when th^ 
Agathyrsi forbade them to enter their country, refrained ; • a^^ 
led the Persians back from the Neurian district into their o^^ 
land. 

better material than common. Hero- forts were built in Scythia by Darius.-^^ 

dotus would hear of them from the • The divisions of IdanthyrBUS a^-^ 

Greek traders. His words do not ne- Taxacis (supra, ch. I'JO). ^ 

cessarily imply that he hati himself seen • The Agathyrsi, having the CtoJ^^ 

them; while that he should have pene- thians for their frontier, would be bett^^ 

trated so far into the interior is in the able to defend themselves than the n^^ 

highest degree improbable. Of coun»e tions which lay further to the east. M^^ 

wo may believe in the existence of the "luxurious" and "fond of wetrin^ 

ruins without accepting the tradition gold" (supra, ch. 104"), the Agathrr^^ 

connecting them with Darius's invasion, would also have more to lose than tke^^ 

It is, as Dahlmann observes (Life, p. neighbours. 
120, E. T.), extremely unlikely that any 



Chaw. 124-128. THE MESSAGE AND THE EEPLY, 



87 



126. This had gone on so long» and seemed so intorminable, 
;that Darius at last sent a liorseman to ldanthyrsi]s, the Sc)nhian 
king, with the followiug message : — " Thou strange tnan, why 
dost thon keep on flying belbre me, when there are two tLings 
thou mightest do so easily ? If th#u deemest thy self able to 
resist my arms, eease thy wanderings and come, let as engage in 
tile. Or if thou art conscioua that my strength is gre-ater than 
ee — even so thou shouldest cease to run away — thou hast but 
to bring thy lord earth and water^ and to come at once to a 
j5onferonce.** 

127- To thia message Idanthyrsus, the Scythian king, re- 
— " This is my way, Persian. I never fear men or fly from 
I have not done so in times past^ nor do I now fly from 
thee. Tliere is nothing new or strange in what I do ; I only 
follo^v my common mc>de of life in peaceful years. Now I will 
tell thee why I do not at once join battle with thee. We 
Scj^liiana have neitlier towns nor cultivated lands, which migTit 
indua^ uSt throiigli fear of their being taken or ravaged, to be 
in any hurry to fight with yon. If, however, you must needs 
come to blows with us speedily, look you now^ there are our 
fathers' tombs ^ — seek them out, and attempt to meddle with 
them— then ye shall see whether or no we will fight with you. 
Till ye do this, be sure we shall not join battle, unless it pleases 
m, Thi^ is my answer to the challenge to fight. As for lords, 
.1 acknowledge only Jove my ancestor,* and Vesta, the 8cytbian 
qneen*^ Eaitli and water, the tribute thou askedst, I do not 
Bend, but thou shalt soon receive more suitable gift^. Last of 
an, in return lor thy calling thyself my lord, I say to thee, * Go 
Weep/" (This is what men mean by the Scythian mode of 
Speech*}* 8o the herald departed, bearing this message to 
I>ariiijs. 

128. When the Scythian kings heard the name of slavery 
liey were filled with rage, and despatt*hed the division under 



The U*mh9 of the h'njs, which wore 
^ %.1m p)jio« ctUled Qeirhua (supra, dii. 
^ «lidT1), m^m to be tiieimt. These 
^•^ pTt)tMU;>1y defaoded by a wattled 
^^l eture (7*^^01') behind* which the 
'moM w ril d hare fought. Comoiou 
wi coTcrt'dT no doubt* an they «till 
\ th« whole cQUOtr^, 

^ W# null' gather from this, that wbil e 
*J* SeythiiHi nckBowledged m miinber 
** «ltalMt (ride «»pt», oh* sej^ they paid 



«peeial hoaoim to Joto Kud VefltOi the 
king and queen of Heaven. 

* Diogenes LaertiuB (rit. Anachara. i. 
p. 26j makes Anacharais the origin of 
thia Greek prorerh, and seems to apply 
it to all free and bold speiLking. 
(ncl^*<rx* ^K be ftayB, h ^Ai?Axapcts 

ffiaoTiiti^s tlvcUi 'H diri ^ku&ojv piffftt*) 
Tho remark of HtJi'odotui muat tbere- 
fore be undmtftood of the irbole reply of 
IdMithyi-sug^ nut only of the kit ifford«> 



THE SCTTHS TAKE THE OFFENSIVE. 



BookIT- 



Scopasis to wluch tlie SaiiromatsB were joined^ with orders that 
they ehould seek a conference with the louiaus, who had been 
left at the Ister to guard the bridge. Meanwhile the Seythians 
who remained behind resolved no longer to lead the Persians 
hither and thither about tHeir country^ but to fall npon them 
whenever they should he at their meals. So they waitcxl till 
finch times, and then did as they had determined* In these 
combats the Scythian hoi'se always put to flight the horse of 
the enemy; these last, however, when routed, fell back upoi 
their foot, who never failed to afford them support ; while tlK 
Scjlhians, on their aide, as ^oon as they had driven the horse ii, 
retired again, for tear of the foot. By night too the Scythioia 
mafJe many similar attacks, 

121), There was one very strange tiling which greatly ad- 
vantaged the Persians, and was of equal disservice to the St»;'ths, 
in these assaults on the Persian camp* This was the brayiig of 
the asses and the appearance of the mules. For, as I ob^rved 
before, the land of the Scythians produces neither ass nor mule^ 
and contains no single specimen of either animal, by reason 
of the cold.^ So, when the asses brayed, they frightened the 
Scythian cavalry; and olYen, in the middle of a change, the 
horses, hearing the noise made by the a^es> would tal^e fright 
and wheel round, pricking up their ears, and showing istonish- 
ment This was owing to their haviug never heard the uoisev 
or seen the form, of the animal before : and it was net without 
some little influence on the progress of the wan 

130* The Scythians, when they perceived signs that the 
Persians were becoming alarmed, took steps to induce them not 
to quit Scythia, in the hope, if they stayed, of inflicting on them 
the greater injury, when their supplies should altogether fail. 
To effect this, they would leave some of their cattle e^cposed 
with the herdsmen, while they themselves moved away to a dis- 
tance : the Persians would make a foray, and take the beasts, 
whereupon they would be Wghly elated. 

13L This they did several times, until at last Darins w^as at 
his wits' end ; hereon the Scythian princes, understanding how 



I 

I 



I 

I 



Aristotle ^Dfl Qenerat. An* iL ad fin.), 
who agreen with Herodotud ^» U> ibo 
CftuaOh M. de BuSbn reinai-ka ^hat tbe 
1B8 is orij^Ally au iiilmbitjiut of WflU*m 
couDtrifts, and baA only bepn recently 
iutroduced into colder onea, wUero lie 



always ddgenemt^/ (Hiatolre de* Qua^^ 
druptdofl^ vol. u p. IGOJ The notino of 
tbo HypcrboreaQs sacrificing awdB( Find. 
Pyth, X. 51) w^ conn«i'ted with the be- 
lief that ib«j ii] habited a wiirm cuuxLtry 
(iUpiUp ck '63, note *). 




, Chap. 128-133. SYIMBOLIC PRESENTS TO DARIUS. 



liters stood, despatched a herald to tl^e Persian catnp with 
outs for the kiug : those were^ a bird, a mouse, a frog, and 
five arrows. The Persiam asked the bearer to tell them what 
these gii'ts might mean, but he made answer that he had no 
orders ezcept to deliver theni, and return again with all speed. 
If the I*ersiana were wise, he added, they would find out the 
meaning for themselYcs. So when they heard this, they held a 
csoimeil to consider the matter. 

132. Darius gtive it as his opinion, that the Seyths intended a 
sarrender of themselves and their country, both land and water, 
into his hands. This he conceived to be the meaning of the gifts, 
rbeeause the mouse is an inluibitant of the earth, and eats the 
same food as man, while the frog paases his life in the water ; 
the bird bears a great resemblance to the horse, and the arrows 
might signify the surrender of all their power. To the explana- 
tion of l>ai-ini3, Gobr)ms, one of the seven conspirators against 
tlie Magus, opposed another which was as follows :—" Unless, 
Pereians, ye can turn into birds and fly up into the sky, or 
become mice and bm*row under the ground, or make yourselves 
fmge, and take refuge in tlie fens, ye will never make escape 
from this land, hut die pierced by our arrows." Such were the 
meanings which the Persians assigned to the gifts.* 

133, llie single division of tlie Scyths, which in the early part 
of the war had been appointed to keep guard about the Palus 
Maeotis,^ and luid now been sent to get speech of the lonians 
stationed at the later, addressed them on reaching the bridge, in 
these words ; — " Men of Ionia, we bring you freedom, if ye will 
only do as we recommend* Darius, we understand, enjoined you 



Tlib itaiy vw told, with aom& not 

importiiat altemtioiw, by Pher&- 

of Lerot. (5iee Ckm. Akx. Strom. 

Ppt 67J, 672, where A4pivt should 

ttud for ^vpitf$,. It ia utic«rti^ia 

be wrote before or after Herf>- 

ui(iM Moller^s Fr. Hiat, Or. vol L 

- axt.-vi.; M ore's Lit, of Groeoa, 

■-IT, p. 183; DahlniflJiii'a Life of He- 

R-t<^tui, ch. vj, § 7, p. 98, E. T.). A* 
Wtwr, he maj pOB§ibly have written 
9^4 Kttd Herodotus may hav« h&d 
|«teBg0 tJ3 qoestioii under his eje, it 

K^**- *' Pherecydet relates/' say a 
^|^«iietw, "tbnt MaothuMa tho Scy- 
j?^*i kiitg, when Dariua had croaaed 
™*I»ter, threatened him with war, 
^^^ hba not a letter, but a aymbol, 
^^ wfta a mouaep & frog;, a bird, ul 



arrow^ and a plough. When there wis 
—not unnatuiully^ — much doubt &m* 
ceming the meaning of tliia measag^, 
Oroiitopagas, the chillaruh, maintained 
that it waa a flurreiider of the empire; 
for h© conjectured the mouse to tiiean 
their dwelliiiga, the frog their watera, 
the bird their air^ the arrow a their ai'mi, 
&nd the pWugh their country. But 
Xiphodrea interpreted it diflerentlj; for 
bo eiplaitied It thus: — ' Unlesa hke 
birds we tiy aloft, or like mice burrow 
under-ground, or like frogs betake our- 
aeive« to the water, we sbnU never 
escape their weapooa; for we are not 
maatefB of their country/ " The atory 
in Herodotua is more ScythviHf in einit- 
ting any mention of dfreiiinja, 
'Vide aiipra, ch. 120, 



90 ADVICE OF GOBRYAS. Book IV. 

to keep your guard here at tliis bridge just sixty days ; then, if 
he did 'not appear, you were to return home. Now, therefore, 
act so as to be free from blame, aUke in his sight, and in ours. 
Tarry here the appointed time,® and at the end go your ways." 
Having said this, and received a promise from the lonians to do as 
they desired, the Scythians hastened back with all possible speed. 
134. After the sending of the gifts to Darius, the part of the 
Scythian army, which had not marched to the Ister, drew out in 
battle array horse and foot ^ against the Persians, and seemed 
about to come to an engagement. But as they stood in battle 
array, it chanced that a hare started up between them and 
the Persians, and set to running; when immediately all the 
Scyths who saw it, rushed off in pursuit, with great confusion, 
and loud cries and shouts. Darius, hearing the noise, inquired 
the cause of it, and was told that the Scythians were all engaged 
in hunting a hare. On this he turned to those with whom he 
was wont to converse, and said : — " These men do indeed despise 
us utterly : and now I see that Gobryas was right about the 
Scythian gifts. As, therefore, his opinion is now mine likewise, 
it is time we form some wise plan, whereby we may secure our- 
selves a safe return to our homes." " Ah I sire," Gobryas re- 
joined, " I was well nigh sure, ere I came here, that this was an 
impracticable race — since our coming I am yet more convinced 
of it, especially now that I see them making game of us. My 
advice is, therefore, that, when night falls, we light our fires a^ 
we are wont to do at other times, and leaving beliind us on some 
pretext that portion of our army which is weak and unequal to 
hardship, taking care also to leave our asses tethered, retreat from 
Scythia, before our foes march forward to the Ister and destroy 
the bridge, or the lonians come to any resolution which may 
lead to our ruin." 



^ It is evident that the sixty da^s ing to Herodotus's own showing, ought 
ought to have expired long ere this, to have been 90 or 100 days. 
Scythia is a square of 20 days' journey • We now hear for the first time of 
eachway (ch. 101). Darius had marched tlie Scythians having infantry. It is 
along one side, and had skirted two scarcely possible that they really pos- 
others. He had also gone so far out of sessed any such force. The noinade 
the direct course as to reach the Oaiiis, nations of these countries have always 
and he had tarried there long enough lived on horseback, and are utterly help- 
to build eight great forts. He had less on foot. (Compare Hommaire de 
begun to descend the fourth side of Hell, Travels, p. 243, E. T., and Hero- 
Scythia, when the Scythians, under dotus's own words, supra, ch. 46, and 
Scopasis, set oflf for the Ister, and they infra, ch. 136.) If they had had a force 
had to complete that side of Scythia of f(^t-soldiers, Darius might have com- 
before they could reach the lonians. pelled them to a general engagement. 
Altogether the time consumed, accord- 



CHAr. 133-^137. SECOND APPLICATION TO THE I0NIAN8. 



di 



135. So Gobryas advised ; and when night came, Darius 
followed his counsel, and leaving his sick soldiers, and tliose 
whose loea would be of Ifiaat Uf coimt, with the aases also tethered 
about the camp, marched away. The asses were left that their 
noiise might be heard : the men, really because they were sick 
and u.*eles!<, but under the pretencej that he was about to fall 
upon tlie Scythians with the flower of his troops, and that they 
meanwhile were to guard his camp for him. Having thuis de- 
clare his plans to the men whom he was deserting, and Itaviug 
caused the ^t^b to be Itghtedj Darius set forth, and niarclied 
hastily towards the Isten The asseSj aware of the departure of 
the hogt, brayed louder than ever ; and the Scythians, hearing 
the sound, entertained no doubt of the Persians being still in the 
iame place^ 

130. "When day da^vned, the men who had been left beliind, 
perceiving that they were betrayed by Darius, stretched out 
their hands towards the Scythians, and spoke as befitted their 
fiituatiun. The enemy no sooner heard, than they quickly joined 
all their troojss in oue^ and both |>pilion8 of the Bcytliian army, 
— alike that which consisted of a single division, and that made 
up of twoj — accompanied by all tlieir allies, the Sauromatie, the 
Budini, and the Geloni, set off in pursuit, and made straight for 
the Isten As, however, the Persian arniy was chiefly foot, and 
hail no knowledge of the mnte^si, which are not cut out in 
Seythia ; ^ while the Scyths were all horsemen and w^ell ac- 
qujunted with the shortest way ; it so happenetl that the two 
armies missed one anotlier, and the Scythians^ getting far ahead 
of their adversaries, came first to the bridge. Finding that the 
Persians were not yet arrived, they addressed the lonians, who 
were aboard their ships, in these words :^ — ** Men of Ionia, the 
number of your days is out, and ye do wrong to remain. Fear 
doubtless has kept you here bitlierto : now, however, you may 
eafeiy break the bridge, and ha?iten back to your homes, re- 
joiciug that you are free, and thanking for it the gods and the 
Scythians. Your former lord and majster we undertake so to 
handle, that he will never again make war upon any one/* 

137* The lonians now held a couociL Miltiades the Athenian* 
who was king of the Chersonesites upon the Hellespontt* and 

> Tid« Bupitt, ch* 120* the carts of the peaEdtitTj. (S<« Clarke'i 

t Eveii at the preseDt day Soutbei^ Euuk, pp, 186, 1S7, :J12, 213i &c, Ike 

BoMia poMOMet but few made roads. UeU, Tn^ela, p. 1% £. T,) 

Til* tiurf of the ffteppes It imooth &ad ' Conceraiiig the mod^ in which tfak 

£na» «ld i3 tmvei'aec^ at dkci'etiou, bj aoT^ieignty came into the fuimljr Qf 




92 



RECOMMENDATION OF MILTIADES. 



BookIY. 



their commander * at tlie Ister, recommended the other generab 
to do as the Scythians wished, and restore freedom to Ionia* 



Miltiades, vide infra, Book vi. cha. 34- 
36. The dominion of Miltiades was 
over the whole of the peninsula, as fair 
as the wall which stretched across} from 
Factya to Cardia. 

"The Chersonesites upon llu: Helles- 
pont*' are here distinguished from the 
inhabitants of the Heracleotic Cherso- 
nesus, which occupied the peninsula 
between the port of Balaclava and the 
great harbour of Sebastopol. 

See below vii. 33. 

* Mr. Blakesley (note 365 on ch. Ul) 
supposes Herodotus to mean that Milti- 
ades commanded the whole fleet, and 
endeavours to explain in what sense; 
but UerodotuB certainly does not say 
that Miltiades conmianded any besides 
hid own subjects. 

* Dr. Thirlwall has called in question 
the truth of this story (Hist, of Greece, 
vol. ii. Append, ii. p. 48Hi, which he 
considers to have been fabricated by 
Miltiades on his return to Attica, B.C. 
493. Mr. Grote (History, vol. iv. p. 
368, note) maintains the credit of the 
great Athenian. The difficulty in con- 
nexion with the story is, to understand 
how Miltiades could have remained un- 
disturbed in his sovereignty (as he ap- 
pears to have done, Herod, vi. 40) during 
the campaigns of Megabazus and Otiines 
(Herod, v. 1-2, and 26), if ho had taken 
the part against Darius which is ascribed 
to liim. Mr. Grote cuts the Gordian 
knot, by assuming that he did not re- 
main, but fled to Attica at once, as 
Cornelius Nepos asserts. (Milt. § 3.) 
The flight which Herodotus ascribes to 
fear of the Scythians (vi. 40), Mr. Grote 
considers to have been caused in reality 
by fear of the Persians. 

The objections to tlds are, first, that 
it " contradicts Herodotus in a matter 
of fact very conspicuous " — the enemy 
before whom Miltiiides fled; and se- 
condly, that it is incompatible with 
the chronology. Mr. Grote says that 
*' the chronological data in Herodot vi. 
40 are exceedingly obscure and per- 
plexed,'* and therefore he sots them 
aside ^together. But one thing is suffi- 
ciently clear from them, viz. that the 
Scythian invasion of the Chersonese and 
flight of Miltiades happened only three 
years before his final return to Attica; 
that is, nearly iirenty years after the 
Scythian expedition. Surely Herodotus 
cannot have confounded a flight from 



the Persians in b.c. 514 or 513, with om 
from the Scythians in b.c. 495, the un- 
doubted year of the Scythian inrotdL 
(See note ad loc.) 

Mr. Grote, however, shows good 
reasons for rejecting Dr. Thirlwidl's 
hypothesis. There would have been too 
many witnesses to the true facts of the 
case for a fabrication to 'have had taj 
chance of success. And Herodotus'i in* 
quiries would have been made chieflv oo 
the Asiatic side, among those wnoii 
fathers had been present at the bridge^ 
and who had no interest in exaggerating 
the patriotism of Miltiades. We mnrt 
thei'efore accept the fact of Miltisdei 
having advocated the breaking up of tha 
bridge. 

How then may the fact that, notwith^ 
standing this aiivocacy, he esci^>ed tha 
Persian vengeance during the campaign! 
of Megabazus and Otanes be accounted 
for ? 1 conjecture, became it awf tkm 
vnknoim. The matter would be debated 
by the Greek princes m secret coKcku, 
It would be a point of honour on the 
part of all present not to divulge whit 
had been proposed at the meeting* espe 
cially when to do so would be to br^ 
ruin on one of their own body. Dariitf 
would know that the loniana had been 
urged by the Scythians to break the 
bridge, and that Histiseus had been ^ 
active in pereuading his colleagues not 
to listen to them. But he need n^ 
have known that any of the despots b»d 
actually proposed complying with the 
entreaties of the Scyths. His specif 
gratitude to Histiasus may also in Vri 
have been owing to the fact, of wbi^T^ 
there are indications (chs. 139 and 14 V^ 
that Histiujus held a higher ra^^^*^^^^ 
his brother despots, and had the spec"*^ 
charge of the bridge. ^ 

When the Ionian revolt broke ^^^^ 
and Miltiades joined in it, as is evid»^ 
by his attack on Lemnos, a Persian ^^ 
pendency (Herod, v. 27), there wou^|^ 
be no longer any need of conc^mei^ 
Miltiades would boast of what he h^^ 
formerly done, and it would becon^' 
known generally. ^^^ 

That the Scythians, twenty ysar*^ 
afterwards, did not spare the Chereo^ 
nese on this account, does not seem to m^ 
at all strange. Their incursions were no^ 
wars undertaken from motives of poUcy^ 
but plundering inroads. Further, they 
might not know that Miltiades had been 



Chap. 13T-139. 



OPPOSITION OF mSTI^US. 



I 



But HisJtiapiis tJie Milesian opposed this advice* ** It is tlirougli 
DariuB,** he said, " that we enjoy our thrones in our several 
states* K his power be overturned, I cannot continue lord of 
Miletus, nor ye of your cities* For there is not one of them 
which will not prefer democracy to kingly rule " Then the 
otlier captaius, who, till Hlstifeus spoke, were about to rote with 
Miltiades, changed their minds, and declared in favour of the 
last speaker* 

138. The following were the voters on this occasion — ^all of them 
men who stood high in the eBteeni of the Persian king ; the tyrants 
of the Hellespont, — Daphnisof Abydos, Hippoclus of Ijampsacus, 
Herophantus of Parium, Metrtidorns of Proeonnesns, Aristagorai 
of Cyzicus, and Ariston of Byzantium;^ the Ionian princes — 
Strattis of Chios, iEaces of Saraos,' Laodamas of Phoca?a, and 
nktiaeuB of Miletus, the inan who had opposed MOtiades. Only 
one .^lolian of note was presentj to wit, Aristagoras* of Cyme** 

139, Having resolved to follow the advice of Histiasus, the 
Greek leaders farther determined to speak and act as follows. 
In order to appe^tr to the Scythians to be doing something, 
when in fact they were doing nothing of consequence, and like- 
wise to prevent them from forcing a passage across the Ister by 
the bridge, they resolved to break up the part of the bridge 
which abutted on Sc)i:hia, to the distance of a bowshot from the 
river bank ; and to assxire the Sc}^hians, while the demolition 

I was proceeding, that there was nothing winch they would not do 
to pleasure them. Such were the additions made to the resolu- 



II 

I 



I 



en their aide ; and if tliej did, the gnk- 
lilude of ft bHrbaroua people doeti not 
often ijLit twenty jetintm 

t on tb? Atiatic side. ByzaattuiD hiid 
Hia doubt been compelled to submit at 
1^ time oi the poaaoge of the Bospbo- 
filft. Why Mtltlacten, wKoab kingdom 
ky m much out of Dariua'a route, had 
«ubmltt«d, iji Bot mt apparent. 

* Syloa<3H, it ippeans did not long 
«ojoy the throne, which he b^id reco^ 
▼cf«l by Persian aid ! ili. 149), He had 
now tmen ffuctL^etided by bifi Bon^ ^acea 
(ridti infraf ti. 13), 

" Of wbom we heaf t\^u, infim, r. 

' This lui m remnrkftble, h&th tor 
what it Citnit«, and for what it oontalna. 
The ab«en(?e of the Leabiana, whr> a few 
jmtm hA&' furuiflliod 7U »lup» to tbe 
«otabta6fl ie«t at Ladi^, ia the ruost un^ 
aoocmatable otoiidoa ^ all. Teoi ako 




on that occMion iuppliod 17 ibipSj 
Pridni; 12, and Erythm 8j while Pho- 
eecH could gi?e hut three. Yet here the 
Pbocaean li^bder appears as poMeaiing & 
vote, wbtlf} Lesl>otf^ Te^jft, Pridi)^, and 
Er} thra^p are tinmentiocied. One caxmot 
but anapect that the liat of Uerodotujt ia 
iniperftict, aod that more' coutinj^enta 
Tfvare preaeut thap he namee^ It may be 
conjectnriHl that the li^t came fi'f'Hm a 
HeUespcmtin^ a^juroe ^from the funjily 
of Mkttlades, moat probably); and thua, 
while th« catalogue of the Hellespontine 
oitiea is tolembly complete, thero beiuK 
no imptjrtant omiaiion hut that of Cbal* 
eedon, only those Ionian and Ji!olian 
lenders who were of partlculor repute 
obtained any mention, PhoOfica^ though 
so weak in shipar might still poaaesa a 
leader of eminence, aa wua found to be 
the caae in the Ionian struggle^ when the 
entire command waa placed in the banda 
of Dionyaiua (tI, 11}* 



94 DARIUS ARRIVES AT THE BRIDGE. Book IT. 

tion of Histioeus ; and then Histirens himself stood forth and 
made answer to the Scyths in the name of all tlie Greeks :— 
" Good is the advice which ye have brought us, Scythians, and 
well have ye done to come here with such speed. Your efforts 
have now put us into the right path ; and our efforts shall not be 
wanting to advance your cause. Your own eyes see that we are 
engaged in breaking the bridge ; and, believe us, we will work 
zealously to procure our own freedom. ^Meantime, while we 
labour h(»re at our task, be it your business to seek them out, 
and, when found, for our sakes, as well as your own, to visit them 
with the vengeance which they so well deserve." 

140. Again the Scyths put faith in the promises of the Ionian 
chiefs, and retraced their steps, hoping to fall in with the 
Persians. They missed, however, the enemy's whole line of 
march ; their own former acts being to blame for it. Had they 
not ravaged all the pasturages of that region, and filled in all 
the wells, they would have easily found the Persians whenever 
they chose. But, as it turned out, the measures which seemed 
to them so wisely planned were exactly what caused their failora 
They took a route where water was to be found and fodder could 
be got for their horses, and on this track sought their adversarieSi 
expecting that they too would retreat through regions where 
tliese things were to be obtained. The Persians, however, kept 
strictly to the line of their former march, never for a moment 
departing from it ; and even so gained the bridge with difficulty. 
It was night when they anived, and their terror, when they 
found the bridge broken up, was great ; for they thought that 
perhaps the lonians had deserted them. 

141. Now there was in the army of Darius a certain man, s^ 
Egyptian, who had a louder voice than any other man in tU* 
world. This person was bid by Diirius to stand at the water * 
edge, and call Histiojus the ililesian. The fellow did as he w^^ 
bid ; and Histiteus, hearing him at the very first sumnioi>^ 
brought the fleet to assist in conveying the army across, aI^*^ 
once more made good the bridge. 

142. By these means the Persians escaped from Scjlhii^^ 
while the Scyths sought for them in vain, again missing thei ^ 
track.* And hence the Scythians are accustomed to say of th ^ 



1 This Beema to bo the proper place (Niebuhr, Vortriige iiber alte Q*"^ 

for reviewing the entire history of this schichte, i. pp. 18^-191; Grote. iv. pp-^ 

expedition, which almost all moderns 3M-.101; Thirlwall, ch. xiv. p. '22ii, 8vo^ 

agree in thinking absolutely incredible ed.; Dahlniann'a Life, p. 120, £. T.)* 



C»AP. 13D-143. SCYTHIAN OPINION" OF THE lONlANS, 



95 



Ionia nSr by way of reproach, tbat, if they be looked upon as free- 
men, tbey are tlie basest and most dastardly of all mankind — 



^ 



Tkwt XNuiut Idd in exp«ditiDifc into 
Seythiit iero» the Cftnal of OoDfltanti* 
twfla tfid ti]« Diitiube, mt^j be regarded 
aftlbiAtomaliy certAiD: it la a point in 
ubidi Ct«iiu himself did not veDture to 
^QDtrAidkt Herodotus. (Excerpt, ap. 
Fisotiuni, § 17.) Ttie paarage of tb« 
0tnut«, ftud of the river, bf bridge 
made bj Gtveka of Greek sbtpa^ and the 
pnieDOiJof MiltJodeBp on both odc^miiouS;, 
mtut Iw l«k«Q to be fiM^ta as aeaured w. 
ihm biUle of Marathon itself. 

Agnin, tbe geiieml reiuit of the ex- 
peditiuD— negiiiive mthor thui poaitive 
^— that Liu-iua peuetmtvd to some db- 
tuioft into Scytki^ And returned with- 
etil obt«inmg any remarkable eucceaa, 
0^ esperi^ticijig anj very overwhelming 
lotti, mAj be regiu*ded aa lucertnlQefl. 
CteMM Jigreec auffidentlj^ though he 
reproaeiiti the mmtter les4 favottmbly to 
tM peril Aiu than HerodotuMj but tho 
pFO(f u to he fuund in the oourse of 
•veata — the eafe return of the Mug— hia 
ability to detach 8<^,000 men utider Bfe* 

SLb«£ua (cb* 14^3) — and the permanent 
eld wiiicb he obtained on Europe by 
bj» attack. The mcredulity uf the mo- 
dflma sttaehea to the circumataQoea of 
tiw oampdugn in Scythb— to the liiie 
cf route and length of marob — m well 
u to the periled of time ( above two 
menths) during whioh the army ia anp- 
poeed to have remoiiied in the enemy'a 
cnuatfT. ft ia regwded as impoeMblef 
§X^ tLat Darius abould haTe b«en able 
t« eflWt the passage of auuh f^at rivers 
M the DaJeatr^ the Duie^ir and the Don» 
mthout bit ileet and in the aummer 
(Gf^ce* p. 355; Niebohr, p. 191); and 
Meoudly, that the army should hsTa 
been able to exist fur &o long m time, 
mod to traverse so vast a ierritoiy, when 
the uountry was it^ietf bo harreDj, and 
hMd mozt^ver been fiurpoaely exbauetoil 
before bifi coming. (6 rote, ib, ; Nie- 
buhr, p. i*f<n Thirlwall, p. 2'25.) But 
tl Jde^ 4re not so formidable 

*T- ,i,r; and if they were greateiv 

it ;^-...P'. ^.viii«pa bo better to aooept the 
aarratiro with them, thiUl to auppose 
«tther that Herodotufl foiled to ODtain 
any knowledge of the real coune of the 
cwnpaJCTt or tbat he pu loosely gave ua 
m gfknd graphic tketeh in lieu of hi»« 
tcffj. This latter seeme to be what 
Mr Grot« EmAgines (p, 356, mnd again^ 
p, xS^ , without aeeing, apparently, 
wbat a Uxsil blow ii thereby dealt to 




thft general credibility of the historian. 
For my own part* cannot conceive it 
posaxble either that Hemdotiu should 
fail vitterly to obtoin n general notion of 
the march of the Persiana, or that, know- 
ing it I he ehould eet it aside and give ua 
instead a grand ''illmitrative fiction/' 

If we accept the exiatence of the 
town Geloniia, and the semi-Greek cba- 
lucter of ItH inhabitauts^ (accepted by 
Ni^buhr, p. 193), the bumiDg of tbat 
town by Darius would be a plain matter 
of fact, which could not but h^e bean 
known to the Pontic Greeks, if it really 
happened ( &ud which could scareely 
have been believed by tbem if it did uoL 
But if, with Eennell (Qeogmphy, p. 
W3\ and, I believe, Rlaproth imd 
Eeichard, we allow this expedition to 
have reached thus far, and to have re- 
turnedt w© may almost as well accept 
the line of march mentioned by Hero- 
dot ua as aa«ume any other — tbe len^h 
of the way and dMcultiea of the route 
being much the same in any case, sup^ 
poaing the army to have reached Gelo- 
nns. The (juestiou aeems to be, can we 
conceive the Poutio Greeks, in 50 or (JO 
years' time, losing all recollection of the 
real course of the invasion, or notf If 
we canuot, and they distinctly declared 
that their ataple, Gelonus, wua burnt 
by the invader> then wc have an ascer- 
tained point, certainly beyond the Don 
(eh. 21, and agedn cba. 122, 123), and deep 
in the iuteniir of the country, to which 
tbe expedition reached; and tbe difQ- 
cultifs as to how the army obtained 
supplies, and how the great HverB were 
crcHtaed, roust admit of explanatton, 
whether the true explanation uaa as yet 
been hit upon, or no. 

Even th# tradition that the curious 
old wa1U| whicji were to he seen be- 
tween tlie Wolg» and the Don (twit It« 
is ipti T& iptlTrta. trma ^¥^ eh. I2i), owed 
their origin to Dados, althoun^h pro* 
bably untrue as A matter of fact (see 
note on the place), yet would scareely 
have arisen ao aoon aj^r the event, if 
hia exjieditiou bad never approached the 
region in which they lay. 

With fe^ect to the difficulti^a which 
bare induced ao many bistoricat critics 
to reject the narrative of Herodotus^ i% 
may be observed, fiivt, that the Per- 
aimns were probably very akilful in the 
passage of rivers, from the frequent oc- 
oiaion wbicb they had to qtom the 



96 



MEGABAZUS LEFT IN EUROPE. 



BooKlY. 



but if they be considered as under servitude, they are the faith- 
fullest of slaves, and the most fondly attached to their lords. 

143. Darius, having passed through Thrace, reached Sestos in 
the Chersonese, whence he crossed by the help of his fleet into 



Ticpris, EuphratcH, Upper and Lower 
Zab, Diyalah, Kerkhah, &c.. all of them 
unfonlable «treaiii8 (injwcrl irtfnrrot, ac- 
cording to our author), and lying in the 
country about which their armies had 
been in the habit of nuirching for cen- 
turiefl. Secondly, that the mode in 
which these rivers were crossed was, 
then as now, by means of inflated skins, 
as we see even in tlie Nimriid 8culptiu*es 
(Layard, plates i:>, IG, .ia;. These 
were either kept in the hand, or attached 
to rafts (see note • on I^ok i. ch. 194). 
Every anny would tiike the field w^ell 
supplied with skins, partly for this pur- 
pose, piirtly to hold their water. At 
the pasHJige of a river all the water- 
skins mi^ht be used as air-skins, for 
they could be filled affain'when the 
crossing was etfect^^d. Thirdly, that it 
is not at all certain that the Scythians 
did not possess boats upon their rivers, 
which an invading army might seize; 
but if they did not, yet the banks of 
their rivers are, e«i)ccially towai'ds the 
lower part of their course, rich in wood 
(vide supra, note ^ on ch. 18), so that 
ample materials would exist for the 
rafts, on which the baggage of the army 
wt)uld have to crops, the men and beasts 
for the moMt jjart swimming, the former 
by the help of Hkins. P'ourthly, that 
there is no rea>twn to think that the 
Scythians disputed the passage of the 
streams, as Mr. (irote supposes would 
have been the case ip. liao;, since their 
object was to avoid an engagement, 
which any attempt to hinder the ad- 
vance of the l^ciTiians. would infallibly 
have brought on. 

Further, as to supplies; ' the fami- 
liarity of the Orientals with the passage 
of deserts by cjimvans of an enormous 
si/iC, who muKt take with them nourish- 
ment for many months, accustoms 
them to the movement of va^t numses 
of men, so ecjuipped ns to be indepen- 
dent of those resources, which, with us, 
an enemy's Ciiuntry is expected to 
fumirth. The tactics of the Scythians 
would have been expected (see chs. yj 
and 1^4), an<l prejMirations ma<Io ac- 
conlingly. Those who ai-e versed in 
Asiatic history, who know what large 
armies have traverneil the btwren and 
desolate countries of Turkestan and Tar- 



tary, who have followed step by itep 
the camjiaigns of GtenghiB Khan lod 
Tamerlane, sometimes in these very 
regions (^Gibbon, ch. Ixt. § 2, p. 338jy 
will see nothing strange in a two or 
three months' campaign carried on by ■& 
anny of some hundreds of thouiandi 
deriving but little subsistence from tht 
country which they were traverring. 
"Timour," we are told by the greil 
historian, " invaded Kizi)ak or tbs 
Western Tartary, with such mi^tr 
powers that thirteen miles were measurea 
from his right to his left wing. In s 
march of jive motiths they rarely beheld 
the footsteps of man; and their dsily 
subsistence was often trusted to tfci 
fortune of the ctikce." (Gibbon, L s. c) 
This inarch began at the CaspitD, snd 
extended to the neighbourhood of Mot* 
cow! 

With respect to the time said to htn 
l)een occupied by the expedition, iHueh 
is especially objected to by Daldinaniir 
as too short, it must be observed, firrt, 
tliat the trhole time is nowhere filed. 
The sixty days are said not to have ex- 
pired when the first application is mide 
to the lonians, but at that time Dtfioi 
is in the north-west of Scythia, near the 
territory of the Agathyrsi (chs. I'A 
l.'t.T;; that is, he has aocompliih^ 
about three-fourths of his route. Se- 
condly, if even thus sufficient tin* 
doi-s not seem to be allowed, may ^ 
the fact be that the first apnlicatioo t« 
the lonians to break the bridge wtf ^ 
reality made somewhat earlier? Thirdly* 
it is to be borne in mind that we h*** 
no means of fixing exactly how ^ 
Darius went either east or north. U* 
not at all certain that the Cams ii tk* 
Wolga, much less that the forts w«rt 
near Saratow. Herodotus says indeed 
di-^tinctly that he crossetl the D* 
(Tanai:* , and that he reached Gclon* 
which .^-.//fcs to have been near Worooe** 
— alKO that he skirte<l Scythia to th« 
north, and re-entei-ed it on the noitl'' 
west frontier, jwisaing thmugh tb« 
countries of the Melanchla»ni, Andro* 
phagi, and Neuri. But the position oC 
these nations is only fixed conjecturally- 
Scythia may not have extended so frr 
inland as Herodotus was told, perhapi 
i*(»t further than the 5Jnd parallel. 



142-145. EXPEDITION AGAINST LIBYA. 



97 



leaving a Persian, named Megabazus,^ commander on the 
fnropean side. This was the maa on whom Darins once con- 
irred special honour by a compliment which he paid him before 
1 the Persians. He was about to eat some pomegranates, and 
pd opened the first, when his brother Artabauus asked him 
what he would like to have in as great plenty as the seeds of 
le pomegranate ? " Darius answered—" Had I as many men 
ce Megabazus as there are seeds here, it would please me 
>tter than to be lord of Greece," Such was the compliment 
iwith Darius honoured the general to whom at this time he 
the command of the troops left in Europe, amounting in all 
some eighty thousand men.^ 

144* This same Megabazus got himself an undying remem- 

ice amoug the IleUespontianSj by a certain speech which he 

,e. It came to his knowledge, while he was staying at 

zantium^ that the Chalcedonians made their settlement seven* 

years earlier tlian the Byzantines. " Then," said he, " the 

cedonians must at that time have been labouring under 

ndness — otherwise, when so far more excellent a site was open 

them, they would never have chosen one so greatly inferior."* 

Hegabazus now, having been appointed to take the command 

the Hellespont, employed himself in the reduction of all 

states which had not of their own accord joined the 

About this very time another great expedition was 




^ Or Megab^xut, according to one MS, , 

^^adbi^ conErmed by EmtdtliiuB (ad 

", p, isa^ 27 j, and to a certain ex- 

PlulATcb, who tells the siorj 

tbyiui's aon, Zopjrua fApo- 

. ¥ol, ii* p, 173, A.), But it IB 

rthftt Ilerodotud Ltitenda tlie 

He would not Hpeak of 

^ Utfom the absurdity of RenneU'i) 
■*»K»tttion (Geogr, p. 114), tbat tlie 
Jj^br in eh. 87 ought to be 70,000 
2f**<^ of 7lK^00O. HeOM! too the cet- 
^ Hj^ Iflfkicb w« bave that Dariuji fared 
■ ^SfiJtely bettor than moit of tho«e who 
^te made sioiilar attempti, aa Cfubiu, 
^^ f icDd Napoleon. 

Mjs (vii, p. 464) that m 

ike time of the founding of 

£lium, thia reprooeh was mode 

Urn Chiiio«doniaiia. According 

tile Delphian oraele nd vised 

Oreefcij) wbo wUhed to found a 

1 1 And waked to haTe a iit« re<x?m* 

VOL. IIL 




tnended them, " to buDd their city over 
ngalnHt the Umd men " — bj which the 
CbJilcedDnianH were undoriiood to b« 
meant. Tacit ua foUowa this tale (Ajuu!. 
xii. 63), with which H^rodotuB ii evi- 
dently unacquainted. 

The great advantagea of the position 
occnpied by Byzantium are elaborately 
aet forth by Polybiu* (iv. 3S). Gibbon '» 
deacriptioti (Decline and Fall* oh. xvii. 
pp . 6- 1 ) is excellent . Conai dariiig bow 
unimportant a place Byzantittm v?aa 
wbeo Herodotufl wrote^ and how great a 
city it has become, it ia intereating to 
aee that its ctipabilities had reaiit^ been 
observed oa early, at /eott, as the time of 
our author. 

Chalcedon waa founded by the Me- 
gareana (Thucyd. iv. 75) about the 
year BjC. U74. (Clinton's F. H. vol. I p. 
I8lj.) Byzantium, founded seventeen 
years later, b.c. 657, waa like wise a Me- 
gai^ui colony . (Scyum* Ch. 717; Steph* 
Bya. ad Toe,) 



C8 THE mNYM AT SPARTA. Book IV. 

undertaken against Libya,^ on a pretext which I will relate 
when I have premised certain particulars. The descendants of 
the Argonauts in the third generation," driven out of Lemnos b^ 
the Pelasgi who carried off the Athenian women from Brauron,^ 
took ship and went to Lacedirmon, where, seating themselves on 
Mount Taygetum,® they proceeded to kindle their fires. The 
Lacedaemonians, seeing this, sent a herald to inquire of them 
" who they were, and from what region they had come ; " where- 
upon they made answer, " that they were Minyae,* sons of the 
heroes by whom the ship Argo was manned ; for these penoDB 
had stayed awhile in Lemnos, and had there become their pro* 
genitors." On hearing this account of their descent^ the Lace- 
daemonians sent to them a second time, and asked, " what mu 
their object in coming to Lacedscmon, and there kindling their 
fires? " They answered^ " that, driven from their o^-n land hy 
the Pelasgi, they had come, as was most reasonable, to their 
fathers ; ^ and their wish was to dwell with them in their countiy, 
partake their privileges, and obtain allotments . of land.' It 
seemed good to the Lacedaemonians to receive the Alinyas amaig 
them on their own terms ; to assign them lands, and enrol them 
in their tribes.^ What chiefly moved them to this was the ctm- 

•Vide infra, ch. 167. Herodotus settlementa in Theesoly rPlin. H. K>. 

looks upon the expedition of Aryandea 8), and Magnesia (Strab. iz. p. 601; 

as undertaken in reality against all the Schol. ad Ap. Rhod. i. 763), as iwH 

independent African nations. as about Orchomenus. Strabo (1. i. c-) 

' The myth nm, that in Lemnos at says that, according to some imUKh 

the time of the Argonautic expedition lolcus was a colony from Orchomenai* 

there were no males, the women having ^ According to some, Hercules hisB- 

revenged their ill-treatment upon the self was one of the Argonauts (ApoUoi 

men by murdering them all. The Argo- i. 9, § 19), and accompanied the exp^" 

nauts touched at the islau<l, and were dition beyond Lemnos. But the i^ 

received with great favour. They stayed ference here is evidently to Castor tS^ 

some mouths, and the subsequent popu- Pollux, the two great heroes of SptfUi 

lation of the island was the fruit of this who are always enumerated among tlM 

visit. Hypsipylc, the queen, had twin companions of Jason L\poll. Rhod. >• 

sons by Jason. '^Apollod. i. 9, 17; 140-147; Tind. Pyth. iv. 305; Apolloi 

Apollon. Khod. i. 6u9-9ir>; Herodor. i. 9, § 16X 

Fr. 44.) Sophocles wrote a tragedy • It may be reasonably conjectufBd 

(the AiifAviai), which is lost, upon this that these fugitives were in r0aiit| 

piece of ancient story. Minyans of Orchomcnns driven out • 

7 Vide infra, vi. 1 .38. little earlier by the irruption of tin 

• Taygctum or Taygetus (Pliny) is Boeotians from Ame (^Thucyd. L 12), 
the high mountainrunge west of the and that they invented this stoiT, in 
valley of the Eurotas, the modem Pai- order to claim kindrc<l with the ^W" 
tadicti/lon. t^uis. Or perhaps, as K. O. Bliiller sup* 

• The Argonauts generally were called poses, it was invented for them in aftet 
Minya? (Pind. Pyth. iv. GO :. This was times. The expelled Minyans went 
said by some to be on accoimt of Jason's chiefly to Asia Idmor. 'Supra, i. 146.) 
descent from Minyas (Apollon. Rhod. i. ' K. 0. Miiller (Orchom. p. 313) 
229-"-'3S); but there is reason to believe tliinks it incredible that the Minyani 
that the Minya were in early times a should really have been received into 
very powerful race in Greece, having full citizenship; and supposea that thej 



CoAP, 145-14L 



STKATAGEii OP THEHl WIYES. 



99 



Bidemtion that the sons of Tyndanis * bad sailed od board the 
Aigp, The Minyae, ou their part, forthwith married Spartan 
wiTes, and gave the wives, whom they had married in Lemnos, 
to Spartan husbands^ 

146. However, before much time had elapsed, the Minysa 
bc^n to wax wanton, demanded to share the throne, and com- 
mitted other impieties : whereupon the Lacedemonians passed 
OB them sentence of death, and, seiring .them, cast them into 
prison. Now the Lacedaemonians never put criminals to death 
in the daj'time^ bnt always at night When the Minyse, accord- 
ingly, were about to suffer, their wives, who were not only 
citiasens, but daughters of the chief men among the Spartans, 
entreated to be allowed to enter the prison, and have some talk 
with their lords; and the Spartaos^ not expecting any fraud 
from such a quarter, granted their request. The women entered 
the prisonj g>ive their own clothes to their husbands, and received 
theirs in ^change: after which the Minyse, dressed in their 
wives' garments, and thus passing for women, went forth. Having 
effected their escape in this manner, they seated themselves 
once more npon Taygetum.* 

147. It happened that at this very time Theras, 6on of Aute- 
gion (whose father Tisamenus was the son of Theraander, and 
grandson of Polynicea), was about to lead out a colony from 
Lajc^dagmon. This Theras, by birth a Cadmeian, was uncle on 
the mother's side to the two eons of Aristodemus,^ Proclea and 



VB« admitted iimopg the Fertos^i, It 
ii ««rlftU) ibat in Ister titnei the Spartans 
VMV euMMiTely cbary of bestowing 
IMr dtlieiulii|» r Afkt, Pol ii. 6, g 12;. 
H0o4Myi huiLielf eaysj in tuiother 
^imn (i^ *SS$ M)t that they never ini- 
piftod it but to two men. How^tbi- we 
omuit ajrigiie from their pmetit^} at a 
Iii4r period wbat they migbt bavo done 
in carli' time^, ^peciailj so soon after 
Umw firit «ettlem«Dt, and when they 
maj bftve been glad to receive an in-^ 
ffiiaTi of strength from adj quarter It 
it q[iute pomlble tberefore tbat the 
MiDfutia nuj bav€ t«en received into 
•etam) ertiseaftbip. (Compare tb6 re* 
ctprtioo of tbe Sabine refugees into tbe 
RoiDAti peopk. Lit. iL lU.) Thi^ is 
oerUinlj whiit HenMloto« iciteDdB, 

* QdJitof and P<»nnx« Vide eupra, ch. 
145, mote *, 

* PltiUrcU fd« Virt. Mulier, torn. ii. 
. 247) beUa thl* wtotf with remarkuble 

die fi«n>dotefl^ nami^ 

^ to liim, tbe fngitivca 

were nM Ibt Hmjse driven out by tbe 



PelttBgi, but the PeLiagi driven out m 
tbeir turn by tbe Atheniana. Tbey 
wore not rtsceiired into oitizenabipj bot 
rebeUod on account of being refused 
civil rights. They did oot finnHy settle 
in Thera and Elia^ but in MeloB and 
Crete. We nmy learn from tliifi tbe 
extreme nnc^vtaiuty of the aLtcisnt 
itones, even when their character i« 
least mythic. FolyienuB gave both 
nan&tives. (Str&t. vii. ch« 4B, vili. oh^ 
61.) 

« Vide infra, vl. 52. Tbo authora of 
this gtanealogy^ wMch naaj be thus ex^ 
bibited*— 



Poljiiien 

I 
TbcTTMiiideT 




ArietonudtiLi 



Thena 



At^da m. ArUUfdetnui 




Eutjii 



libenet 



I 



H 2 



100 



PERSONAL HISTORY OP THERAS. 



BmhcIY. 



Enrysthenes, and, during their infancy, adminigtered in their 
right the royal power. When his nephews, however, on attaining 
to man's estate, took the goyemment, Theras, who conld noi 
bear to be under the authority of others after he had wielded 
authority so long himself, resolved to leave Sparta, and cross the 
sea to join his kindred. There were in the island now called Then^' 




jkJPBOSzai 



intended probably to represent tbe his- 
tory thus. Aristodemus, son of Aristo- 
machus, married Argeia, daughter of 
Autesion, great-grandson of Polynices, 
and king of Thebes, while the Cad- 
meians were still unconquered. On the 
invasion of the Bceotians, Theras, her 
brother, who had succeeded his fiither 
Autesion, was driven out and took 
refuge with Aristodemus, his brother- 
in-law, at Sparta. Aristodemus dying 
while his sons, Eurysthenes and Procles, 
were udder age, Theras, their \mole, 
naturally became their guardian. 

' Thera is the island, or group of 
islands, now known by the name of 



Santorin, lying to the south of the otl*^ 
Cyclades. Pliny (H. N. ii. 87| s^ 
that it first app^red in the fourth fff 
of the 135th Olympiad (B.a 237). TU^ 
must evideutly be a mistake. It is oof^' 
jectured that a great volcanio chaii^ 
took place at this date, by which W^ 
original Thera was broken up into th^ 
three islands of Thera, Therasia, an^ 
AsproTiisi. (See Capt. Qraves's article 
in the Journal of the Qeognaph. Societ/# 
vol. XX. Art. 1.) Capt. Qraves suppoM^ 
that the name Callist^, "the most bean'' 
tiful," properly applied to it "b^cr€ 
the eruption *' which left it almost in i\M 
present state (p. 1). His own deagi^ 



Chap. 147, X48. HE IS JOINED BY THE MlifY^ 



101 



but at that time Callistd," certain descendants of Memblianis, 
the son of Poecilea, a Phoenician, (For Cadmufl, the son of 
Agenor^ when he wob sailing in Bearch of Eump^, made a 
lauding on this island ; and, either because the country pleased 
him, or because he had a purpose in so doing,* left there a 
number of rhceuicians, and with them his own kinsman Mem- 
bliarus. CaUista had been inhabited by this race for eight 
generations of men/ before the arrival of Theraa from Lace- 
daemon.) 

148, Theras now, having with him a certain number of men 
fr*om each of the tribes,^ wa^ setting forth on his expedition 
hilherwarA Far from intending to drive out iJie former in- 
habitants, he regarded them a^ his near kin^ and meant to settle 
among them* It happened that just at this time the Minyse, 
having escaped from their prisoo, had taken up their station 
upon Mount Tajfgetum ; and the Lacedaemonians, wishing to 
destroy them, were considering what was best to be done, when 
Theras begged their lives, undertaking to remove them from the 
territorj^ His prayer being granted, he took ship, and sailed, 
with three triaconters,^ to join the descendants of Membliarus, 
He was not, however, accompanied by all the Minym, but only 



tion^ hoiverer, of itu actual condition 
gOM f&r tci juatify Ihe epithet, "Ftoth 
itii weHt^m iborea or oUfia,'" he w^jb, 
" and where the mountaina do not come 
in the waji the ialaj^ haa a rapid de- 
0e«iit io the east, nortli, and ■otith ooaata, 
and la «iitii>«ty enltivrntod with the vine. 

iff which in the summer tDontha 
I a moti pimmttg a^ct. . * » The 
^riQaget with their white^ washed build* 
ji^ «p^ng tip, u it were, out of the 
ittHi of vinu" (p. 3). 

* Cbxapare the famous line of the 
{^frmaic P^^ Calllniacliufl, twice 
4|itdt«d ^ StTftbo (riii. p. 504 and xvii. 



MmM-ttftTf TV tTtf^m^f, t& f vtrripw oupd|mik 




la ootnjectured that the real 
pm» %Q found a eettlemeut 
dEy^mf (El&L«ele7 ad loq.j, ad the 
which fumithea the precioUA 
i piuple, m plentifnl m that part 
the Meditemnean, Thla ts in itself 
not ixaprobable, but neither the imme 
of Pc^UoSf the father of Membliam^ 
whieb, If it t^ets to any occupation at 
omtft Allude to ffmbroiiiUry)^ nor the 



^^ 



profeeaion of Corobiua tho Cr^fan, can 
much help the ai^umentp 

^ Larcher (ad Toe,} ohaerves that aa 
there were ten genemtioiia at Thebea 
from CadmtiB to Theraa, there ought to 
hare been the eame number at CalliBt^ 
from Membharua to the Drince who 
reigtied there at the time wneu Theraa 
arrive^d. But it m quite cooceivabl^ 
that the aeveitth descendant from Mem- 
bliarubi might be contemporary with the 
ninth from Cadmus, With regiird to 
the whole question of the Pbmnioian 
settlers in Greecet vide supra, Bk. ii, ch, 
49, note K 

* The three old DorisD tribeflj Hyl- 
Imif Dy manes, and Pamphyles, muat 
here be meant^ for the lucal tribes were 
not iofitituted till n later period. ( Her- 
mann's PoL Anti^, of Greece, §§ 20 and 
24.) Compare the practice at Rome of 
each tribe furnishing 100 men to a eo» 
lony. (Niebuhr^ Kiat. of Eome^ iL 35. 
E. T.) ■ 

' Ttincontera were Yesaela of 30 oam, 
15 on each aide, in which the rowera all 
aat upon the same lereL Compare the 
account giTen of penteooutara (supra, i. 
152, note »), 



102 



ORIGIN OF THE iEGID^. 



Book IV. 



by some few of them.^ The greater number fled to the land of 
the Paroreats,* and Caucons,® whom they drove out* ihemselTtt 
occupying the region in six bodies, by which were afterwardi 
built the towns of Lepreum, Macistus, Phryi^, Pyrgus^ Epinin, 
and Nudimn ; ^ whereof the greater part were in my day denuh 
lished by the Eleans.^ 

149. The island was called Thera after the name of its fomidor. 
This same Theras had a son, who refused to cross the sea wikh 
him ; Theras therefore left him behind, ^' a sheep," as he slid, 
'' among wolves." From this speech his son came to be called 
(Eolycus, a name which afterwards grew to be the only cue hj 
which he was known. This (Eolycus was the &ther of JEf^ 
from whom sprang the j^Bgidse, a great tribe ® in Sparta. Hm 
men of this tribe lost at one time all their children, wh^reopei 
they were bidden by an oracle to build a temple to the fuiitfcf 



* Three triaconters could not have 
aooommodated more than about 350 or 
360 men. The Minyse were probably 
much more numerous. Their colonisa- 
tion of Thera in conjimction with the 
Lacedsemoniana, had been already cele- 
brated by Pindar: — 

AoKtSaiiiovMV liiyfiiirnf aviprnv 
^Btat rdv won KaXXurroM amficrfirmf xpot^ 
voooK.— Pyth. iv. 257, ed. Diteen. 

ApoUonius Rhod. (iv. 1760-1764), and 
Pauaanias (Lacon. iii. i. § 7) gave nearly 
the same account. According to the Cyre- 
naic hiBtoriana, Theocrestus and Ace- 
sander, the head of the Minyan colo- 
nists was a certain Sesamus (Schol. ad 
Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1760). 

* Paroreatso is a geographical, not an 
ethnic appellation. It may be applied 
to any " dwellers on the mountain- 
aide." The Lemnians, who are here 
said to have fled to the ParoreatsB, are 
themselves called ParoreataQ in the 
eighth book (ch. 73). The tract of 
land intended seems to hi^e been the 
mountainous district between' the Neda 
and the Alpheus, called by Strabo (viii. 
p. 504) Triphylia, which is sometimes 
reckoned to Elis, but improperly, as is 
evident from Herod, viii. 73, and again 
firom Thucyd. v. 34, where Lepreum 
appears as an independent city. (See 
Miiller's Dorians, ii. p. 465, E. T.) 

' The Cauoons (Ka^ic«ycf) appear to 
have been among the most ancient in- 
habitants of Greece. They are placed 
upon a par with the Pelasgi and Leloges 



(vide supra, Bk. i. ch. 147^ note *), ftvB 
whom they probably did not noA 
differ. The district here mentioMl 
was always looked upon as one of thar 
earliest seats. (Stnbo^ viii. pp. ^ 
502.) 

7 The site of these places ean oollyl* 
fixed conjecturally. Lepreum is p<^ 
bablythe FalcBokastro near Struvita, 
Macistus Mostizza, Pyi^s the aoopob 
near the sea, a little to the north ofl^ 
Neda. (Cf. Muller, 1. s. c. and Ia^ 
Morea, vol. i. p. 56.) 

" Lepreum is the only one of tlie» 
which can be shown to have maintabB^ 
its independence. (Thucyd. L fc ••) 
Probably it was always the chief toWJJ 
whence its position at the head of JBJ 
list. Two hundred Lepreans are v0f^ 
among the confederates at Plat0a(iB^ 
ix. 28). Dahlmann correctly obetfi** 
that the war of the Eleans and MioT*"* 
is fixed by Herodotus to Ats omi ^' 
(Life, p.4;5, E.T.) - 

• Herodotus uses the word ** t^^lLfc 
(<^uA^), but it seems impossible fl**T 
the uEgidffi can have been mart th>^^^ 
family. (Cf. Miiller's OrohemeO' ^ 
329.) There was another account 



their origin entirely unlike that B*^ 
by Herodotus. They were said *o »*5|^ 
been Thebans, who accompanied ^^^ 
todemus in his last expedition (EpK^^ 
Fr. 13). This seems to be the vi^ 
of Pindar (Pyth. v. 102; Isth. y^^Z^ 
who claims connexion with the Ot^^ 
nscans through the ^gidse, caUing tn^' 
, his own ancestors. 



OOLONIZATIDH OF UBYl, 



Iialns and CEdipua;^ they complied, and the mortality cea^* 
The same thing happened in Thera to the descendants of these 

150. Thus far the history is delivered without variation both 
by the Ther^eans and the Lacedaemonians ; but from this pomt 
me have only the ThersBan narrative, Grinua (they say), the 
Wa of ^sanius, a descendant of Theras, and king of the island 
of Thera, went to Delphi to offer a hecatomb on behalf of his 
joative city. He was accompanied by a large number of the 
citiisens, and among the rest by Battua, the son of Polymnestus, 
who belonged to the JEnyan family of the Euphemidae.^ On 
GrinuB consulting the oracle about sundry mattery the Pythoness 
gave him for answer, **that he should found .a city in Libya." 
Grinus replied to this : " I, king ! ara too far advanced in 
years, and too inactive, for such a work* Bid one of these 
youngsters undertake it.*' As he spoke, he pointed towards 
Battiis; and thus the matter rested for that timep When the 
embassy returned to Thera, small account was taken of the 
oracle by the Therffians, as they were quite ignorant where 
ibya was, and were not so venturesome as to send out a colony 
the dark. 

151 • Seven years passed from the utterance of the oiaclej and 
tot a drop of rain fell in Thera : all the trees in the island, 
Kcept one, were killed with the drought The Theraeans upon 
ids sent to Delphi, and were reminded reproachfully, that they 
Sad never colonised Libya, So, as there was no help for it, 
%^j sent messengers to Crete, to inquire whether any of the 
Ci^tois, or of the strangers sojourning among them, had ever 
Wvelled as far as Libya: and these messengers of theirs, in 
Ite wanderings about the island, among other places visited 
* where they fell in with a man, whose name was Cor6- 



** BiHidotiiR hero emploja the lem 
Mkftn tE(hpodes*j m t. €0 he haa 

* Tlut is, of the MinjBiiJi who ocoom- 
I**ied Tbenis, The cause in both in- 
?**'>^ m»y baTB beon their mtermajry* 
"^ «nly vi4th one ajiolhef. 

TJiU ia iL conjectural reading. The 
jSS, \^^Q E.vdu^iSjtf or Evfii/p^Rijs. 
^^liftmiiB, ion of NeptuDG, \» reck- 
?J*J tiQoDg the cotupjiiiioDa of Jaaon. 
%1U. 1,^, 10; ApoUon. Rhod. I 
J/*0 The royal fiimily of the Battiiida) 
^^ thdr descent to him, H*jEice 
^ liiidif eaUi thetti yivM E^fi^&u {Pjth. 



IT. 25@, ed. Dissen.), CbmpAna th« pim- 
sage of ApoUomua Rhodiiis, where the 
Uland of CallJsti* or Thera ia stjled 
waiStiv Itp^ Tpafhs E^ifi^^wo (lY, 1758), 

* I tan HE kj at the eaaterii ertremjty 
of Crete, near the promontory of the 
game name (mentianed by Stiyleut, Pe* 
ripL p- 42 V which la now Cajje iS'aitjmon^ 
or Cape Jtacro. It woa tk piiee of iome 
im^rtanoci^ as Appears from th6 coins, 
which arc numeroua. The PnUo-^mtrv, 
near lUtjniti, probahly marks the site* 
(Sae Diet, of Greek and ilomiui Qvogr. 



104 FIRST SETTLEMENT, AT PLATRA. Book IV. 

bios, a dealer in purple. In answer to their inquiries, he told 

them that contrary winds had once carried him to Libya, where 

he had gone ashore on a certain island which was named Flatea.* 

So they hired this man's services, and took him back with them 

to Thera. A few persons then sailed from Thera to reconnoitre. 

Guided by Corobius to the island of Platea, they left him there 

with provisions for a certain number of months, and retained 

home with all speed to give their countrymen an account of the 

island. 

152. During their absence, which was prolonged beyond the 

time that had been agreed upon, Cordbius' provisions failed him. 

He was relieved, however, after a while by a Samian veaeel,* 

under the command of a man named Colaeus, which, on its mj 

to Egypt, was forced to put in at Platea. • The crew, informed 

by Corobius of all the circumstances, left him sufficient food fcr 

a year. They themselves quitted the island ; and, anxious to 

reach Egypt, made sail in that direction, but were carried oat 

of their course by a gale of wind from the east. The storm not 

abating, they were driven past the pillars of Hercules, and •* 

last, by some special guiding providence, reached TarteeBOBi 

This trading town was in those days a virgin port, unfrequented 

by the merchants. The Samians, in consequence, made by tk® | 

return-voyage a profit greater than any Greeks before their iajt 

excepting Sostratus, son of Laodamas, an Eginetan, with whom 

no one else can compare. From the tenth part of their gains, 

amounting to six talents,' the Samians made a brazen vessel, i^ 

shape like an Argive wine-bowl, adorned with the heads ^^ 

griffins standing out in high relief.® This bowl, supported bj 

three kneeling colossal figures in bronze, of the height of seV^^ 

cubits, was placed as an oflering in the temple of Juno at Safl^*^ 

The aid given to Corobius was the original cause of that cl<^ 

friendship which afterwards united the Cyrenaeans and Therae^^ 

with the Samians.® 

J, 

• There can be little doubt that west in their voyages. (Vide suprs^^ 
Platea is the small island of Bomba^ 163.) ...^ty 
which lies oflf the African coast in the ^ About 1460^ of our money. T^j 
gulf of the same name, lat. 32° 20', entire profit was therefore be t w e ^ 
lonff. 230 15'. (Cf. Rennell. p. Gu9, and 14,0o0/. and 15,000/. 

Pa^o, Voyage dans la Marmorique, pp. * Concerning the eminence of Sam^ 

51, 52, where the arguments are fully in the arts, vide supra, Bk. iii. eh. 6^' 

stated.) notes • and i®. 

* The tale which follbws is of some ' Of this alliance no traces i^peaz^ 



consequence, as showing the character unless we are to consider in that lights 

of the Samians for naval enterprise, the flight of Arcesilaus III. to Samoi, 

Samoa and Phocssa are the onlv Qreek and his success in collecting an aima- 

■tates reported to have reached bo far ment there (infra, chs. 162, 163). 



Cbap. 151-154, 



CYEENAIC ACCOUNT. 



105 



^ 



^ 



153, The Theraeans who bad left Cor6bius at Platea, when 
they reached Thera, told their countrymen that they had 
coloniBed an island on the coast of Libya* They of Theraj 
upon tkb, resolved that men should he sent to join the colony 
from e^acb of their seven districts, and that the brothers in every 
family should draw lots to determine who were to go. Battus 
was chosen to be king and leader of the colony, So these men 
departed for Platea on board of two pentecontera,^ 

154* Such is the account which the Therseana give* In the 
sequel of the history their accounts tally with those of the people 
of Cyrene ; but in what they relate of Battus these two nations 
differ moet widely. The following is the CjTenaic story. There 
was once a king named Etearchus, who ruled over Axns,^ a city 
in Crete, and had a daughter named Phronima, This girl's 
mother having died, Etearehus married a second wife ; who no 
ftooner took up her abode in his houso than she proved a true 
step-mother to poor Piironima, always vexing her, aud con- 
triviDg against her every sort of mischief. At last she taxed her 
with light conduct ; and Etearchus, persuaded by his wife that the 
charge was true^ bethought himself of a most bartiarous mode of 
punishment. There was a certidn Thcrsean, named Themison, 
a merchant^ living at Axus. This man Etearchus invited to be 
hLs friend and guest, and then induced him to swear that he 
would do him any service he might require,^ No sooner had he 
given the promise, than the king fetched Phronima, and, deli- 
vering her into his hands^ told him to carry her away and throw 
her into the sea* Hereupon Themison, full of indignation at the 
fraud whereby hia oath had been procured, dissolved forthwith 
the friendship, and, taking the girl with him, sailed away from 
Crete, Having rea^?hed the open main, to acquit himself of the 
obligation under which he was laid by his oath to Etearchus, he 



' JmtiD (siii. 7) reduces the two Bbipa 
of H«rod0tiiu to ODO, Even the larger 
imxabBF would baTo furnished but ii 
pooT coloQy, flinch 4 peutecoDter c«.n 
icsrcolj hsre acconimodatod more thaD 
abodt 2i)0 men, Ttie numetica] occu^ 
W»cy ifiecied m the Tberse^m Darmtire 
is fumrk&ble (aupra^ cLb. HS, !51, Ibl^ 

*" ^ ^lis plftoe^ called Aaua by Hcrodo- 
^mt, OiXti* imd Saxtm on its eoinj (comp. 
Sfbtfpk, Byz, ad Toc, ^A(of J, ifl not men- 
fcloDed hj Strabo Among ttxo cities of 
Cfcte. It appearif However^ in Scjlax, 
wlMCFa I'jM VoM oheervGfl) "Oa^as should 



be read for tld^os (PeHpl. p, 42). It lay 
on the north side of Ida^ cot far from 
Quocaus, and rctainn ita name to the 
present day (Poabley'a Travels, toL L p- 
143). A coin baloDgfjig to it may be 
seen m Chisbtill (Antiq, Am. p> 125), 
The namo ie ^id to h^ve been given &oni 
the precipicea i&^ot ^ irffiot) among 
whiob tbe town was bnilt (Steph. Bys. 
ad TOO, *Oo^(»5), It funuahes almofit a 
BoUtary instEiuce of the replacement of 
Ihe dlgainmA by mi otmcrou. 

■ Of this practioo wa ^ave another 
inatancei infra, ti, 62. 



106 



PARENTAGE OF BATTUS- 



BookIY, 



fastened ropes about the daiaBel, and, letting her down into the 
sea, drew hur up again^ and bo made sail for Thera* 

155, At Thera^ Polymne^tus, one of the chief citizens of the 
place, took Phroniraa to be his concubine. The fniit of this 
union was a son, who stammered and had a lisi> in hie speech. 
According to the Cyrenfleans and TherBeans, the name given 
to the boy was Battus : in my opinion, however, he was called 
at the first something else,* and only got the name of Battug 
after his arrival in Libya, assuming it either in consequence of 
the words addressed to him by the Delphian oracle, or on ac- 
count of the office which he heli For, in the Libyan tongue, 
the word '* Battue " means " a king/* * And this, I think, was 
the reason why the Pythoneas addressed him as she did : she 
knew he was to he a king in Libya, and so she used the Libyan 
word in speaking to liim. For after he had grown to man's 
estate, he made a jouruey to Delphi, to consult tlie oracle about 
his voice ; when, upon his putting his question, the Pythoness 
thus replied to him : — 



'* BattuM, thou eami^t to mk of thy voioe; but Phcebus ApoUo 
Bids thee catablifih a citj in Libya, abomidmg m ieeces \** 



winch was as if she had said in her ovm tongue, " King, thou 
earnest to ask of thy voice." Then he replied^ " Mighty lord, I 
did indeed come hither to coniult thee about my voice, but thou 
speakest to me of quite other matters, bidding me colonise Libya 
— an impossible thing) what power have I? what foOowem?*' 
Thus he spake, but he did not persuade the Pythoness to give 
him any other response ; soj when he foimd that she persisted 
in her former answer, he left her speaking, and set out on his 
return to Thera» 

156. After a while, everything began to go wrong both with 
Battus and with the rest of the Therfeans, whereupcm these last, 
ignorant of the cause of their sufferings, sent to Delphi to in* 
quire for what reason they were afflicted. The Pythoness in 
reply told them, " that if they and Battus would make a settle- 
ment at Cyrfine in Libya, things would go better with them,*' 



i 



I 



^ It iji curiotii that HerodotuE was 
igfjoreJit of the aatne given in the mjth 
to tlie first Batttia^ before he received 
that appeUation from the onwjle, eape- 
oiall^ M it had already been celebrated 
hj a poet whose w<jrk« he knew* (Find. 
P^tb. V. 81, ed, Bifisen.) The nmue 
wna Amt^^tb^ ^Mcb appears not ouljr 



in Pio<3ar, but likewi§e m the works of 
the Ct/renfiic po&i, Cftllimachus (Hjtan* 
ad ApoU. 75), in Heraclidea PontienH 
(Fr, iv.\ Eui&biuA (Chron. Can. it. p> 
320), and in the Sckeliuti mmm. 

* Hed^ohfuB Bt&tes thii likewise (od 
voc.); but he c&n htardlj h6 dotuidefod 
A diatiact mtneas from Herodotua^ 



4 



I 




Upon iixh the Therseaas sent out Battus* with two pentecontera, 
and with these he proceeded to Libya, hut within a little time, 
not knowing what else to do, the men returned and arrived off 
Thera. The Thermans, when thej saw the vessels approaching, 
received them \vith showers of missiles, would not allow them 
to come near the shore, and ordered the men to sail back from 
whence thejr came. Thus compelled to return, they settled on 
an island near the Libyan coast, which (as I have already said) 
was called Platea. In size it is reported to have been about 
eqtial to the city of Cyrfine, as it now stands,' 

157. Li this place they continued two years, but at the end 
of that time, as their ill luck still followed them, they left the 
Mand to the care of one of their number, and went in a body to 
Delphi, where they made complaint at the shrine, to the effect 
that, notwithstanding they had colonised Libya, tliey prospered 
as poorly as before* Hereon the Pythoness made them the 
following answer : — 

t" EttfMFefib ttioy better than I, fair Llbja aUoucdkig in fleeoea ! 
Drttor the eta^mgQr thaa he who has. trod it 1 Oh I clever Theneaos t" 

Bftttns and his friends, when they heard this, sailed back to 
Flatea : it was plain the god would not hold them acquitted of 
the colony till they were absolutely in Libya. So, taking with 
them the man whom they hud left upon the island, they made 
ft settlement on the mainland directly opposite Platea, fixing 
themselves at a place called Aziris, which is closed in on both 
I sides by the most beautiful hilb, and on one side is washed by a 

158* Here they remained six years, at the end of which time 
the LS^yans induced tiiem to move, promising that they would 

wbole are« of Bombn. (Se* Kiepert's 
Atlas TOD HeUda^ mAp xxii.) 

^ If Flftttift Ib BoTtiba^ the Amru of 
Herodottis mutt be nought in the valley 
of the Temiineh^ th© ancient Pnliurus, 
Kiepert appoam to think that there wji£ 
heth a didtrkt and a port of tlxe Diuxie 
(■ee Uie mnp refeiTed to above), and 
placefl the port to the weetward of the 
Ji'as-eUTtpiH. Tlii« view u foundad 
>e«mi»giy on the statement of 3cjlax* 
(P«ripL p. 107 )| a statetnent which ii 
too corrupt and ton va^e to be ef any 
H^rvice. The district about tho Temm^ 
is sidd by Facho to suit eiaotly tbtt dc- 
Bcription of Herodotua (Voyage dAIU Itt 
Mai'maHquer p, 53.) 



* Maawiiea of BaroA, wbo liywl about 

^^* 120, gave a muck more prooaic 

ic«ouiit of theee matterB. Aootn^diog 

1^ lilm, t^re were rioleuit Ikctiona at 

^"t^^ Cfid Bnttufe, who woa the leader 

J* OOft, htaug worsted, TH'na driven into 

^jaidiiBent with hia Mrtiaatia. Under 

^^^e i^fteumteanjeee he applied to the 

^l))hi4^ litmcle, and aaked whether ho 

™*lfl renew the etrugi^le ot lead out a 

*^^y. The oracle, thus appealed to^ 

****:'miiwnded the latter course ; and 

^'ll^ted Africa by fldvJBmg a Bettle>« 

5^t ^'oD the coatiuent," (See 

^^Wi Fr. HiJftt. Gr. voL iv. p. 449,) 

' Thii uomparlAon seema to be acou- 
***« tuotigh. The ruina of Cyrene 
**** i tpsoe very nearly equal to the 



I 



I 



158, 159. 



IRASA. 



109 



them to a better situation,^ So the Greeks left Aziris 
were conducted by the Libyans towai'da the west, their 
aey being so arranged, by the ealculations of their gijides, 
they passed in the night the most beautiful district of that 
le country, which is the region called Irasa*^ The Libyans 
ight them to a spring, which goes by the name of ApoUo^s 
tain,^ and told them — " Here, Grecians, is the proper place 
rou to settle ; for here the sky leaks/* ^ 
i9. Daring the lifetime of Battus,^ the founder of the oolonyj 



%i Mindly temv» on which the 
tB stimd ImrArds the aatlTea at the 
m here yerj Appiu^Dt. Their posi- 
rasimbleA th^t of the fir«t English 
trv in America. They minister to 
imxt& of the inhabitaots, and ^-e 
9 bene factors . The natlTM do not 
to give thflm their beat Und«, but 

wDiingJy place them in n yery 
trmbk uituatlen. The Greeks alao 
u% cpnfidence by pladng themselvee 
agp distance fi^om the »o&. Both 
^Hnd Barcib Ate itiliind towns. 
^^taju|£ the feeling dtmngeSf aa it 
^^Hibo Eiigliah a«ttle». A 
IP^^Ibi, and the humble trodera 
me lords of the county. 
[nift is mentioned by PindAr (Pyth. 
106, ed^ DUaenO as a city in the 
tibom-hood of Cypooe. Ita aitim- 
ia irery doobtfnl. Pacho suppoees 
ragB^ &c.t pp. B4'5) that it lay at 
north -eaatem foot of the gi^eat 
maie table-land (which extends 
\ Cjrene a fun degree toward* the 
), iu r. ' ^vMeh IB «1in remark- 

fof : , and where a fouD* 

calk.. ,. or Ermem by the 

K ApprBrH to eontam a trace of the 
same. Hjimilton t^anderings in 
^Ifriea^ Introduction, p, xlii.) ang- 
■ Ei-K^ibbeh^ on the road to Ihrmif 
be true aite. There are many re- 
la of buOdingi there* and a eopioua 
un, ia which he recognliea the foun- 

of Thette (ftee the next chanter). 
Tbe fiiimlain of Apollo ia celebrated 
h-^ar (Pyth. ir. 294, ed, Diesen/). 
I thought to be the Bame with the 
*ttui ^jif Cyr^t mentiooed both by 
^ifflAchfia and Stephen. (CaUim. 
tea. ad ApolK 8t ; Sbepb, Eyg. ad 
» lejp^Fij), nfler which, itecording to 
^ceeiint, Cyrene wua named. Modem 
[]^0>ii hllTe rscogniaed it in a copious 
Of «ath« roid from the no^^ropoHa 
5*^ plateau whereon the town stood, 
iU C«Ha. p. 146, E. T. 1 Pncho, p. 
cbey, p. 423; Hamilton, p. 




37), The Tiew (p, 108) ia from Be^cbey'a 
work, 

> Literally, " Here the aky Is pierced," 
Eustathma (ad Hem, II. p. 74^1, 22) 
e3[ plaint tlte expreaaioD to mean " that 
the sky ia a tort of reaervoir^ which in 
other piuta of the world ia «ound and 
holds water, but at this place leaica/' 
(Compare 2 Kings vii, 2, " If the Lord 
would make windows in heaveD.'*} The 
refareucse La not therefore to the fountaJn, 
but to raid, which in moat parts of N. 
Africa is of extreme rtu-ity. (See note 
on ch. 1S5.) That abundant rojn falls 
in the Cyrenaica, and along much of 
the northern coast of Africa, ia a weU* 
known fact. Mr. Hamilton sayt (Wan- 
deringa in N. Africa, ck vii. p. 93): 
" The raina set in uaually about the 
middle of November, and then come 
down with a violence which no t«nt can 
resiet." Ue himself experienced them 
at Tauira (Tauchira), and speaJu of 
them aa '* descending every night in tor- 
renta^ and frequently lasting all day " 
(p. 150), Advanl^e is taken of th<;m 
to sow the 00 m immediately after the 
firat have fallen, which is aometimea 
as early as the latter part of October, 
From the beginning of spring till this 
time there is rarefy a drop of rain, 
though from the middle of August the 
aky ia almost always cloudy (ibid. p. 94), 
No doubt the real circumatauce that 
fixed the exact sito of the city waa the 
eopioui spring or fountain mentioned 
ahto^e, which ia still the mont abundant 
in the Deighbourhood (Hamilton, p, 3S)f 
and which in a country so scant of 
water aa N. Africa wou]d constitute a 
moat strong attraction. The principal 
public bull dings of the town were 
grouped about this fouQtain* See the 
pltm overleaf. 

* If wo might believe the storiea told 
of this £attU9 by othera, the prosperity 
of Cyreue should date from hia time. 
A scholiast on Aristophanea aaya that 
the Ijbyana brought to bis uoti<:^ tho 



110 



SETTLEMENT AT CTRENE. 



BooE rv. 



who reigned forty yearSj and during that of his son Arcesilatis, 
who reigned sixtean, the Cyrena?ans continued at the same leTel, 
neither more nor fewer in number than they were at the first 
But in the reign of the third king, Battus, gumamed the Happy, 
the advice of the Pythoness brought Greeks from every quarter 



'ill"" 









t i 



Wo 






nv 



■i-^^ 






!irj 



rv-/i 



1 



y 






Talu&bie silphium imh% cb. 1(19), nnd 
put kis imu^ upon tbtiir coum (Plut, 
425). Another reUtei tbat big owd 
citizeDBi, in return fur the great benefits 
whicb lie had conferred on tbem^ iniule 
a Btfiiue of htm id goM^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^>1- 
phinm tn his right handp The {proverb, 
** Bditav (ri^fpisy," VhMch IVM uaed for 



ie referred by cammoo ccnidiit to Mm. 
{SuidaB od roe. i Schot, ad Afijat. Pint. 
1. e. c. ; Bekker, Anecd. u p. 224^ &cO 
As tbit drt]g eeeina cei-tAiiil;f to bjtre 
been the ^reat cans^ of the wealth and 
power {jf Cyrenej, if the trade m it ix 
lightly referred to the first Bettui, Gj* 
r^nGE^oti proftperitj sbould b«gin with 
lum. 



^^^ 



4 




CfiAF, 159. 



ADYICE OF THE ORACLE. 



Ill 



I 
I 



into Libja, to join the iettlement.'' The CyrenseaTis had offered 
to all comers a share in their lands » and the oracle had spoken 
as follows: — 

'* H« thut Lb bai^kward td »hare in the pleasant Libjon ftcres,' 
Sooner or later, I warn hinii will feel regret at his folly* ** 

Thus a great multitudo wor§ collected together to CyrSn^ and 
the Libyans of the neighbourhood found themeelves stripp^ 
of large portions of theLr lands. So they, and their king Adicran, 
being robbed and insulted by the Cyreiifieans, sent mefisengers 
to Egypt, and put themselyeB under the rule of Apries, the 
Egyptian monarch ; who, upon this, levied a vast army of Egyp* 
tiaii57 and sent them against Cyr^ne, The inliabitants of that 
place left their ^alls and marched out in force to the district of 
IiB^ where, near the spring called Theste^ they engaged the 



* U we mm regnrd u biitorical the 
|nri said to have been taken hj the 
OTW^lc in ib« founding and eitabliBh" 
ment of ihin oolonjt It will appeiu- that 
AD infiueooe over the defitlnies of Greeco 
wai exereifled bj the Delphiiin priests 
jji early timea wMeh has eoldom been 
full J nMSCiig;ni&^. The waiit of a settle- 
ment on the African cooiit^ for the 
ginienl intereeU of Greece ^ ia felt; the 
DelphJAna determine to have it supplied, 
The]r &£ on Th&ra^ ft Doi'uin BettlemBDfc,, 
md th» most southeni of all the Cy- 
GladUsa, as the point from which the 
oolosueatton will mo«t conveoieiitlj pro- 
ceed. Theij order the colonj to be sent 
(mt, refiiiM to be content with anything 
iliort of a iettlement upon the nmia- 
laadr wftteh the progreas of tbo settle- 
mmA when it ie mode, and at the fitting 
MOtC^rai Oauffe the redundant population 
of Oree^ to flow towards it. The 
powerful and fioumhing Greek state of 
Cyrene i^, aocordiog to thin statement, 
th« abeolute creation of tha prieeta of 
D«lphi. 

Tnere are Etot wanting other instances 
of a somewhat similar influence. We 
may gather from what is said of Done us 
(iitfr^r ^- ^^}r that he '* did oot Inquire 
of the Delphic oracle m what land he 
tlioidd letile^ or go throngh any of the 
^msiomttt^ preporationa ;^' that, at any 
nkm m l^ot^ian ttatefl^ when a colony wm 
dttvTEnined on^ the choice of the site 
wm habttHaUtf left to the oracle. Other 
^iMamflm of this practice are— the set- 
tiim^it of the ^nianee in Southern 
TbtiwJjr (PI tit. Qu. Or. ii. p. 294, A.,), 
of UkA cWoidiont at Rhegitim (.Strab, ri. 



p, ?klQ\ of the Sportana and Aohaeana 
at Crotona (Paus* iit. iii* § I \ Stiab. 
vi. p. 376), and of the Megareane (if the 
account be true) at Byzantium {8trab, 
vii. 4^4). See on this subject Miiller's 
Dorians, i. pp. 2S2-..*94, E. T. 

' The be&uty and fertility of the 
Cyrenalc^ are celebrated by all who 
viait it* Hamilton say a (p* 7&), "In 
the neighbourhood of Qrennahj, the 
hills abound with beautiful ficeom. . . . 
Some of tbem exceed in richneae of 
vegetation, and equal in grandeur, any- 
thuig that i^ to be found in the Apen» 
nlnea. . * . The Wady Shelaleh presents 
a BC«ne beyond my powers of deeonp- 
tion. The oUve iji here contraated with 
tbo fig, the tall cypreaa and the dork 
juniper with the arbutua and ravrtle, 
and the pleasant breeze which always 
blows through the vall^ is laden with 
tialm J perfumea/' Agoinj^ on approach- 
ing from the west, he oheervee, ** The 
reat of the journey was oreir a range of 
low tinduiating hillsr oSering perhaps 
the most lovely sylvan scenery in the 
world . The eoimtry is like a most beau- 
tifully-arranged janiiH Anghit, covered 
with pyramidal clumpii of eveiigreeuBp 
vanoualy disposed, as if by the hand of 
the most refined taste; while bostpicts of 
junipers and cedars, relieyed by the 
pale olive and the brigbt green of the 
toH arbutua-tree, afford a most grateful 
shade ^m the mid-d^ty sun-" [p« 31*) 

^ Apriea bad probably not thought it 
prudent to take his Greek auxiUarief 
against the Cyrcneana, (See n» * oa 
Book iL cb. 163,}— [G, W.] 




112 



DEFEAT OF THE ECfYPTIAim. 



Booa:!?. 



Egyptian host^ and defeated it. The Egyptians, who had neTcr 
hefore made trial of the proweea of the Greeki?. and so thougbt 
hut meanly of them, were routed with such elaughter that but a 
very few of them ever got back borne. For this reason, the 
subjects of Apries, who laid the blame of the defeat on hinij ^ 
revolted from his authority,* * ^M 

160, This Battus left a son called Arcesilaiis, who, when wf^ 
came to the throne, had diBsensions with his brothers,' wliich 
ended in their quitting him and depaHiug to another region o( I 
Libya,^ where, after consulting among tbemselveSj they founded 
the' city, which is still called by the name then giTen to it 
Barca.^ At the same time they endeavoured to induce tifi I 



* Vide Bupm, u* 161. 

^ Tbe quarrel was bm6. to h&T6 re- 
sulted from ike ** ill temper*' of Arce- 
Bilftiifl II., who wm theraforo oaUed 
$ Xa^t^^s. The brothers hero Bpokau 
of seem to h& the '^ Perteita, ZoiCjntbuap 
Arittomedoti^ luid Lycujs/' bj whom 
BmA WM f ouudod, ^cording to Stephen 
(ad TOC BifKn). 

^ There U uo difficulty in detennmiisg 
the eiACt flito of Cyroue. The Ambic 
Dame Grenrieih (Kwp^jFTijr, or in the Doric 
Greek of the pluce^ Kupdya, lounded 
Ayr^na) is suiSciently oloie to mark the 
ideutitj of the ruined oity^ which is aa 
called, with the Cyreuo of former timao. 
Ii^scriptions and corns dug up on the 
spot oonfirm the tdentiicaMon, DeUa 
Cellft igurea one of the Intter thus : — 



(See hifl Narrative^ p. 14:J, E. T.) The 
wtufttion of Grennah likewise eorre- 
sponda very exactly with the aixtounta 
of Cyrene in the geographera. Grenijah, 
according to Bt^echey^ stande on the 
edga of a high plateau or tahle-land, 
1800 feet above the level of the sea^ 
which is at no great di^tauce^ b«ing 
Tery distinctly viaible, except in hazy 
weather. (Beechey a Expedition, pp» 
434, 435,) Thifl account recalb Tery re- 
markably the deacriptionin Strabo^ who 
had BeeD Cyreoe aa he Bailed aloag the 
coaatt ir^^tt^f /jLcyi^Tjr ^r Tpart^QtilStt 

Isfputfity uuTiiv. (jtvii^ pi 1131,) 
The coimtry around GreDnali Is o«le^ 




hrated for its fertility. Tiie uppa 
plateau^ at the edge of which Qp^Bs 
Btoodi ia cultivated in wheat and otbif 
oere&U ; the lower one, on whidi the 
town looks down, a tbousand feet aboti 
the sea-level, ia richly woodedj aibd 
direraified with meadows and coni4iMt 
(see the view, p. lla), Hia bort 
count will be found in Eeecb^ 
434-437), 

The aite of Barca is not so 
fixed, PtoleiQAis indeed, with whick 
hm sometimes been coufi^unded S; 
Byz* ID voc. BipKfi j Strab* xm 
1181 ; Plin. H. N. v. 5), at^ll editi k 
the modem Ihitneitt^ or FiakmftOt ^ 
town of aomo importance ttpofl t^ 
coaat, nearly in long. 21'3» But tW 
the original Barca waa not at PtoUctf* 
appeara both from SoylaiE, who pi*** 
it Hi miles away from the diO>* 
(PeripL p, 109), and from FUiit^f 
who diatiaguishes the two citiea {0^ 
graph, iv, 4). Ptolemais undouW 
aroae, not upon the ancient Barc*^ 
upon ita port, the kifi^v icaTi 
ofScylax. Barca has therefore 
aonght in the intoriur, 11 or 12 
from this jjlaco. All recent travi^-j. 
Agree that the extensive plain of ^^^ 
which lies at the required dijtance &^^ 
the ooofitf ia connecled with Ptoleoi^^ 
by two ravinea affording a read/ c<^^^ 
munication, and correaponda moreo"^^* 
with the deacriptiona of Barca left J^^ 
the Arabian geogmphera, is the m*^2 
probable site. It ia an objection* h<? TJi 
ever, that the ruins at this place »^^ 
inconsiderable. (See Delia Cella, J^ 
217, E. T.| Pafiho, pp. 175-177; Beech*^ 
pp. :i9e-402; Hamilton, p* 134,) 

^ Barca was evidently mi AMot*^ 
woi^d, and probably the pre^oua nimi^ 
of the place at which the Or^^ka wn^ 





114 



BATTUS THE LAME. 



Book IV. 



Libyans to revolt from Cyrene. Not long afterwards Arcesilaus 
made an expedition against the Libyans who had received his 
brothers and been prevailed upon to revolt ; and they, fearing 
his power, fled to their countrymen who dwelt towards the east 
Arcesilaiis pursued, and chased them to a place called Leucon,' 
which is in Libya, where the Libyans resolved to risk a battle. 
Accordingly they engaged the Cyrenseans, ahd defeated them 
80 entirely that as many as seven thousand of their heavy-armed 
were slain in the fight. Arcesilaiis, after this blow, fell sick, 
and, whilst ho was under the influence of a draught which he 
had taken, was strangled by Learchus, one of his brotherB.^ 
This Learchus was afterwards entrapped by Eryxo, the widow of 
Arcesilaiis, and put to death.** 

161. Battus, Arcesilaiis' son, succeeded to the kingdom, a 
lame man, who limped in his walk. Their late calamities notr 
induced the Cyrena3ans to send to Delphi and inquire of the god 
what form of government they had best set up to secure them- 
selves prosperity. The Pythoness answered by recommending 
them to fetch an arbitrator from Mantinea in Arcadia.* Accord- 



Rettlod. It i« traced by Pome to the 
ro»)t har, which is "desert" in Arabic 
(Bochart, Phaleg, i. 2t), p. 49t>) ; but 
thid scarcely soema a satisfactory ac- 
coimt, as it ijjjnores the third consonant, 
and does not well apply to the country, 
which is not desert. May not lUrca, 
as the name of a town, have arisen from 

some word like the Hebrew HDIS^ 

f/rehi/t, " a reservoir," the place having 
pro^^Ti up around an attraction of that 
kind ? It must be regarded as doubtful 
whether the epithet Barca, assumed by 
Hamilcar at Carthage, was really at all 
connected with the name of the city. 

fAs applied to him. the term signitied 
ightning, being analogous to the fld*inm 
adopted by Bajazot. -G. W.] The 
town Rirca long outlived Cyrene. It 
wiis an important place during tlie Ma- 
hometan period; and the name still 
attaches to the neighbourhood, the 
wh(»le of the Cyi*enaica being known to 
the Turks as the province of Hiirka. 

^ Leucon is not mentioned by any 
other author; but Ptolemy places a 
city which he calls Ijcucoe in these 
parts. .Geogr. iv. ch. v. p. IJl.) 
Kiei)ert conjectures this town to have 
lain between Cyrene and Irasa. (See 
his map. ) 

* Nicolas of Damiiscus seems to have 
understood the account of Herodotus 



differently. According to liim, Aitefr 
laiiB tried to poison himBelf in ooMf 
quence of the defeat of his tnny ; b^ 
dying hard in this way, wae ■traigW 
by his sympathising brother (FV. 52). 
riutArch* iii. p. 16«>} makes ^•'^■l 
not the brother, but only the firiend » 
Arcesilaiis, and says that he killed m 
by poison in order to get the crowiL 

* See. for a full account of th» 
matter, Plutarch (De Virt. Mul. ii-P" 
2t>(0 and Polyapnus (viii. 41). ThJ 
former is the original narrative. * 
appears that Learchus governed fcrj 
time in the name of his nephew,*^ 
wjw a minor. Eryxo put Learchitf^ 
death by the help of her brother P^ 
arch us, who then became r^S*^*^ 
seems to have been the person ob^ 
whose authority Demonax acted. (^ 
kv i.pxhs troXiTtiatf & IloXwapx^'* ^^"^ 
rols Kvprjvaloii.) j^ 

* Mantinea was situated ^^^.S 
eastern frontier of Arcadia, in ^i'^ 
plateau west of the range of ^"^^^^ 
waters of which have no outlet t^'^'^'S 
the hills, but collect in lakes, or ^ 
appear in subterranean passages (k»2j 
vothra). It is now called I'tiltvixdi* *^ 
lies about 8 miles nearly due i**'^ -, 
Tn'politi'i. There are abundant rei»f*^f 
** the circuit of the walls being entire* 
(Leake's Morea, vol. i. pp. 10.^.U»5.> 

It is remarkable that ihe Delp^ 



Chap. IfiO, 16L 



LEGISLATION OF DEMONAX, 



115 



I 



iagly they sent ; and the Mantiocaiis gave them a man named 
Demonax,' a pei-s^ju of high repute among the citizens ; who, on 
his arrival at Cyrene, Having first made himself acquainted with 
all tlie circumstunees,^ prDceetled to enrol the people iu three 
tribes,* One he made to consist of the Theravana and their 
vasmls ; another of the Peloponnesians and Cretans ; and a third 
of the various islanders.^ Besides this, he deprived the king 



Arc^yfi'i** to legUlate for tha Cyttoajiitia, 
MM the Arcadiims wer^ ptine Feloagi. 
(Uermimtl's PoL Aotiq^ of Greece, § 17.) 
It ii Irae that the MiintineaDa wei*e 
tittlebrated fc^r their good goveiiimeui 
i^^rofda, MMn, Var> HUt. ii 22) j but 
that & Dndati Oracle should Mud a Pe- 
lasgie legifllator to amnffl th^ aiTaira of 
ft DoriiLD wt^tG 19 what we should littk 
hftT« eipect*d. Probably tho persouul 
chftiwrter of Df^tiiADai pointed him out 

(mm the fittest mim Mvidj^ for Kuch a tai^k, 
Diodorus calls hira Ap5p« trv¥i<rti fcak 
ttirawKTitrp BtFifouyra Staftpwtr, (Kr« lib, 
viii, Ad. nn^i 
' iJeiui'pnajc, tb© MAntmeftQ lawgiver, 
|p but wldom meuttoned by the ancieut 
«fit«n. HermlppUii, however^ who 
VTOte ** concemiug lavr^Ters/* about 
B,e. 200, had a notice} of him quite in- 
4rp«su<lefit of thin, Detu6£iax, he satdl. 
intr>'rl!iie<iil gladiatorial combkitB '.^avtt- 
p^X^^* ' ^^ Mantii^SEMt, aorl tUe pra^ctice 
was tb^ti imitated by the Cyrenn^fina 
(Fr, L) DiodoruB^ in his accouiit of 
thia lairgiTer (Fr- lib, Tiii. ad fin.), 
••enta n^eri@lj to follow Herodottiir. 

(Tbe Tuunt haa been found ou a coin 
of VjrtuAf but the dale of the coiu 
MBTBaly wb^aiM to be so big;h na the time 
ci Qm legiaktor iBouhier'^ Disserta- 
iwrttf, p. ]4a>. 

• MfiUer coDJectur^a that thestato of 
imt^vvmineDt, whioh D^mOutix was 
qUmI In to remedy, ju-o»o (nmi two 
tmnmm* The ktUKB', who had orif^inally, 
lOl* the nther Dorian moiiarchflj very 
II■rro^v powers, had greatly eolaT^gwi 
tkmt rightH, and were almoit become 
I^Fittiits. AJBOj the new colonktft, who 
hmd fi&ek«d in under Bn^ttujthe H&ppy, 
fcafiAg nvrer raeelved full political pri- 
Yiltf^ett Wero diaconteu t ed . T Ue changtsa 
effected by Demouax were theao : — 1 . 
He rectricted the powera of the kings 
"pritiitfi their original narrow limita ; 
mmd 2. he imported tu the new colguiat^ 
eqtxaJ rights of ciiiseDJ%hip with the 
mnetaii dtixeaft. The latter returned 
oertpiii pHvileget : ai preeedeticy, whieh 
im indloKtod bj their beiiig plieed flmt 



iu the list of tribea • aud the eicluiive 
right of holdinf^ the afaoriginala in ville* 
uage. Tbia ia liidicated by the mtfntiou 
of the Taasala ('rtploiKQi) as belonging to 
the Therffiftii tribe, in which they ware 
reckoued* without of courae poaacHsing 
atiy political power. M(dUr regnriia 
thiA coD6titutiou na wisely frnmed under 
the rircum^tAiicca. (Doriaua, vol. ii. 
pp* O, f;4, and l&l^ 18iy) 

Tbie view ia no doubt partly con- 
jectural^ but it ifl clear and in accord- 
ance witli the geu^ml spirit of antiquity. 
The At^Goutit of the \iti;a&la or Periuacl 
aeema better thiin tli&t of Niebubr, 
that they were the original iuhjecta of 
the Tbeneana in Them, who in the 
eolouy atood on an equal footing witli 
their mHfitera, (Blat. of Rome, note 
ms, 2ud edit.) 

* It la probably tbia change to which 
Anatotle alludes (PoL vi. 2)« and which 
he compare!! with the legialation of 
CHatbeuei> At least MiiUcr'a argument 
to the contrary (DorianH* vol. ii, p, IH:}, 
note) la very weak. He appoara to 
forget that Ariatatle is nut apeak iug 
only of the Cyreii^an, but also and 
chiefly of the Gliathenic couatitution, 
and that aii hi« expresi^tona cannot be 
eitpectei:! to apply to both. The tribea 
of Demduas were not certniuly " more ^' 
than the original— which were the 
HylloKit Dymanea, and Pamphyleg (see 
cb» 14S, note ^, — but they were diBerent 
from them, which ia the main pointy 
Thua they eervedj ns Aristotle says, to 
break up old aaaociutionOt and catiibU^h 
new in their place. 

* WTio would bo principally loniana» 
Thus the three tribea would conaiat of 
three different races : — l. Tbe The- 
rauane, who werp of OrEeeo-Phfleniciim 
extraction ; 2, The Lacedaimom'ana and 
Cretaoa, who were Doriana ; and S. 
The ialandet?^ who were Tonianfl, A 
aimilar ethnic dtatinction ia fouud, to a 
certain extent, at Sicyon i inlVaT v* 6d ; 
com p. vti. 94), and again at Thurii. 
^Be« the Introductory Easay, ch. i, p. 
19, Hotel). 

t 2 




116 PHERETIMA AT SALAMIS. Book IV. 

Battus of his former privileges, only reserving for him certain 
sacred hinds and offices ;^ while, with respect to the powers which 
had hitherto been exercised by the king, he gave them all into 
the hands of the people. 

102. Thus matters rested during the lifetime of this Battas, 
but when liis son Arcesilaiis came to the throne, great disturb- 
ance arose about the privileges. For Arcesilaiis, son of Battm 
the lame and Pherctima, refused to submit to the arrangem^ts 
of Demonax the Mantiuean, and claimed all the powers of hii 
forefathers. In the contention^ which followed Arcesilaiis was 
worsted, whereupon he fled to Samos,* while his mother tKxk 
refuge at Salamis * in the island of C)T)rus. Salamis was at that 
time ruled by Evelthon, the same who offered at Delphi the 
censer which is in the treasury of the Corinthians,* a woik 
deserving of admiration. Of him Pheretima made request, that 
he would give her an army, whereby she and her son might 
regain Cyrene. But Evelthon, prefeiTing to give her anything 
rather than an army, made her various presents. Pheretima 
accepted them all, saying, as she took them : " Good is this too^ 
king ! but better were it to give me the army which I crave 
at thy hands." Finding that she repeated these words eaA 
time that he presented her with a gift, Evelthon at last seot her 
a golden spindle and distaff*, with the wool ready for spinning- 
Again she uttered the same speech as before, whereupon Evel- 
thon rejoined — " I'ho.se are the gifts I present to women, not 
armies." 

Ki'l At Samos, meanwhile, Arcesilaiis was collecting troops 
by the promise of granting them lands.^ Having in this way 

2 Tlic early kings of the various had extended the riphta of citixenah'P 

Grecian statcH, like thoso of Rome, were too far, and had thereby iutroduw** 

nniforuily priuhU likewise. (Hermann, disorders. 

Pol. Antuj. of Greece, § ."iO, note 10.) * Vide supra, ch. 152, note®. ^ 
At Spai-ta we find them still so * Concerning the site of Salamis ^ 

rt^gardetl. (Infra, vi. .'>G.) Aristotle infra, v. Iu4, note. Pheretim* "J? 

8ays (Polit. iii. 9) that it was their perhaps have applie<l for aid i^ ^'*. 

usual fate to be loft nothing but their quarter on account of its 6'rrtcW^* 

priejitly character. (JomiMire the insti- ci>in character. i 

tution of the &pxo»v ^ouriXfvs at Athens, ^ See note * on Book i. cb. If'*^, 

and the r<?j: s icny(C'</'/s at Rome. (Livy, note' on Book ii. ch. 1G7. 1*^^^ 

ii. 2. ) very clear why tlie oft'ering shouWl* 

^ This is most likely the contention been put into the treasury of ^ 

(<TTo<rij) of which Aristotle speaks (Pol. Cypselids. . 

vi. 2), and which he a.scribes to the ' It does not appeiir to m« ^^ 

want of moderation on the part of those avuBafffiSs, either in this place or V^^f* 

who established the democracy, whereby it occurred before (ch. 159), hflS *^ 

the nobles {yvupiyioi) were exjispenitcd, sense which Miiller at^igna to it. l^ 

and driven to attempt a counter-revolu- rians, li. p. 03, E. T.) It does ^^, 

tion. According to hh) view, Demouox signify "a new division of their la»^ 



^ 



CnAF- 161-163. AECESILAUS CONSULTO THE OHACLE. 



117 




drawn together a vast hoBt, he sent to Delphi to consult the 
onicto about his restoration* The answer of the P}i:hoiiesa was 
this ! " Loxias grants thy race to rule over Cyrfiu^, tiU four 
kings Battue, four Arceailaiis by name,® liave passed away. 
Beyond this term of eight generations of men, he warns yon not 



b«it fflmpl^ Ml Allotting ot knd. On gchclia^t, adding ib^t BattuSt who ap^ 

tb« fortnor oee^jon the Und to be pean to liiive been the son of Arcem- 

aUott^ to the new culoiUats wu land Wa IV., wns compelli^d to fly, and took 

previoualy uaucei](jbd by Greeks, fuad refuge ikt Eumpejidsa, 

tH»n*idered bj tbe nomacle Libjaias to Tiio chronology of the reigns pretientsi 

belong; to tlwm (vide eiipra^ ch. 159}^ however^ elrtain difficulties. According 

On tbM oci»sioii the esUtet of the oppo- to SoUnus, Cyrene was fouuded b.c. 5117 

tdto pAtif would fqroUh the ntvans of fixvli, 44); but in that cost Btittu» tiie 

fitlflting the pmmiae under inrhieb Happyi who euacetided the tbrone 56 

persoiu wei^ enlisted, y^ars latar (Herod, iv. 1 j9), would be 

* Tbvt the Battiodce continudd to ooutetuporHry, not with AprieA, but 

reign at Cyrene till the eighth g&tl«rti- Ainnsis, EuBebius gives a better date, 

tion it confirmed by Pindar, who wdli via, B.C. 6B1. This will make BattUi 

the AncpBilttii* of his dfty {Arcesilatia the Happy ascend the throne BC. 5v& 

IV,) lySwj^ t^^p^t *Apjc€^lAai, Cl*ytb. and be contemporary therefore with tlie 

Wt 65, ed, Dissen.) I'he Scholiaat (ad last six yeara of the reign of Aprics^ who 

loe .) states the fact historically, de- was «uce&eded by AmaoiB in b.c, 5B0. 

^^""UJg that "four kinga BnttujB, and It will also accord tolerably with the 

r ArceiiiauB br name " TtViTaf u ^rc Jit.itenieDt.% L of Tbeopbrastua, that 

] QKTTeiWflTiTa^rt 9( * A pKfGTiXaQi), actually Cyrene waa founded close upon '^iM 

mipimi^tliat tbe line of descent waa years before b.c. iill (Hist* Plant, vi. 

iimiiti?rntpted from father t^ aon — and lii, 3}^ and 2. of the Scboliaat fad Psnd, 

that the ruign of the fourth Ar««ilflii* Pyth. iv.j, that the dynasty ooutinued 

WBB ftiHowed by a deuincracy. It may for 2^)0 yiiars. These period f* are niani- 

be co^j^tured that tbes^r ctvent^ b^l fently round numbers^ but they v^ill 

■Jpemly happeued beforo Herodtitus perhaps enable ua to approximate to the 

m^ta this portion of hi^ History. He^ trui? chronology. 
Raelldca Ponticus (Pr. 4j conhrms the 

^L DI37AaT¥ OP THI2 BATTfAD^ AT CrEEKE* 

^K irairr I. (rounder ut tlie dly. fL'tp)^ 4il y«ani) , , t31 Co &«i 

^» 4lU.iilkUji L (bU iiio. rt-igm^ I'i jrart) bU Ut STS 

^li««,U.<.b.H™.y.l.i.K..) 675 '»«>(?)j*Sf.''.'?.1^^rTr'^'a1 

I An-tLa. IL (ih* {il-«H.f*™l. M. »a) . . . . iss (73 to s«. inj ^^, Ttb7*Talm! 

Hsctni in {the Ldmr, hU Sijti) * , , , , . ^ , , . A4D (T) tu &30 <?), ,l>gtft1aClcitk oi l>?aioi]ux. 

An^MlAtti ill- (bi* mn) .. \. . , . . ,, , . ei:ia (?) to Bifi (?) . . B*rcaiiie tribulvy ta OArabysei. 

(|%*r«t}ins, rviietii) .. ,. .. ,. ,> ,. .. Alfi (?) to SU m..Ex|M*dttioa i»r Ary^n^M- 

■assoA E IT, (tlie Fair, ^m «f AiwstlAlLi OI) . . , . &14 (?} t4^ 4TU ^7) 

Aff^bfti i\\ (kLii Kfi), sdCdidKl th4^ thToa« Abotit 470 

Llwd [Mtiijips till nearly , . . . 431 (?) 

TUiis Herodotus would be still adding Compare Boubier s DiPflertations fch. 

to>U^i^ to his history after the murder of id\.)^ aud Clinton's F^ M^^ Years G'Sip 

Ati3e«ilau^ IV^, and the expulsion of his SOT, TtSl^ 57j, 466, &c. 

•oa Battiii. Arceailaii* IV. would be a It has been recently argued/from a 

L jotingmaninB-c, 4^66(PiDd.Pytb.vj02, Cyrou^ic coin in the Biitkh Mufieuui, 

I IUk^, A^fVorAtra ficr ^Xiirfaj^ vSqu tptp- that the monnrehy oame to an end at 

i)f and might continue to r^ign for least aa early as if.C. 450. The coin is 

Bii-thirty yiant. Battua IV. being, thought hi/ Us stifk to be "not later" 

I erident from the position aaaumed than that date ; and, as it bears the 

by Pheretima, a minor at the death of inscription K K ( Ku^FafM*f Koiif6if), it 

father, would be likely to have a must have been strnck under the re- 

olig reign (44 years V The aOu years public. {See a paper by Mr. 8iuart 

ifThe^jphnwtus would be a little ex- Poole on a coin from the Cyrenttics.) 

TcMl^d; but hLaworda are not precise* The doubt, however, remaina, whether 

^{^^Ai^Ta w*ff\ Tp»ut4ifia f tfj* L « - c, ) the ttfj V of a ccti u cs i u Jict-t i ratel y fi !£ a date * 



118 AKCESILAtJS MURDERED BY THE BARCJSANS. Book IV. 

to seek to extend your reign. Thou, for thy part, be gentle, 
when thou art restored. If thou findest the oven full of jars, 
bake not the jars ; but be sure to speed them on their way. U 
liowever, thou heatest the oven, then avoid the island — else thou 
wilt die thyself, and with thee the most beautiful bull." • 

164. So spake the Pythoness. Arcesilaiis upon this returned 
to Cyrene, taking with him the troops which he had raised in 
Samos. There he obtained possession of the supreme power; 
whereupon, forgetful of the oracle, he took proceedings against 
those who had driven him into banishment Some of tliem fled 
from him and quitted the country for good ; others fell into his 
hands and were sent to suffer death in Cyprus. These last hap- 
jxining on their passage to put in through stress of weather at 
Cnidus, the Cnidians rescued them, and sent them off to Thera. 
Another body foimd a refuge in the great tower of Aglomachos, 
a private edifice, and w^ere there destroyed by ArcesifaOs, 
who heaped wood around the place, and burnt them to death. 
Aware, after the deed was done, that this was what the Pythoness 
meant when she warned him, if he found the jars in the oren, 
not to bake them, ho withdrew himself of his own accord from 
the city of Cyrene, believing that to be the island of the oracl^' 
and fearing to die as had been prophesied. Being married to a 
relation of his own, a daughter of Alazir,^ at that time king of 
the Barcaeaus, he took up his abode with him. At Barca, bov- 
ever, certain of the citizens, together with a number of Cyre- 
na?an exiles, recognising him as he walked in the forum, kiU^ 
liim ; they slew also at the same time Alazir, his father-in-l*^* 
So Arcesilaiis, wittingly or unwittingly, disobeyed the oradei 
and thereby fulfilled his destiny. 

* This oracle is given in prose, but least the site was at Mcrdj. . 
evidently contains fragments of the - This name is remarkable. I* 
hexameters in which it was delivered; clearly not Greek, and therefore 18 P^ 
r. //. ; 2i» tiivToi fiavxos tlvai — dircJirfjuire bably African. Hence it would ^e^ 
KttT* olpov — (x^ h tV i.fJi<pi^pvToy fxiris; that not only was Barca origin»Uy |i* 
and the last line, which maybe restored African town (see note ' on cb. l^'' 
with an approach to certainty: aifrhs but that while falling under Greek ioj^ 
ykp 0ay4aiy kou ravpos 6 KaAAio-revcpv. ence in the reign of Arcesilausll-.i^Pr 
The allusion here seems to be to Alazir, still retained its native princes, whoJ^' 
the father-in-law of Arcesilaiis. ^^See termarried with the Battiad®. Iti***^ 
the next chapter.) objection to this view that the daugh*** 

* It is not very easy to see how either of Alazir is called a " relation" of Ar**' 
Cyrene or Barca could be regarded as silaiis, for she may liave been so on b^ 
islands. Perhaps the existence of springs mother's side. However, it is cerUUwJ 
on several sides of Cyrene may have possible that, aa Mr. Blakesley think** 
been considered, in a country so scant the Greek princes of Barca may b^'* 
of water, as what the word i.fi<pl^^vToy adopted Afiican names to concili*** 
pointed at. At }^ca there would not their native subjects. BattuB, it mui^ 
be even this approach to an insular cba- be remembered, was an African word* 
I'acter, for water is scarce there, if at 



Chap, 163-iGO. FHERETIMA APPLIES TO ARYANDE6. 



119 



165, Pheretima, thc! mother of Arcesilaiis, during the time 
that her son, after workiiif^^ his own riim, dwelt at Barca, con- 
liaued to enjoy all his privile^s at Cyien^, managiiig the 
jovernment, and takiag her seat at the coimcil-board. No 
looner, however, did she hear of the death of her sou at Baroa, 
tbao leaving (i^jr^ne, she fled in haste to Egypt* Arcesikiis 
had claims for service done to Cambysesj son of Cyrus ; since it 
Was by him that Cyr^G^ was pat under the Persian yoke, and 
B rate of tribute agreed upon.^ Pheretiraa therefore went 
Btraight to Egypt, ami presenting herself as a suppliant before 
AijandeSj entreated him to avenge her wronga Her son, she 
■aid, had met hk death on account of his bemg so well affected 
Uowai*ds the Medes.* 

1^0- Now Aryandes had been made governor of Egypt by 
Jambyses> He it was who in after times was punished with 
ieath by Darius for seeking to rival him* Aware, by re|R)rt 
hnd als(j by his owti eyesight, that Darius wished to leave a 
memorial of himself, such as no king had ever left before/ 
Aiyttudes resolved to follow hiis example, and did so, till he got 
ik reward. Darius had refined gold to the last perfection of 
purity in order to have coins struck of it : AryandeSj^ in his 
Egyptian government, did tlie ver)^ same with silver, so that to 
tins day there is no such pure silver anywhere as the Aryandie, 



■ Vidft iupra. lii* 13 tad SI. 
* It i» not likely that there was dny 
tmd at all for this atuttiment wbieh 
m plausible enough, and 
mmlj impo«e upon tbe Persian 
iwho wottW not care to lu- 
ll. He would cyliaider it bis 
-™_ to uphold tho royal family 
*'*ich had treated with Camby^ea, even 
*P''*t ttA^xa jaay »iioh Hpecial claim ; for 
^ FeniMia, until softer tlie loiiifm 
"J^^li afetywhere mnintaiiied and HUp- 
We^ the Oteek deapoti, (See bolow, 
^ ^; md compare tl^ caaea of Sylo^u^ 
2^-149, and Hippias, v. 96.) Aa aa 
ktaow aatrap, be may also have beau 
of the opportunity fur gaining ter- 

. fvn cioiicluflioiia have been di-awii 
^^ tkii paaia^:— 1. Tliat DariuB 
*^ '*the firtfc Perai*n king who ever 
*^ moaey" (Grote, iv. p, 319); 
\}^ he mas acitially the fitt*t pQmm 
JJ^ tTKp ptsrformisd tbilt feat (B4lir ad 
"*4 The worda of HerodotuH jqatify 
JJJtfcar atatemeot* He tells ujs himaelf 
***f*lietre thji* the LydiaJU were the 
^ whfi ooiu^ maney (i. &4/j and hev« 



all that be aaierts h that Daniu coined 
gold of xuf^Hor puriti^ to any which had 
been known before. It is Boid to have 
been from the purity of his gold coin- 
age that the eiptefiaion * ' Dariua's gold " 
came to be ub^ for gold without any 
alloy. (BeePlutarchf Pactolua, p. 1 L'lli^ 
A,) Of eom^e it is quite posetible thiit 
Dariua may, in point of fact, h^ive been 
the iirat to coin Pertsiau money; and the 
name '* daric " (vide infra, vii. ch. 28) 
favuure this view; but no atatoment to 
thi^ e^iidL ia here made by Herodotus. 

* Some Hilvei" eoina have been found 
which are a opposed to be of Aryaudea : 
on the obverse h a Persian archer on a 
hippocrtinpua, hene&th which ia a ^u/^'nj 
for water with & dolphin ^ on the reverse 
ao owl traveled by the two sceptres 
of Oftiriiip and datea in hieroglyjihioB of 
the yeara 5, tf, and 7. Another has a 
dolphin matead of the Mppocampui, and 
being of older «tyle throws a doubt on 
thcHo coinK being of Aryando.— [G, W.] 
There are &ho some ooina of a different 
type from either of these, which have 
been ascribed to this satrap. (See note 
ou liook vii. eh, 28.) 



120 AFRICAN NATIONS -THE ADYRMACHIDiE. BooiW- 

Darius, when this came to his ears, brought another charge/ ^ 
charge of rebellion, against Aryandes, and put him to death. 

167. At the time of which we are'speaking Ajyandes, moved 
with compassion for Pheretima, granted her all the forces wbicb 
there were in Egypt, both land and sea. The command of tlv3 
army he gave to Amasis, a Maraphian ;* while Badres, one >* 
the tribe of the Pasargada), was appointed to lead the fle^ 
Before the expedition, however, left Egypt, he sent a herald to 
Barca to inquire who it was that had slain king Arcesilata- 
The Barcoeans replied * that they, one and all, acknowledged ti^ 
deed — ^Arcesilaiis had done them many and great injuries.' Afte^ 
receiving this reply, Aryandes gave the troops orders to inaitt> 
with Pheretima. Such was the cause which served as a pretext 
for this expedition : its real object was, I believe, the subjugatto 
of Libya.' For Libya is inhabited by many and various races, and 
of these but a very few w^ero subjects of the Persian king, white 
by far the larger number held Darius in no manner of respect 

1()8. The Libyans dwell in the order which I will now describe- 
Beginnnig on the side of Egypt, the first Libyans are the Ady^ 
machida).' These people have, in most points, the samecu8t(»n* 
as the Eg}'ptians, but use the costume of the Libyana Thar 
women wear on each leg a ring made of bronze ;^ they let tl^ 
hair grow long, and when they catch any vermin on their person* 
bite it and throw it away. In this they differ from all the other 
Libyans. They are also the only tribe >vith whom the custom 

7 Thore would be no need of "imotlier to Eg}-pt (Peripl. pp. lOo, 10»i). T^J 

clmrj^e/' IsHuing a coinage, whether extend from the Canopic mouUi of th* 

good or bad, would be considered, and Nile to Apis, which, according to Sfa«^ 

indeed would be, an act of i*ebellion. (xvii. p. 111^3), is 11^ miles weatofl^ 

The ost^iitatiouri imitation of Darius netonium (now Barcfonn). They •*• 

might make the aniiivKs of the act still nientione<l likewise by Ptolemy j^ 

moVe ai.])5uvnt. 117), Pliny (v. 6.i, and Siliuslt*!*^ 

» The Maiaphians were the Pemian (iii. 279; ix. 224). The last of tk^ 

tribe next in dignity to the Pasargada?. calls them **gens accolu Nili," ^^"^ 

:VideHupm, i. 12'>.;. It is curious to their arms were a \'ariegated shield 4^ 

find the. Jyfj/pfMn name of Amasis in a curved scymitar. 

such a connexion. 2 Bronze and silver bangles are ofte* 

* Dahlmaun's remark is just: ** Here found in the Egyptian tombs, andt^fJ 

a human infirmity seems to have stolen were very generally worn, as they ^ 

upon Herodotus. . . . An exaggerated ai-e, by the Egyptian, Ethiopian. ^^ 

representation, which does m)t cor- ish, jui<l other women of A frica.--[^*ji 

respond with the truth, of the real im- jilr. Hamilton, speaking of the viO^ ^^ 

poi-ttmce of this affair has imposed itself of lienghazi (tlie ancient Euesperi*^*Jj'j 

ujwn Hei*odotus, who was anxious t<) says — •* The silver bracelets and t"**-e 

i'ollect together his information con- which complete their adornmeutt *»* 

•rerning the Libyan nations. (Life, p. sometimes of great weight. A J<'*'\^ij 

\'S.\f E. T.) No attempt t^ HubjugJite in lienghazi weai's a i>air of ft»^^r 

Libya appeiu^ in the expedition itself. which weigh five iJountls." (WaD^ 

**The Adyrmachidaj appear in Scylax ings, p. V\.) 
nn the same position, but are reukoneil 



Cjiap. Ifi7-lt;9, THE GILLIGAMMiE — THE SILPHIUM, 



121 



obtiiins of hrmgiDg all women aXmit to l>ecome brided before the 
kin^^ that he may ehoose sueh as ure agreeable to him.^ The 
Adyrmaehidci) extend from the bordere of Eg)^pt to the harbour 
called Port Plynits.* 

101*. Next to the Adyrmachidfle are the GilligamniiB»* who 
iuhabit the country westwaRl as far tig tlie island of Aphrodisias** 
Off this tract k the island of Platea, which the Cyreuaeana 
coloiiiaed. Here too, upon the mainland, are Port MenelaiL^j' 
fttid AzkiB, where the CyreiMBanE once lived. The Silphium ^ 



* Oompftre tbe middle age dfo^ (U 

* Fiynui, iiooofdiiig to Scjlax, u two 
^jfT tail west of Apia, and belongs to 
**nBaricft fpeript p. lOti). It la gono- 
'•Jiy thought to be ideutipftl witb the 
Jiaioftima of Ptokmy (Port litirthtih). 
*attM the AdynnachldiE extend a de- 

^^ /vrtfief tt€tt in Herodotus than iu 
^J^«x, Hftrodotiijs^ it is to be recaarked, 
*™*eii no meutioii of the Mikrmaridoe, 
^ *r*e rackoneid the chief DJvtion lo these 
P^ by Scylai, Strabo, aud Ptolemy. 

I^lie Gilligiunmie iu*e unknown to 

*^y •* teller Itjdependent geograpber. Ste- 

P«c*i uj^feIj eflhoes Her^dotu^. They 

■PPe^i- to i^resent the MamiftPidsB. 

c^^l>hrod!aBw appears both from 

J*^J4^ (PeripL p. 109) aod Ptolemy (iv. 

J^w H^ the Utile islaQd which lies off 

■ ^ ^^*ff t due noi'th of Cyrenei, oppoatte 

• J^^Axis of Apon onia. ThuR the Gilli- 

!"^ML dwelt p«y*tly TPithiu the Cyre* 

"Jj^ ^here they were held in vftsaalage 

f m^ Ofipe^k inhftbitanta* (Vide eupia^ 

-- *f ^ > note ^.) Kiepert, following Ren- 

-^^^eograph, p. 009), pliices Apbro- 

^- JJ ^■laeAr iMrna, marldiig the ialaud 

J^<->-^f^ae u Leia^Map XXIl.)- But 

^"t ^*^*^ AphrodisiAS were two namea 

'">^.** »iUMe laland (Ptolemy, L s, c), 

^^ %he eastern part of the tracts not 
?^^^r frotQ Plyniia i ScylftX, Peripl. p, 
*^h By Pkiieujy'a time the port 

J^'-^ bive been blocked up^ aa the 
^*J^ by him cousidered im ioland 

I f tK ** fwnoul plnnt^ the InHerptthmi 
[** ** iiomaas, which is figuretl wpon 





mo«t of the Cyrsnaiaa aud EnrcgeaQ 
coin;^^ wa« celebrated both ajs au u^ticle 
of food and aleo for its mediGiual virtaes. 
It formed an important element m thti 
ancient commerce of Cyr^ud. It Wtid 
probably a royal monopoly « and a main 
aource of the great wealth of the Bat- 
tiadffi (Prnd, Pyth, v, I, k^.)\m there m 
a representation of king Areeaiiaila upon 
an anoient vase, in the act of weighing 
out the drnj;; to hia cuat(>mtiri (Ati^ 
nali deir Inai. Archeolo^^ di Homaj 
yoL T, p. ^'iG), H&nce the eipresaion 
in AHijtophanea (Plut. i*21;, *t& BjIt- 
TDu ^ikipiov.' A deacriptian of it ie given 
at great length in Thoophmatufl (HUt. 
Plant, n. 3), and another in Pliny (0. K, 
xxti.23;. Delia Cello, Pacho^ and Beechey, 
all considered that they recognised the 
Ail phi um ID a plimt colled by the Arabe 
di'iAs or deritis — an umbellifcroua plant, 
three feet in height, reaemblLng the 
Daucaa or wild carrot. This flower id 
fii^t met with about Merdj, and extends 
eaat'ward a little beyond Iternit (Dar- 
nlfl). It is injurious to the cattle which 
feed on it (Delia CcUa. pp> VIH, V^7 ; 
Paoho, ch. iviii,; ficecheyj pp. 40&- 
420; Hamilton, p, 27). 

Tbe identity of this plant with the 
silpbiuin has been queitioned on ac- 
count of the manner in wbicb the latter 
ifl figured upon the coins. Tbe stem is 
not nearly so thick as represented; and 
altogether the figure is far from being & 
gooa likeness* Still, as Mr. Hamilton 
obeervea ip. 23), the plants fw given 
upon the coins, is a very fair *♦ amvwn- 
t^nai aiJpbinmi" and tbe inexaetneaa of 




122 



THE ASBYST.E — THE AUSCHIS^. 



BookI^^ 



] 



begins to grow in this region, extending from the island of Plat<r« ** 
on the one side to the mouth of the Syrtis* on the othe*^*- 
The customs of the Gilligammee are like those of the restof th( 
countrymen. 

170. The Asbyst«^ adjoin the Gilligammee upon the wi 
They inhabit the regions above Cyren^ but do not reach to 
coast, which belongs to the Cyrenjeans. Four-horse chariots 
in more common use among them than among any othe^^ 
Libyans. In most of their customs they ape the manners of tli&=^ 
Cyreiifeans.^ 

171. Westward of the Asbystae dwell the Auschisae,' whc^ 
possess the country above Barca, reaching, however, to the sea a** 
the place called Euesperides.* In the middle of their territory s^ 
the little tribe of the Cabalians,* which touches the coast neft*" 



the i-epresentation canDot be considered 
to outweigh the many arguments iu 
favour of the identity. The placing of 
the silphium upon the coins of Cyrene 
is auiUogous to that uf the ear of wheat 
on the coins of Metapontum, of the 
bunch of grapes on those of Myconus, 
of the fish on those of Olbia, and of the 
bunch of thyme on those of Melos. The 
country is represented by its chief pro- 
duct. 

• Herodotus appears to have known 
but of one Syrtis, which is the Greater 
Syrtis of the geogniphers, the moderu 
Gulf ofSidj'aj not (as Niebuhr supposed; 
the Less (Geograph. of Herod, p. 19» 
E. T.). This is the limit that Scylax 
assigns to the silphium, which extends, 
he S4iys (Peripl. p. lu8j from the Cher- 
sonese {Ras-cl-Tynn, to Eueaperides 
{lieiKfhazi). Compare also Theophras- 
tus (1. 8. c). The present limits of the 
plant seem to be even uan*o\ver. It first 
appears somewhat east of Zanies, and 
only reaches from thence to a little be- 
yond Cyrene {Grenwth). See the autho- 
rities quoted in the last note. 

* The AsbystfiD, being neighbours of 
the Cyrena'ans, were well known to the 
Greeks. Callimachus, the Cyrcnaan, 
sang of them (ap. Steph. Byz. in voc. 
*A<r/3«J(rTo). Their inland position is 
attestetl by Dionysius (Perieg. 211). 

'Ao-/3u<rrai 6* iirX rolari /ic<ri}ireipoi 

TCAC^OVO'I. 

They are mentioned by Pliny, under the 
name of Hasbitse (Nat. Hist. v. o), as 
neighbours of the Nasamonians and 
Macians. 

2 The CyrenoDans were famous for 
their skiU in chariot-driving (Ephor. 



Fr. 5). Hence the appellationB of rf**^ 
irosj i'irir6$oT0Sf and the like, applied *J^ 
Cyrene (Pmd. Pyth. iv. 2, ix. 5, &c «?^ 
Diss. J. Hence also their Bucceas in *JJ^ 
games (ibid.). The most usual embl***** 
on their coins, besides the silphiuX^* 
are the horse, the four-horse dari^ ' 
and the chariot- wheel. Vide mp^^^ 
ch. 160, note *, The streets of Cyre^ 
and the roads in its neighbourhood •'^ 
still deeply indented with the mark^ ^ 
chariot- wheels (Hamilton, p. 70; ?6C^^' 
p. 19+; Beechey, p. 406, &c.); and *'?^ 
quadriga appeal's more than once * 
the few sculptures which still adorn *** 
ruins (Hamilton, p. 45). 

3 The Auschisae of Herodotus »^ 
plainly identical with the Aiiachitje ^ 
Steph. Byz., who dwell above B*^*^^ 
Whether the Ausigdi of CallimacliY^ 
(ap. Stcph.) are the same people is o p^ 
to doubt. Au8igda» the city of th^^ 
latter, was known both to HecataeVJ* 
(Fragm. .lOO) and Ptolemy (Geograp''' 
iv. 4). It lay a little eastward of P**^ 
lemais. ^ 

* Theotimus, who wrote a book *^^^ 
Cyrene, said that this city was found ^^ 
by Arcesilaiis IV. after his Pythian ^r*^ 
tory, and that the Carrhotus mention^*^ 
by I*indar as charioteer (Pyth. v. 3^ /^ 
who was his wife's brother, led out tlJ^ 
colonists, a collection from all Greec^T^ 
(Fr. 1). Battus, the son of AroeeiUvJ^ 
IV., afterwards fled hither (HeracI^ 
Pont. Fr. 4). The place received ^^ 
name of Berenice under the Ptolemic^ 
(Ptolem. Geograph. iv. 4; Strab. xvii- 
p. 1181), and is now Benghazi, (Vide 
infra, ch. 198.) 

^ Or Bacalians, according to one read- 



CiiAP. ie9-i?2. 



THE HASAMOMAM, 



Tauciiira,* a city of the Barcieans. Their customs are like those 
of tlie Libyans above Cyr^nc* 

172, The Nasamoidans,' a numerous j>cople, are the western 

neighbours of the Auschism- In suinmer they leave their flocks 

and heids upon the sea-shoro, and go up the country to a place 

caJletl Augila," where they gather the thites from the pid.ms,'' 

which in those [Mirls grow thickly/ and are of great size, all of 

tliem being of the fruit^bearing kind. They also chase the 

IfiCUBts, uud, when caught, dry them in the aun, after which they 

grind them to i>owder, and, sprinkling this ujwn * their milk, so 

- drink it. Each man among them hiis several wiveB, in tlieir 

P ini*^rcoui^ witli whom they resemble the Massagetie. The 

foUuwing ati> their customs in the swearing of oaths and tlie 

practice of augury. The man, as he swears, lays his hand ujK:>n 

tlie tomb of some one considered to have been pre-cminetitly just 

And good, and so doing sweai"^ by his name. For tlinnation they 

betake themselves to the sepulchres of then- own ancestors, and, 

^Lfter prayingj lie down to sleep upon their gravra ; by the dreams 

%%-liieh theu come to them tliey guide their conduct* When they 

pj fdge their faith to one another, each gives the other to ilrink 

►mat of his hand ; ^ if there be no liquid to be had, they take up 

Lm3st from the groundj^ and put their tongues to it* 



Tku " littk Inbe " eicdped tho 
mmpbers. Itwauld 
mm tbe Cb6i/fd3 of 
r ATgetio, i trtie Berber jraee. 
'_ '^Auchini retains its u^iiiq oa Twikrti, 
, or Terk^fi. Coiiaiderable ruiiLa 
. .p^^ ^ the lite {DeUnCeUft, p. 209, E. T. ; 
I J^*^J*o^ pp, 1 »■!-]§(>; Beecihay, pp. :i(J7- 
■ **A The w»ibi according to Beechey, 
': ^ CaUe uid a half routid. 
"^11 the geogmphens appak of the 
^4* '•tKiiOiiiiiflS, and agree ID their locality 
llft^^* Peripl p. Ill; Stmb. xvii. p. 
i^i^^ Flio* H, N. Y. 5). They dwelt 
iiS?'^ *^^ thoret of the Greater Syrtiisj 
r^ •iipra, iin 32). In the Uoman 
^^ they bad th^ eharacter ^>f being 
' pi^^^™ (Q^iot- Curt. Iv, 7 1 Lucnn*fl 

^J*^M. vx^ 433-444 L 
^j^^_**liis pl«ca retains ite naaie un- 
^B^^^* It IJea on the great route 
to Feznn and Mauritiiai»» 
iue Bouth of Cyrener between the 

^? jj^nwaiwm and Paebo, and more re- 
l^^y hf Hamilton. Pacho deol&rea 
^J^^eeount of Herodotus to be in all 
^'P^cti tniA (pp. 272-280), Hia do- 



WTl&^Ta^ , 






u«d;- 



eeriptiona Kre, he sap, ^^teOement 
fid&les, qu'elles pourraient encore a^rvir 
& d^orire TAu^^Ids moderns." 

* See below^ note ^ on ch. 182, 

^ Mi^ Hamilton esthuatea the number 
of date-treea in the ^laaia of Augila at 
lU,000<p. 190). Thoae of Jalo» wbich 
waa probably mcluded in the Augila of 
Herod otUAf at ]uO,MOOt Dates contmue 
to be the sole product of the place imd 
the source whence the inhabitWts draw 
all their BuhaLsteiiee^ A britfk tnide la 
cturied on between tbeio and the uativea 
of the eoaat* chiefly thoae of Bcngkoii^ 
who bring thorn corn and manufaeturod 
HTticIeM of all kiud^p and reeeive datea in 
eacehange, lu the time of Leo Afii' 
canu6 ithe 15th century) a aimili^ trade 
waa carried on with Egypt l vi* p. 246), 

3 Shaw mentiona a custom exactly 
like this in Algeria. In the marriage 
ceremony the form of plighting troth ia 
by dnnkmg out of each other's hamk 
(Travelfl, p. 303). 

^ So tbe Mahometan law of ablution 
allows sand tu be used where water can-* 
not be procm'ed* 



124 



THE PSYLLI — THE MACiE. 



BcxalT. 



173. On tlie country of the Ntisamonians borders that of the 
Psylli,* wlio were swept away under the following circumstances. 
Tlie south-wind httd blown for a long time and dried up all the 
tanks in which their water was stored. Now the whole region 
within the Syrtis is utterly devoid of springs. Accordingly, the 
PsyUi took counsel among themselves, and by common consent 
m£ide war upon the south-wind — so at least the Libyans say,! do 
but rei)eat their words — they went forth and reached the desert; 
but there the south-wind rose and buried them undei; heaps of 
sand : ^ whereuix>n, the Psylli being destroyed, their lands passed 
to the Nasamonians.* 

174. Above the Nasamonians, towards the south, in the district 
whore the wild l)easts abound, dwell the Garamantians,^ who 
avoid all society or intercourse with their fellow-men, have no 
weai3<)n of war, and do not know how to defend themselves.' 

175. These border the Nasamonians on the south : westward 
along the sea-shore their neighbours are the Macae,* who, hj 



* The Psylli had been already men- 
tioned by Hecatscus f Fragiu. .'^uH ), who 
seeniH to have npoken of the Greater 
Syrtia under the name of the Payllic 
Gulf. Scylax omita them; but they 
appear in Ptolemy, in their proper posi- 
tion civ. 4). Strabo likewise places them 
next to the Xasamoniaus 'xvii. p. 118:5). 
According; to Pliny, although the Nasa- 
monians had at one time almost exter- 
minated them, yet a remnant continued 
to his day (vii. 2). The Psylli were 
famed for their power of charming ser- 
pents. (See Pliny, 1. s. c. j Plutarch, 
Cat. Miu. i. p. 7«7; Celsus, v. 27, &c.) 

[The snake-players of the coast of 
Rarb iry are woi-thy successors of the 
Psylli. Both the snakes and the men 
api>ear to bo equally frantic during their 
performances, which are far more dis- 
gusting than in Kgypt. — G. W.] 

* Compare iii. 2»i, where a similar 
power is incorrectly assigned to the 
desert sand-stonu (see note ^ ad loc). 
Mr. Hamilton tells us that at present 
there is in the.se parts of Africa an al- 
most Hui>er8titious dread of the south- 
wind. The Jjifat/tiht a tribe inhabiting 
the ojisis of Ammon, "regard a hot 
south-wind as the unfailing signal of 
some coming calamity. One is almost 
temjited to think they must be a rem- 
nant of the Psylli, who had escaped the 
general destruction of their nation, and 
still dreml their old enemy " (Wander- 
ings, p. -J.Vt). 

* Perhaps we uuvy combine this tradi- 



tion with the account given by Flii^ 
and consifler that nfter the Parlli ^ 
suffered a great loss from a aand-BU**** 
in the desert, in an exi)editiou un^*"^ 
taken probably to procure water, tbj^ 
were attacked in thoir weakened ^^ 
tion by the Nasamonians, who aei*^ 
the greater portion of their territory- 

^ It is doubtful whether *• GarMH*^* 
tians" is the true reading here. PH**' 
and Mela, who follow Herodotin vetT 
closely in their descriptions of t^eA*'^ 
can nations, ascribe the features ^^V. 
given to the Garamantians. to a di«ti^** 
]>eople whom they call Gamphasantu***^ 
The corruption, if such it he, no dot*** 
was early; for EustAthius (ad J^®**^ 
Perieges. 217) and Stephen (ad voc.)b*' 
read *' Garamantians" in the p«f>*^* 
The Gai*auiantiaus seem to be int*^ 
duced, in ch. 183, ha a new people. 

* These statements it is clear) do ^^, 
agree with what is said below ^cb.^'j|"^ 
of the Garamantians '* hunting the T*^ 
glodyte Ethiopians." ^ 

' Scylax agrees with this 8t*teio^ 
(Peripl. p. 111). He places the M»<^ 
like the Nasamonians, upon the ^^^^^ 
of the Greater Syrtis, assigning the t'*^. 
towards the east to the latter, thft* ,^^ 
wards the west to the former P^?t,e 
They are found, as Maca^ans, in ^ 
same position, in Pt4)lemy (iv. :». Mo*^ , 
SwpTtTOi). Strabo omits them ; but tn^j' 
appear in Pliny, in conjunction *'^^ 
the Nasiunoniaus and Asbystw (^H**'* 
bitsB). In the thii-d century d.c. i^^t 



Chap, 173-177. TUB GINDANES — THE LOTOPHAGL 



125 



letting tli<? locks alvout the rrowu of thetr hesA gjosv long, wliile 
they clip them clo.se even^wbere else^ make their hair resemble 
a crest. la war these people use the ekiiis of ostriches for 
shields,^ The river Ginyps^ rises aaiong them from the heiglit 
4 'ailed ** tho HUl of the Graces/' and nms from tlience through 
their country to the sea. The Hill of the Graces is tliickly 
e<jTered with wood, and is thiig very unUke the rest of Libya, 
which in bare. It is distant tTvo hundred furlongs from the sea,* 

176, Adjoiniug the Mar^re are the Gindaues,^ whose women 
wear on their legs anklets of leather. Each loyer that a woman 
has gives her one ; and she who can show the most is the best 
esteemed, as she appears to have been loved by the greatest 
number" of men* 

177. A promontory jutting out into the sea from the country 
of the Gindanes is iuhabited by the Lotophagi/ who live en- 



fumlttbed TnerceDarieg to tho Cthrtho^* 
Djjym I Polyb. iii. 3'ij, 

* Cottifiitfe Tii. 7C>. Oi]trieli<» are still 
found in great numbei-R in t Mm part of 
Africa^ but ^ «ome distance mim the 
ooaat i^Lycm'a Travels, p. 66). 

*The river Cinyps, or CinyphuB, is 
eoimiMiEi0rAt«d by aU th« g^ograpliers 
(Scykx, Peripl. p. 11:^; Ptol. iv. 3; 
Sifab. xirii. p. 1 179; ^c). It ran into 
tke tea a Utile ta the ea»t of Leptis, th*^ 
prcatDt Ltbedi* r^Btmb. L e. o*). Modems 
do not find luij rivOT' of ootisi^uenoe on 
ibis cxAut^ which h intersected hy tor- 
rent ouiirsea dry dm-iiig the Bumttier 
iiif]gitli^ Ferbafia the Waff ti Khdhfxn 
htm the bo«t Hgut to be considered the 
aneieni Cinypa, It ho^ * ' more preten- 
MODA to the title of river** than (my 
of tb« othisr torrentA yj^K^u thin const 
( Bwel w y , p. 62. C^mp&c^ fiarth's Wan- 
dantDgcE, voL L p. Bl7j — it ia In the 
f%)bt positioii, a little ta the taat of 
LobidA — it haA maraheft upon its right 
be^tlk crUMed by a caiia«way^ agretKibly 
ta Bitra.bo'a description (xvii, p. 1 179j 
- — atid the iurrouoding country corre- 
M><i[»dB with the descriptiotia of Scylm 
(PeripL p. 112] and HertH^ytUA (infru, 
cti' 19@» and cf. note ad loc/L The only 
ol»]«etion to the identiS cation is that 
tlwj Oh^ndei hilb from which it flow*, 
^ imt niure than 4 mile« from the aea 
( Beech ey, L s, c,J. But thla objection 
wtiMiJd lie equatly againat aU the other 



^ The Hiil of the Grticea, which waa 
)ilci?i*i«e mentioutid by Callimachus (ap. 
Sdiei, ad Find. Pyth, v. 32), must be 



looked for in the GhnriiSn mnge. Thia 
range however id not now more than 4-, 
or at moat ;j wUe^^ diHtant from the 
shore. It is posaibk that Herinlotuis 
waji tidBinformed as to the dUtance ; but 
it ia llkewiae poKuble that the occaaion of 
the diflcrepaucy may be the encroRch* 
ment of the sea u|hjd thia low shore, 
which ii Terj' penjeptiblo in ptacoa. (See 
Beeohey, pp. 49^>498, and Map of Apol^ 
loQla. Compare Hamilton, p. 52, &c 
who thlnka that the whole of this coaat 
haa Buhaidefi*) The GbiuHaw ohain ia 
said to '' preaerre the character given 
of it by the luiitorian) aa being covered 
with treea, conti^aatiDg by their verdure 
with the ficoixbcd and arid soil of 
Libya"* (Delia Cella, p. iM, E- T*>. 

* The Ghidanes are mentioned by 
no other auciept writer, if we except 
Stephen, whoae knowledge comes front 
Herodotus, it may be luapeeted that 
the ethnic: appulJativc of Giudanea ^ati 
enpemeded by the descriptive name of 
Lotophat^ { Lotua-eaters)^ Stephen iden- 
tISea the two; aod Scylux pbices the 
Lotophagi Immedmtely to the we«it of 
the Cinj-pa (Peripl. U3), The Giu- 
dnnea are rightly placed by Kiepert 
(lldp IL) upon tiie tovut* 

* The country of the Lotophagi \& 
evidently the reninsula of Eariif^ which 
ia the only tract projecting from thia 
part of the eoaat* They are thua brought 
irtto the position vusuallj aeragDcd them, 
the neighbourhood of me Lenar Syrtia, 
or Gulf of KfuMii (Bcytax, Feripl. p, 1 l-ti 
Strabo, xvii. 1178). 



Hgg^ 



126 



THE MACHLTANS. 



Book TV, 



tirely on the fruit of the lotus-tree.'' Tlie lotiis fruit is about the 
size of the lentii^k berr\% and in sweetness resembles tlie date. 
The Lotophii{p even succeed in obtaining from it a sort of 
wine,** 

178. The sea-coast beyond the Lcitophagi is occupied by the 
Machlyana,'* who use tlae lotus to some extent* though not so 
much aa the people of whom we last spoke* The Machlyan.^ 
reach as far as the great river called the Triton, which empties 
itself into the great lake Tritonis** Here, in tliis lake, is an ij&- 



f Tbe lat<Ofl or lotus tree wa£ either tlie 
EJitmihua Ztztjjihfis (tbe A* A, Aub^ca of 
Forak.)» or the Cofdici My^a i which 
lost, veiy com til on in the OiiAeM, ii called 
MfiK'/tdtft m Arabic^ ^ud haa a swt^et 
fruit grovfiag in cluaters, ait deacribed 
by TheophraatuHf '* itt-wufverm j&inrtp $4- 
Tpuff/* But the lotua Ib tiTideutly the 
liiiftmnu^^ now called in Arabic p'^k/r, the 
fruit AV'iA, It looka nnd tOBtea mther 
liko a. biitl crab-upple. It ha* » Binj^le 
Btone with in it, To Uljaaea it was as ia- 
coDvenientaa modem ' ' gold -digg^Dgt ** 
to Bhip captains, aiDce he had the gr@ftt- 
ent di£&QuIty in keeping hie sailors to the 
ship ^'benthey had once taated it (Horn. 
Od. ix, 84 to M). P^^J (^iii- ^2) 
thinkfi the tree a ftpecies of Ceitts, dif- 
fering from that of Italy — the Ceith 
AuBtm(iM of Linni^ua. He says^ '^ it hns 
the flize of a pear- tree, though Cornelius 
Nepoe calls it low/* He also alludes 
to Ha fruit beluK very delicious, imd 
to Btrangert* forgtjtting their country 
who touted it (stxii. :^] u He ulao mim- 
tions the lotos herb, or Faba Gnrf'.tt 
{xxiw 2); the htometra (xiii. 'Jl), ** of 
whofto grainft the Egyptian Bhephorda 
make bi^eod;'* and tbe lotus lily cAj/^n- 
jjfitm iotit*} in ponds after tbe inniida^ 
tion (xiii. 17); ako the MeHitittm {xxi. 
2Q}^ ^bicb is a trifoliiited berb, stip- 
poflod by Bozne to be the Trtfftfmlin /riv 
nmti-ijni'cinfi : but none of theBO four Ifwt 
have anything to do with Hmuer'^B loto- 
phagi^ ^See noteB on Book ii- chsi. 9'i 
and 36^ and coin[Jare Major ReTiuell, p, 
028 to e3M,)-fa, \\\] n 

' Ferbaps this is the origin of the 
Homeric myth (Od* vs.. 74 et set|q.) 

^ Pliny calls the MnichlyanB neigh- 
bours oi the Nasamoniaus, No other 
geographer mentions them under the 
Bame unnie; but tiiey afo probably re- 
presented by the Mnolivui of Ptolemy » 
wbo dwelt on the Leftser SyrtiB (iv, *i)j 
or by their neighbours, the Machrjiins 
(ib.). It may be Buapected thai the 
Mflc^, Mnzyei, or Maxyeft, and Maeh- 



\jea of our authnrp and likewise tlje 
Machjni, Machryi»s, MoCiei, Mi-macee^ 
and Maca-tutse i>f Ptolemy ^ belotigied to 
the sftnie Btcjck. The physical typo aod 
customs of the MAehlyaiis were noticed 
by Calliphaue^, Aristotle (Ff . 249 j^ imd 
Kjc. DaniBftc. (Fr. IHa.) 

* No ffr^nt river exists in t.he^ pfirta. 
Small streams only empty thetiiBelvrs 
into the Lef^aer Syrfcin; and the bro4>kj 
which flow into the i^h^hknh {Sh'ifik*r\* 
Loiidkmk)^ or loae themaelvea among: the 
Hands that bnrder it, do not deserve the 
niune of rivers, Dr, Sbaw believw! thnt 
he recoguiBed the Tiiton in the \V*id *W 
Hnmmik^ or Hver of Kabes, a »trea£Ci of 
flomo i^idth, which has it^ source jti the 
hilhi to tbo we^t of that city, and Teaehe« 
tbe sea a little fiouth of it. ( Travels, p* 
1^7.) Biihr occepte Uiis ¥iew, while 
Kiepert (Map 11.^ appears t« make tbe 
Wttil^j Acei'tflifh^ or AAnreithf which is 
Tiot even s perennial stream, the THtou. 
In this he follows Sir (ireville Temple 
(ExcuTfiioiiB in the Mediterranean^ p, 
iHrjL RetutelFs nrgumeflts, however, 
have uever been answered, (See his 
Geography » pp, f'^59-l567,) And the ppt^ 
bahility seems tn be greatly in favour of 
his yien'Sf which are thnt the Lake Tn* 
tonb of Herwlotua ii3clud«i both tlie 
Shibk-ef-Lo^trdeoh and the Leaser Syrtlap 
between which he impposen there to 
have beeD auctently a communicatnnn 
by a narrow and shallow chamtifl ; aod 
that tbe Tritim nmet be 8ou|^ht for 
among the rivuletn which mu into^ gt 
lose tbeinselves in the sands of the >Vii7^ 
All/*. Herodotus, it must be ob>*erv<«i, 
makes the river Triton lun into tbe L^k^ 
Tritonis, aud says not a word of its run- 
nin;^ ottt of it; aud tbe Lake TritonU is 
with him a part of the eeot f(>r Jason's 
vefificl is driven by the north wind into 

it. 

The desciiption in Scylax fP«rip(* 
pp. ll5'U7)j and the brief nofie« in 
Ptolemy (iU* 4), are ttrongly ctrnfimia- 
tory of these tiswb. We may trtice 



i 



I 



Chap. 177-180. LAKE TRItSnTS — THE ADSEANS. 



127 



to 



taud called Plila,^ which it is mid the Lacedaemomans were to 
have colonised, according to an oracle. 

179* The following is the gtory as it is commonly told* When 
Jasc*n had finished Iniildingthc Argo at the foot of Mount Pelion, 
he took on board the usual hecatomb^ and moreover a brazen 
tripod* Thng eqiiip[>ed, he set sail, intending to coast round the 
Peloponnese, and so to reach Delphi*^ The voyagp was pros- 
perous as far m Malea j but at that point a gale oi" wind from the 
north * came on suddenly^ and carried liim out of his conrse to the 
coast of Libya ; where, before he discovered the land, he got 
among the shallows of Lake Tritonis. As he was turning it in his 
tumd how he should find bis way out, Triton (they say) appeared 
to him, and offered to show him the cbannel^ and secure him a 
side retreat, if he would give bim the tripod, Jason complying, 
was shown by Triton the pa,ssage thnnigh the shallows ; after 
wliieh the gird took the tripod, and, carrj^ng it to his own temple, 
fieat*^l luraself upon it, aud, filled with jiropbetic fury, deHvered 
to Jason and bis companions a long prediction, ^^ When a de- 
ecendant/' he said, '* of one of the Argo s crew should seize aiid 
carry off* the brazen trijxMl, then by inevitable fate would a 
hundred Grecittn cities lie built around L:ike Tritonis," The 
Libyans of that region, when they heard the words of this pro- 
phecy, took away tlie tri|X)d and hid it. 

180* The next trilie boyond the Macblyans is the tribe of tlie 
Anseans** Both these nations inhabit the borders of La ke Tri tonis, 



gi^dtiftl blookiiig^up of the tiiouth of ibe 
intltr Ma, wliioh stood to ths Letwer 
fijrUi 19 th« Eea of Azof (or I^^kc 
Mm^) to the Euxiue— then the dryiog^ 
fip ol th« wiiler by evapomtion, and the 
itioD of the origiuAl Lake Trit^^u 
d MAS or m«rei— ki^tl^ the 
of aU tbaae with one excep- 
tiomi &ricl the tranufomiAtion of the 
MiTicifieiit l^ko of Triton into the modern 

* IVobabt^ the Bam« as Scylax^*ii IHq 
of Tffitan. ShAw (p. 213) ideutiaed It 
villi a ^^nd^baiik In the Shi^k-et-Lou:- 
dto^, which eand-bauk has Ainoe become 
m peiiiniuta (Ti^tnple, p, 104), UenneU, 
Will) more" probabilitj'f conjectures thiit 
FlUa, ii ooir part of thd flat imct of aaod 
whieli inlervenefi between the Sblbkah 
and the MA (p. 08;^), 

• Yarioui modes were adopted of 
MniglBg Jmou to Lake Tritonii. tSome 
lonrfle the Ti?it take place on the return 
erf ih» expedition from ColchU, after a 
afnn sent by Jupiter an n puniBhment 



for the mni'der of ApByrttia, fApon. 
Rhod, iv% bh7, &c.) UtUra miule the 
Argun^uts, when commnndedtoexpmte 
tbifl raurder by baiHh;^ to Italyj coast 
along the Afrtciin and Celtic (Ibtsrianl) 
ahoreff voluntarily. (ApoUodor- i, p. 
65* J These diverigences prove an fficiflotly 
th« unr^^al and poetic character of tbe 
entire narrative, (See Grotfl, vol. i, pp, 
316-'US0 

* Hypercritics obaerv© that a north 
wind apringiQg up at Malea tthe Cap« 
SL Angeh) should have carried the vqa- 
ael to the Oreaterj and not the Lesser 
Syrtift (Miiller, Orchom,, p. "►54 j Pacho, 
p« 173). Eiit Herodotufl i» here only 
reporting the flt^ry as it wm told by 
Boiue poet J who wiu not porhnjw very 
well skilled in j^eo^^mphy. He aeems 
however, hims«lf| to have compressed 
Africa too much between i^gyp^ and th« 
Lake Tritonia (vide inim, ch* 181, 
note '*|. 

* Tlie Auseana are not mentioned by 
any other ancient writer, tmletts w^ noay 




128 



CUSTOMS OF THE AUSEAHS, 



Book IV. 



being separated from one another by the river Triti^iu Both also 
wear their haii' long, but the Maehlyans let it grow at the back of 
the headj while the Auiseans haye it long in front. The Anseau 
maideaa keep year by year a feast in honour of Minervaj whereat 
then- custom is to draw up in two bodie^s, and fight with stones 
and eliib«. They say that these are rites which have come d<iwn 
to them from their fatherg, and tlmt they honour with them their 
native goddess, who is the same as the Minerva ( AtJiene) of the 
Grecians** If any of tlie maidens die of the wounds they reeeivo, 
the Auseam declare that such are false maidens. Before the 
fight is suffered to begin, they have another ceremony, Om? of 
the virgins, the loveliest of the nimiber, is selected from the rest ; 
a Corinthian helmet and a complete suit of Greek armour are 
publicly put upon her ; and, thus adorned^ she is made to mount 
into a chariot, and led around the whole lake in a procession- 
What arms they used for the adornment of their damsels before 
the Greeks came to live in their country, I caimot say. I ima- 
gine they dressed them in Egyptian armour^ for I maintaiu that 
both the shield and the helmet came into Greece from Egj'pt*' 

regnrd tbem aa IdGutwal with ttie Au«u- 
riniis af SyDeaiuH, who, m the 5th and 
tith ceiitiiiit^ of our era, deva»tate<l thf^ 
Cyreiiftica. (Op. p. 29J:^-:J0:i) Tbeir 
ieiapld of Athene fieems to he thi^t tQeu- 
iioiwd by Scylax (p. 116), ^ 'A^i-a^ 
TptTwrltoM Up6^ (vide iufra^ ch, 188). 



I 



^.^, 



" The Athene of th^ Greeks wm 

idontiGed witJi the Nedth or Nit of the 

Kgyptiflua (Plttt, Tinu p. 21, E.i, whose 

woi-ahip was commou ti> all the AJHaa 

iinti(fHH» Herodotua appomii to regud 

the worship 04 iudigenous in thm put 

of AfHea, Mid a£ b&vlng passed fram 

hence into Egypt, &ad fToiu £^gjpt 

into Greeefl (vide aupm, ij. 60, aod 

infm, ch. 18H). 

^ Plato iKtiioea the raiemblance 
of the Qretk and Egyptiiui mtm 
(Tira- p, 24, B.), and aflimbefl tile 
invention of tliem to the lalter 
people. 

[Tbere i*, however, very Utile 
reaambluioe between the shield &ud 
helmet of Egypt and tboa« u>f 
Greece ; though the KOToTrtil of 
Homer (11. x. "IhBX without a crest, 
miiy not, have looked unlikis the 
heairi-pieije of the EgyptiAna. The 
BhairetuDa,, a northc^iTt j^ople, nith 
whom the Fhai^aoha ^ere &t one 
time in Hllifinee, had a helmet with 
honiSp rmd a rouDd t^hield lik« tluit 
of Qreece (see woodcut in n. &a 
Book viL, ch. (jI ;J and the custom 
of odonting the helmet with bariu 
wf4a introduced iiito Qreec« £njiu 
^^*e^^^^t^^777W^^>?7^^^sf-^'^'^^^^77 ^^* whenee «€>»!, " horn,* 
7<WvA^^vW "««*! t^ «iK^^ a " *^^t/' The mm^' 

>^>yV/>yWA>\>V/\V/V^V^>\V/^^^^ oritnual i^uv^n, or Greek helmet. 




Chap, 180, IRl. THEEE KEGIOKS OF NOBTH APRICA, 



129 



The Auseans declare that Minerva is the daughter of Neptune 
and the Ltake Triton is '—they say she quarrelled with her father, 
and af jplied to Jupiter^ who conBented to let her be his child ; and 
so she became bis adopted daughter. These people do not marry 
or live in families, but dwell together like the gregarious beasts. 
Whea their children are full-grown, they are brought before 
the assembly of th«3 men, which is held every tliird month, and 
assigned to those whom they most resemble** 

181. Such are the tribes of wandering Libyans dwelling upon 
the sea-coast. Above them inland is the wild-beast tract : and 
beyond that, a ridge of sandj reaching from Egyptian Thebee 
to the Pillars of Hercules,^ Throughout this ridge, at the dis- 
tance of about ten days' journey from one another,^ heaps of salt 



ftz&d 



proba^bly of a^ aiiailar matarialf 
it is stippoaed to have ink^a its 
from belog ot dog'« skin. The 
Oviaos «re B&id by Herodotus (L 171) 
tobAT«been the first to introdtice tlie 
um of eraits, and '^ to put devicoa on 
c^ld«f and to invet^t liandlea for 
shifeldji ; LQ the earlier titueB their wear- 
tit* mjUiai^ed them by the nid of a 
leathern thong, by which they were 
■lu&g roy^d the Dock and bft shoulder." 
Thi« m^eDtlou of the bandJe was evi- 
dently known long before in Egyptt at 
Least SM early as 2000 B.C., lo tbe time 
4>f the Oiirtaaena of the ISth^ and ap- 
nraiily of tbe kings of the ^tlt dynasty. 
The Eig^tiaa ahieldi bad no emblems 
OD them. They were ako furtuihed 
with a thong for autpending them on 
lite BOldieKi bock/ wnile uding hi^ left 
hmad for some other purpose .^Q. WJ 
' Thi< la the earbeflt form of the 
and henoe the epithet, TfMro- 
F4A, ad ^^quently applied to thia 
goddota (Hes. Theog, 924 - Horn. Hymn. 
28,4; Ariat. Eq. 1189; &c.) Tbepbi- 
loaopbioal mytAm which brought Athene 
fit>m the head of Jovoi wm a later re< 
ftnement. 

• Compare Ajist* PoL ii. I. 

^ Tbif diTiaion of Northern Africa 

had hettk already made (iL 32), Kie- 

bulir (Geogr, of Herod, p. le, E. f,) 

regwds it aa art^fieiat and imaginary* 

H«eWD, more j^uatly, aa a near approxi- 

lUAtiao to the truth ( Afriean Nat. vol. i. 

pm ^ B. T..I. There are^ in fact, three 

ls»ot% which itretch acroia the contment 

Urom Egypt to the AtlantiG ocean; firfit, 

^^ Umi eoaat^tract, or Barbery^ the country 

^K 43if the Berben, comprifling the mcid^rn 

^H pfovincaa of Moroeoo, Fez, Algierat 

H TOL. in. 



Tuiiia, Tripoii and Barkaj which Is com* 
paratively fertile: next, the hi II -region, 
or» Biitrditltjtrid, **the laud of dates/' 
fijB the Arabs call it^ which, eapeciaJly 
in ita more weatem parta, m greatly in* 
fested with wild beasts ; and thirdly, 
tbe Great SabELfa* These are not in- 
deed, exactly, ^'parallel belta of land." 
The fertility of the coast is interrupted 
in place*, aa between Tunia and Tripoli, 
and again between Cape Mestt^aiit and 
Bntghfisi^ and the hilly tract yariea 
greatly in width, and eometimea amka 
alinoBt to a level with the desert; but 
speaking in a general way, it would be 
right to distingtiish the regions as He* 
rodotUR does^ and to regard them aa 
running acroes Africa; and eo we find 
them regarded by Ritter in Me Erd- 
kunde (voL i. p. B97), and Humboldt 
in bis Aspafita of Nature (voL i* p. 58, 
E. T-). 

^ No doubt there is here somewhat 
too much of "regularity'" and **aym- 
metry'* for truth. ( Kiehuhr'a G-eograph. 
of Herod, p. 17, E. T.) It la to be re- 
marked, however^ that Herodotus uses 
the expreasion, '* about 10 days' journey 
from one another " {fiAKupra Btk Siira 
Tjfttf^tDV &Bou)j which ahowa that he did 
not intend an exact regularity^ auoh aa 
bie critics have aasumed him to mean* 
Heeren has shown tbe general measure- 
ments not to err greatly < (At. Nat* 
vol. i. pp. 2 02-235 » E. T.) Hia conjec- 
ture that Herodotus here de^ribea the 
carfivan rontc across the desert, betw^fi^ll 
Egypt and Western Africa, is one of 
theee happy thoughts which seem ob- 
vious aa MOon as they are uttered, yel 
which occur only to geniui. 



id 



130 



THE FOUNTAIN OF THE SUN. 



Booil^' 



\ 



in large lumps lie upon hills. At the top of every hill theT^ 
gushes forth from the middle of the salt a stream of water, wluf^^ 
is both cold and sweet.^ Around dwell men who are the k*^ 
inhabitants of Libya on the side of the desert, living, as they is^^ 
more inland than the wild-beast district. Of these nations Hi^ 
first is that of the Ammonians, who dwell at a distance of tesv- 
days' journey from Thebes/ and have a temple derived fioBB- 
that of the Theban Jupiter. For at* Thebes likewise, as I bmb— 
tioned above,^ the image of Jupiter has a face like that of a nun.^ 
The Ammonians have another spring besides that which 

' In the Gases salt is in great abun- 
dance, and sometimes a lai*ge space is 
covered with an incrustation of it, which 
breaks like frozen mud or shallow water, 
under the feet. Springs fi'equently rise 
from the sand in that desert, and some- 
times on the top of hillocks of sand; 
where the water, as Herodotus says, is 
always cool and sweet; the coolness 
being caused by the evaporation. One 
of the most remarkable of the latter 
that I have seen is on the road from the 
Little OasiB to Farafreh; and water 
rises from the sand in other places be- 
tween Farafreh and the Oasis of Dakh- 
leh. Though there is much salt in the 
plain, these hillocks are free from it. — 

fa. w.] 

Minutoli, however (pp. 174, 175), de- 
scribes a district near the oajsis of 
Ammon (iS*iV«i/i), where the salt, with 
which Nortbem Africa everywhere 
aboimds, ''rises in masses above the 
ground." ** There are," he says, 
"patches above a mile long, so covered 
with this substance us to have the ap- 
pearance of a field of snow." (Compare 
Hamilton, pp. 1«3 and 193; and Den- 
ham, vol. i. pp. 128, l'J9.) '* Out of the 
mulst of thi'se," Minutoli adds, '• springs 
of fresh water sometimes gush forth." 
Mr. Hamilton speaks of a spring of re- 
markably sweet water near Augila, 
which springs from sand •* mixed with 
crystals of common salt, admirably 
white and pure " (p. 223 ;. The general 
character of these salt-tracts, however, 
is rather that of plains than of hills. 

* b'iirahj which is undoubtedly whero 
the temple of Ammon stood (vide supra, 
iii. 2H ), lies at the distance of 400 geo- 
graphical miles, or not loss than 20 (Uiys* 
journey, from Thebes. Heeren thinks 
that a station was here omitted, or that 
the Great Oasis {El Wah) was reckoned 
to Thebes. (Afr. Nat. i. p. 212, E. T.) 
This may have been the origin of the 



erroneous statement in the text; bofe 
Herodotus was himself deonved, umL 
led to contract unduly the extaoief 
eastern Africa (vide supra, ch. 179). 

* Vide supra, ii. 42. 

> The Theban Jupiter had the kni 
of a man, and wore a cap with two kiC 
feathers, to which Q. Curtios •m»*^ 
allude when he says, the head-dna« 
the God of the Oasis of Ammon «* 
** umbriculo mazime similis." TbtWr 
opians, however, looked upon tho PB* 
headed God, Noum or "SbS, as Jniit^ 
though they also worahippcKl tho Ab« 
of Thebes; and both these JkiUm^ 
found in the temples of the OiMi. T^ 
ram-headed God, however, is (1^ 
**Amenebi8," i.e. Amun-Nef, at KiJ 
Zidn in the Great Oasis; but this tespl* 
was only built in the late time of ^ 
toninus, and the neighbouring om*^ 
Kasr Ain el Goayta was dedicated qb^ 
Ptolemy Euergetes I. to the Tbel»a 
triad of Amun, Maut, and Khons. Tb* 
confusion between Amun and the rtf*' 
headed Noum was first made by ^ 
Ethiopians, and it was only prevslerf* 
Egypt subsequently to the age of *•• 
Pharaohs ; though a few instances ooco^ 
in Eg^'pt of the ram-headed deity beioS 
called Amun, even in the 19th dyntf^* 
(See n. » on Book ii. ch. 42. / It is p''*' 
siblo that Amun, or Amun-Re, was otj^ 
ginally a title, rather than the nanM ^ 
a God, as Atin-re was added to tD' 
name of Noum, who in the earlieft 1^ 
gends is often called Noum-Atin-^ 
This Atin-re was taken up as a Qod ^7 
those "stranger kings'* ( probably fr»<^ 
the title resembling Adoni,or Atin,**tl'^ 
Sim,** and from Atin-re being the soUT^ 
disk; and Amun was banish^ bytheif 
Atin, Atys, or Attin, wius the sun 1^*" 
crob. Saturn, i. 26 \ or nature, andm^ 
both male and female. Atin-re irtf 
not a new Gk>d, but an Egyptian title 
given to one or more Gods ^being oa 



Cfli^. lei, 182. 



AVQJLA. 



from the salt^ The water of this stream is lute warm at eoily 
dawn ; at the time when the market fills it is much cooler ; by 
Won it has grown quite cold j at this time, therefore, they water 
their gardem- As the afternoon adTances the coldness goes off^ 
tillj about sunset, the water is once more lukewarm ; still the 
heat increases, and at midnight it boils furiously. After this time 
it again begins to cool, and grows less and less hot till morning 
Comes* This spring 13 caUed *' the Fotnitain of the Sun." ** 

182. Next to the Ammonians, at the distanci^ of ten days* 
journey along the ridge of sand, there is a second salt-hill 
Kke the Ammonian, and a second spring. The country 
fotind is inhabitedj and the place bears the name of AugUa,^ 



tmmnixieiita Cfreetod hefore and efter th« 
txpalflion of thoe« " beretica *'} in Phar 
Honied and Ptolemaic tlmea, AtiB^ni 
Via p<irhaptt the visible Oi>d, the loUr 
diakf as Amun^re was the amcmkd God 
[we D^ ^ on Book ii, ok. 42); and the 
Stnngier-kiiigs, who worshipped the huh 
iIhiL^ may on this account have rejeoted 
Imun. On their monumetita Atinro 
ma flgared aa the ann, vriih rayi termi- 
arting Inhuioan hatids; but an insUnee 
mttri of the winged mn of Hor-Hat, 
wUh thaie mj»» even in the time of 
6«thi, of the 19th dynaatv. (See Ar. At 
% W., pn. 122, l'i3;)-{a W.] 

^ Tb« salt of the AmmooiiUift was ooti^ 
iid«T«d tn he of auch oxoelleDt quality, 
tbal It waa wea% to Fenia for the nBe of 
tba Great King (Dino, Fr. 15). It ia 
ffdil Terr abundant, the houiea even 
been bmli of it (Hamilton, p. 2@4), 

* A aimilax aec^uot of thk fountain 
iaipren by Diodorui (jcvii. 50), Arrian 
(ilL 4)» Hiny { H. K. ii. 103), aad other 
■aeml wtit«rH. There can be little 
dmibt that the phenomena are ex^ge- 
nrfeed. All that can now he found at 
Siwali ii a tepid ApriDg. the water of 
nMoh fsfl* aomewhat wiumer in the 
nighl than in tbe daytime. It ia donbt- 
foJ whether tbe temperature raally 
raries. (Belzoni, p. 423; Minutoli, pp. 
173-174; Browne, TrflTsh, p. 24. Bum- 
boldtf in bis Aspecta of Nature, Epeaka 
of the ft/pposed periodically oool Fouu* 
tain of the Sun, p. 59, E. T.) Sir Q. 
WJJlMiiaon ezpeniDenteii with the tber-^ 
niDiiieier at Zubbo, in the Little Oaaisj 
when there u n ilmilnr vprin^. Tbe 
i«mltt in bia own worda^ wa« the fol- 

*'Tbe wal«r of the pond at Zubho, 
pooo afUf Bunriiie (Feb. Hth), the e£- 
tarual air being 5 1| Fahr,, I found to ba 



73|, and quite icnrm to the band; at 
mid'dayj the e^xtemal ah bemg 65}, it 
waa 79^, and cold to the hand ; and in 
tbe eweoingi at 9 o'clock, the external 
air \mng 60 J, the water wbb Ilf^j Fahr, 
and oooHequentlj ^amn to the hand. 
This pond waa about 30 fb. wide, and 
woa not more than 5 or 6 ft. in the 
deepest part, Two other upiingH (at 
Bowitti aud El Kasrj were £f*2f fahr., 
and 9dA. The boilitig water waa a na- 
tuml miistake, from the uumeroua bub- 
bles wbl<2h die in theae fiulphureoua 
ponda. Tbeae ipdon and ponda wer^ 
in the Little Oasia, wbieh ia called Wah 
d BfhneSfA, and in Coptic OvKiAe Pange,'* 

* Vide aupra, ch. 172. Pacho, re- 
markluif^ on the ^racity of HercMlotua 
in the account which be gi'vea of Atigil% 
obBervet:— '^ II a jiarl^ de ies forfita de 
pakniers, de la quality eiquiae de aea 
dattea^ et nous avons dit qu'eUea aont 
la pluB grande reaaouree que poiaMa 
encore Augilea^ La eeule fontaiue qu'on 
y trouTait de eon tempa, eat la aeule 
qu*on y trouve de noa joura; c'eat 
^ibiikh* La aeule collide qui d*api^ 
rhlBtoriani exiatait daita ce canton^ flat 
la seule qui inteirompe 1& monotonie 
de son immenae plaine de sablea : elle 
ocGupe la partie nord du Tillage prin-^ 
clpat^ De plufl, il ajoute que t^tte 
CO Lime, comme celle d^Ammon^ etait 
de ael; et dona le monticule de apath 
calcBire d*Augile8, comme aux oeUinea 
d'Ammon, noui trouTona des maaane 
de nel gem me.** 

The diiitance between the Ammo- 
niana (^Yi^oA) and Augila ia correetly 
stated* Hornemiiu travelled it in nine 
daya^ hut at more thun the ordinary 
rate. (Travela, pp. 45, 4G,) The Augi- 
liana of the prei^ut day reolton it a ten 
days' journey* (Minutoli, p. 172,^ 
K 2 



GARAMAKT1AN5. 



Book IT. 



Blther it is that tlie Nasamonians come to gather in the 
dateR* 

183* Ten days' jonrney from Augila there is again a salt-hill 
and a spring ; palms of the fnutful kind grow here abundantly^ 
aa they do also at the other salt-hOls. This region is inhabitetB— " 
by a nation called the Garamantians,^ a very powerftd people 
who cover the salt with mould, and then sow tlieir cropa^ Frou 
thence is the shortest road to the Lotophagi, a journey of thirtj 
days.* In the Garamantian country are found the oxen wliit'h= 



[" Augila, ia about 220 milea weat of 

* The right of gathesriug dates ia BtiU 
claimed iii certmn diatricta bj the Axubs ; 
and the TiiHyiia small WaAs {Oaaw)t or 
Bpota iu tLe desert baviog RpringB and 
dato-tneest Wfiiitwnrd of the Egyptian 
OaseB, are atilJ occupied or clidm^ by 
the Blacks^ aa of old ; the NoAonionoa 
bfiing, aa bofore obaervedj the Nakii- 
amonoBj or negrooa of the Ammouiau 
diitriot. (See n. ' oa Book ii. ch. 32.) 
The ftdoptiou of the palm-tree an an 
dmblem of TictoiTt or of succesij, doubt- 
leM BTOie from thltt right of gathoring 
dates in a conquered oountry. It la 
weU known that the date- tree mil not 
grow except where there ia waler^ or in 
irrigated land; and the pal tn -tree of the 
deaert, like the pelican of the wilder- 
ness (a fiah-eiitin|^ bird), must be taken 
in a restricted aeofiai meaniiig that it 
was found In apota away from the babi- 
tationa of men,— [G. W.] 

Mti HatniltoTi iu forma iia that the 
ZomaffoA Ambe, who inhabit the oaais 
of Ei Ipic'rri, northeast of Jalo, regu* 
larly move aouthwards Ixi autumn to 
^ther the diitea and figa from the un- 
UiJbabltod oaaea of Ei Ko^ra. When 
the J have left them,, partiea of the Tib- 
boos often come to gleau the datea which 
reimain. f * Wandoriiiga,' pp* 181, 191, 
and 197,)^ 

^ Heeren, and Reonell^ Identifj the 
iM^untry of the Qazamantiana with the 
xm>d«ni FoEsaii* Bitter adopta the 
aame view, (Erdkunde, i. p. 9 8 9;) The 
ohief gi-uj)iida seem to be, 1 . Fez^ati ia 
due aoutb of the country of the Ni^Lsa- 
monmns^ who line the shore of the 
Greater Syrtia (BUpn^ oh* 174). 2,. It 
ia the fint we 11 -peopled tract, and the 
first which poaaea^ea apnnga weat of 
Augila. 3, It has a ruined city, Germa 
(Qarama), once the capitoi. 4. Its name 
ia proaerred in the appellation Qampha* 
Baat«8 (= Garm-Phaaant^aj or Gaium- 




Phaaantea), found in the place of 
mantes in aome wiitera, (Flin, H. N. 
Y. B; Mela, i. 8). 5. It ia the onl^ 
tract, where a great and power^il 
could live, in theae parts. These 
appear conduaive. 

The diatauoe from Angila la mil- 
atated. Hennell ima^ues that the eaatern 
border of the Oaramantlataa might be 
within the dlatance of lu daya from the 
weatem limita of the Aiigiliaua. (Geogr, 
p. 6 IS.) But thia does not aeem to he 
poaaible. It takes IG dayi ^t the lAUt 
to croaa the desert between AugiU, 
which ia at the edge of the Oasis, and 
Ttftfi^mf the &^t village in Feaau« 
(Hornemaur p. 47,) Heeren conjech 
turea that H^rodotua, or his infortEumti. 
here (aa betweeo Thebea and the' Am- 
moniana) accidentally omitted a station; 
and that the resting-placd here sp^kioa; 
of waa not ten, but twenty days' joumsj 
from Augila. (Af, Nat, i. p, 219, E,T.) 
TtG/jhan^ near Euila^ where there ia a 
celebrated apring of water, be imaginea 
to be the site (p. 217.) See also Lyon'a 
Travek (p. 20(},) 

^ The soil of Fezzan ia atroogly im* 
pregnated with isalt. It is onlj by 
a liberal application of manure that 
any produce can be rais(»d» iLyon, 
p/271.) 

^ The conjecture of Heeren, that this 
is another caravan route < and indioatei 
the line of traffic between Carthage and 
the Negro countries, seema to ba an 
extremely happy one. At the prasdQt 
day Mw'^ukt the capital of FesGOii, U 
tha oontre from which three great roadi 
diverge r^^Hjue leading to Egypt by way 
of Augila and Si^sah (Ammon)^ another 
to SoHiian^ or Kigriti^, aoross the Qroat 
Desei^T ftcd a third to Tripoli and 
Tunift^ by way of Soktiti^ Bonjem^ snd 
I^bid^. This last is the route hers 
spoken of. It \k*m traversed by Captain 
Lyon In lS20p who took M dayi Cc^m 
Murzuk to the coast near L&bid% 



M 



Chap. 182-1S4. 



THE ATABilNTIAKS, 



13S 



as they graze, walk bac'kwarda. This they do because their 

boms curve outwards in front of their heads, so that it is not 

possible for them when grazing to move forwards, since in that 

case their horns would become fixed in the ground.* Only 

lierein do they differ from other oxen, and farther in the thick- 

oess and hardnesis of their hides.® The Garamantians have four- 

Jiotse chaxiots, in which they chase the Troglodyte EthiopianB^^ 

'wlio of all the nations whereof any account lias reached our ears 

^mr^ by far the swiftest of foot,*^ The Troglodytes feed on ser- 

p»«^nt^, lixardst, and other similar reptiles. Their language is 

imx^ike that of any other people ; it sounds like the screeching of 

184, At the distance of ten daya' journey from the iGaraman- 
t»-^*jis there is again another salt-hill and spring of water ; around 
^^"Inieh dwell a people, called the Atarantians,^ who alone of all 



I^*^^;^Id^. however, exactly «ix days at 

^^^no. The Lotophagi^ inclkding in 

. y ^^^ aothe Omdsokua, commencod mbout 

F-I'^^*^^,, (YideBUpra, ^^h. 17(1, note ^) 

^^ No oxeQ of this kind hiive been 

f^^^*lied by modern tmveUera» though 

^^^ mme aocouut Is ^ven by many yf 

!' ^% B. 221, K; Plin, H. N. viiL 
^^ £ Mflla^ L S.) Heeren conjectures 
^^t the honw were tnatk to grow m 
^^* wny. The nwitberds of Africa, 
^^ «yi, firtqiieotly arutue tbemselvea 
f^ pvmg all nrtiBcial form to the 
t^^**i« of their cattle, by continually 
P^Milig them. [At Nat. i, p. 2 2 J, 
^^ T.) But it ii di^cult to aaaigii tv 
^jy feita for their giving them no incon* 
^*Jiieat a fthftpc. 

I . The thickDesff and hardncAfl of the 
T*2^d of the cattle in thia part of 
f^^^'io are jaoticad hy modem travel - 

*.^, (HorDeman^ p. 127.) 
wh^ It b iuuaI to regard the word 
|J*^'*^odyt* here as » proper name, 
^^^ )>erhapfl it weuld be better to 
r^-Ctelkte "the EthiopiukB who dwell 
5^^1iolei/' Trogtod^tea have alwayB 
v*^t3iided in Africa. The moat uoto* 
^^^H ire tboee along the ahores of the 
"^l Sea, of whom Strabo givea ft full 
•^faroil (xvi. p. \uy2). There were 
^****ii upon the Nile. (Stnvb, rvii. 
?* 1 1 ^f^.) Those here ipoken of mutft 
"* difttingtnshed from both. They dw^lt 
f'^tobljr in the region eouth of FigezFm, 
^^ the mountain* of the Tibeeti range, 
*^cetb© TMoo IrKhadfOTMock Tibbooa, 
^ «tUl wtad %o liire in caves. (Home- 



man, p, 107; De&ham, toL i. p. 140.) 
^ Qreat alave-hunta {Qraaw in the 
language of the country) are still 
common m Fezjson, Armed bodiee of 
80li or 1000 men eet forth on these 
expeditions, and sweep the countrieB 
to the southward of tbeir inhahitAntSf 
returning after an abaence of monthB, 
with a band of cuptiveSj often more nu* 
merouisi th^n tlie captors. (See, amon^ 
others, Hamilton, p. 196.) These lire 
usually Tihboos, The Tifif/ijKis are de- 
aonbed as '^ a timid race, in such dnmd 
of A gun or horaa^ that the bare dght of 
an Arab, and particularly n mounted 
one^ IB sufficient to put a number of 
them to flight," (Lyon. p. 254.) Their 
** agility" is said to be "proverbial,'* 
and their neighbours call tbem, by way 
of distinction, "the Birds" (ib- p. 
227). 

' ** The people of Augtlaj in speaking 
of these tribes (the ?\V«3flj)/^ observes 
Homem^mf "aay that their language is 
like tbe whistling of birds." (Journal, 
&c. p. 119,) 

^ All tbe MSS. have AthnHtms, whieb 
wajs read evidently by Pliny (v, 8), and 
Mela (i. 8), The raiding AtarantiaUA 
is recovered from Eustathius f a^l Dionje. 
Perieg. 66), Tbe locality of thifi people 
is YeiT uncertain. Heersn conjecturta 
that the route described by Herodotus 
turns BO nth word at the GaramantLan 
station, and that the Atarantiims are 
the Bonufftis of Tt'gerrtf; but this view 
is quite incompatible with thti words of 
Herodotus in cha. 18 1 and lid 5. We 
must regard him as proceeding wect- 



134 



THE ATLAKTES, 



BookIT^ 



known nations are destituta of names. The title of Ataraat 
is borne by the whole race in coinmon ; but the men haye no par--^" 
ticular names of their own*^ The Atarantians, when the sun .M^ 
rises high in the heaven, curse liinij and load him with reproaches, ^^ 
because (they say) he bnmg and wastes both their country and ^ 
themselves. Once more at the distance of ten days* journey ^^ 
there is a salt-hill, a spring, and an iuhahited tract Near the salt ^ 
is a mountain called Atlas, very taper and round; so luftj^ more- — 
over, that the top (it is said) cannot be seen, the clouds never "^ 
quitting it either summer or winter.^ The natives c^ this * 
mountain '* the Pillar of Heaven ; " * and they themselves take ^ 
their name from it, being called Atlantes, They are reported J 
not to eat any living thing, and never to have any dreams, 

185, As far as the Atlant43s the names of the nations in- 
tiabiting the sandy ridge are known to me ; but beyond them my 
knowledge fails. The ridge itself extends as far as the Pillars 
of Hercules, and even further than these ; ^ and tlo"oughout the 
whole distancOj at the end of every ten days* journey, there is a 
saltrmiiiej with people dwelling round it who all of them build 
their houses with hlot;ks of the salt* No rain fells in these partB 
of libya ; if it were otherwisej the walls of these houses could not 



Wiurd, aiid fle«k for the Ataraotintid 
nmong tlie Tuatik^ of tbo Weatern 
Sahara, Oudnej* found ^It-tditiin sind 
HpringB in tlua eouutry, towards Gado- 
miB (pp. 9«-99). 

^ 1^ African US SAya ol the Bomoua 
^^-' QuaDtum k qiiodam mercatore in-^ 
teUigure potui, qui loDgam cum h'm 
habuerat coDsu«tudiu(»mt nuititm hie prtf- 
priinn wtfiu^t fiitdiat, sed omnei tb\ a 
lougituditit^, vol pluguituditifl, aub alio 
qaorii ocoideiite uotuen habGui** (vii. 
p, 35^, A). Salt (Travi^U m Abjisimaj 
p. S7£t) notiooB ft aiiiiiliu' custom aniong 
the Dc^groes AOtitb and weat of Abjs- 
siuk; but it does uot bj tmy moiiUB 
amount to the outire abAen^ ofu&misa 
which la apokeu of by Herodotus. H<j 
probably tuieuiideratood bia informoJit- 
' ideler hna ahowu (s^a Humboldt^B 
Aflpectfl of Nature, yoL i. pp» 144-146, 
E» T.) that there waa a cotifiuion iu the 
Greek mind with respect to AtlM, The 
earlier wriUrs (Homer, Hesiod, kc.) 
iDteDfied by thAt iiame the Peak of 
Tenerifle, of which they had some iu* 
distiuct kQ.owltidg« derived from Pbce- 
uiciau Bourc«8* The later, unacqufduted 
with tbe great Weabeni Ocean, placed 
Atl«u9 in Aiiioftt flnt r«g^rdiag it »£ 



-er 



a single mountiuD, and then, as tltdr 1 
geo;^raph^cai knowledge increased , and 
tbey found tbere was no yery rernaik- 
ftble mountfdn io North-western Affioi, 
aa & mountaiD chain. Herodnttu id i 
writer of the transition period, HIi 
description u only Applicable to the 
Peak J while his locality Ib Africa — not, 
however, the western eoa^t, but an. 
inland tract, probably fonth-efutetfn 
AJ^ria. Thtui hia moiuitaiti* if it |i to 
be considered aa banDg 4iDy fauudation 
at all on fact, must repmaeai the 
eaaterUi not the western, extreamtr of 
tbo Atlaa chain. I 

* So .^chylns says of thia $imtn 
Atlas — 

•tmiirf^ kCov* oi^p«vdv Tt max )^t^ 

And Pindar, in like maimer^ ealla Etni, 
Kimv ovpa^itt, (Pytb, i, 19, ed. Dim.} 
The supposed height of the *' pillar 
may he gathered frem the Sdiobaat on 
PlatOj who reports that its shadow ex* 
tended to the diistaii«;e of 5OO0 atadea 
(ad Plat. Tim. p. 4'io, ed. Bekker), 

* Herodotua» it should be obsm^, 
kno\vs that the African coast p,x^*tcU 
beyond th^ ptHars. ^ 



Chap. 184-186. 



HOUSES OF ^ALT. 



135 



etand/ The salt quarried is of two colours, wliite and purple*^ 
33eyond the ridge, southwards, in the direction of the interior, 
the country is a desert,- with no springs, no beastSj no rain^ no 
^^vood, and altogether destitute of moistui'e.^ 
I 180. Thus from Egj^pt as far as Lake Tritoma Libya is in- 



* Flmy (H, N, y. 5) mentioiuj the 
Bali hoaaee of the African tribes bor- 
clerii]^ OD tLe Great Desert. Th**y have 
l:»eeii found by Mi^. Uamilton in the 
Oaus af AmmoD^ and by Oudney ( Deu* 
liam^s TrmTelij voL L p* 78) in the 
^vvasterD part at Fe^zon ; and no doubt 
«i33iit in mnnj porta of tbe Bahftm. 
Oa4se/a word* ar^— '' Notwithstaod- 
Ixig thm n^wnntm uid fltDe«a of tbe at^net 
^Ji« «aJt mould iA preferred (forhon^a;^ 
jppdrbafA from the want of linie \ and the 
49ABa with which the bouse k erected. 
^^Jiother thing: «o littlu rain ftdU thtvt 
t^tiero la no lUnger of the fahrie falling." 
Mr, Hamiltou says — " I n&w no tmfis& 
^3^ aoiiquity in any of the buildings ; 
liymjt^ t£ of old, the bouseii are buHt with 
1i9B.4>ofci. of rock-salt, Bometinies almost 
n^ars^ Oemented together with mud* 
^"roia th« dryneaa of the climate this 
le^i-Ktd of wall is perfectly solid. (Wiinder- 
i£>«i, p. 294.) 

Oudney talk uh that thk part of 
^^*ca is not entirely without ndo, 
«»* that rain Talk at iiitervak of five^ 
J*jrfit, and nine yeani (p, TtJj, Hum- 
—'^Idt, speaking in a moro general wtiy, 
*^ J* justified in saying — "Neither dew 
^^^ t^wJi bathe theoe d^olute pbuuB^ or 
r|*^®io|*e OQ tbeir glowing surface the 
^J"*tt« of vegetable lifer for heated 
T^Utuna of air, overywhere atoendingi 
r^^lve lh« TapouTBi and disperie eaeh 
!?^ It* varus hing cloud." (Aapeets of 

^ M^he rpck-aalt of Africa hi^ in fiict^ 
,' *^*i^ Oljlours. '* Africa t" says Leo, 
—^JJ^ori «]C parte ahud sal non habet, 
f?^^^y id quod fix apeeuum aaliok (the 
2*?*A^a of our author) velut mamior 
^^ S^MUM, candidi, rtim^ et cmerldi 
2f^*i% effoditur" (p. 299, E), "Th© 
^~^ <^t the mountain Htiddefia," writes 
^^ Bhaw, *' is of a rciMsht oc pwp^ 
?P*^^I^; yet what k waahed dovim &om 
j2J*^ pEHzipices by the dewa attaiueth 
2^Ji»«r ooloor, becoming as ^Mte as 
^y^- * , . The aidt of tbe mountains 
T^^ Levotaiah and Jebel Minisa, is of 
^iS**y or bluiah colour/' (Tra^ek, p. 

Qe aUndea to the great Sahara. 



Tbifl sandr tract, diversifi^ed hero and 
there by high tables knd, low plainly 
isolated smalt hi Ik and rocks^ aud un- 
dulating ground J produces in places 
some low deeert ehniba and tiilta of 
graas, like the little Sahara to the 
south of the EegieBcy of Tunis. Among 
the planta of the Sahara meotioned to 
me by the neighbouring Arabs are the 
Sheea (the " She" of Lucaa) and bifth^^ 
nm (Artemisia Judoica and inculta); 
the raUtttn^ or broom (Spartium mo- 
noapermum) ; tbe prickly hddik ; the 
tjHittif (atriplez halimuii)| the riff^h 
(a Sallcorma); the methndn^ &c. The 
aucieoti were not altogether unac- 
quainted witb the ititerior of Afrioa; 
and !bu Batuta shows in the 14th 
century how much wa* known of Tim- 
buctoo and the Soodan, — [G. W,] 

* The horrors of the great African 
desert bavCt both in ancient and modem 
times, been some what exaggerated. 
" From the best and uioiit recent io- 
telligence/' says Humboldt^ ^'^we learn 
that the deaert of Sahara k composed 
of aeveml detached baaiue^ and that the 
number and the population of the 
fertile Osses is very muoh greater than 
Imd boon inuigiued^ . ^ , It is now gene- 
rally a£&rmed that the sand covei-H only 
tho smaller portion <if the great low-^ 
knd/' (Aspects of Nature, voL i* p, 
114, E. To The Sahara k not entirely 
destitute of animaia. The ' ' lion of the 
deaart " k indeed a European fiction 
(Carette, Exploration de I'Alg^ne, vol. 
ii, pp. 126-lli^)» but g^2eUe«j wild asses, 
and ostricheft are to be met witb# 
bpriogi there are none; but a braokkh 
water k procm-ed from welis, often of 
grewt deptli. Bain, as already men- 
lioned, k a rarity. Palms grow in the 
Oase« ; and tbeir dates form the pnuoipal 
food of the Tibbooi and TuarickSf the 
inhabitants, r^peotlvely, of the east- 
ierii and western sand^regions. Porhspa 
the notion of the extreme sterility of 
the desert arose from the fiict that upon 
the MHiift n^idcg^ that from Munuk to 
Lake Tachtid, and that from Ins&lah 
to Timbuctoo, the aridity is frightful » 
(Uumboldt, L a. GO 



136 



HEALTHINESS OF THE LIBYANS. 



Book IV. 



habited by wandering tribes,^ whose drink is milk* and ther 
food the flesh of animals. Cow's flesh however none of these 
tribes ever taste, but abstain from it for the same reason as flie 
Egyptians, neither do, they any of them breed swina Even at 
Cyrene, the women think it wrong to eat the flesh of the cow, 
honouring in this Isis, the Egyptian goddess, whom they wo^ 
ship both with- fasts and festivals.^ The Baresean women abstain, 
not from cow's flesh only, but also from the flesh of swine. 

187. West of Lake Trit6nis tlie Libyans are no longer wan- 
derers,* nor do they pi*actise the same customs as the wandering 
people, or treat their children in the same way. For the wan- 
dering Libyans, many of them at any rate, if not aU — concern- 
ing which I cannot speak with certainty — when their children 
come to the age of four years, bum the veins at the top <» 
their heads with a flock from the fleece of a sheep : others to 
the veins about the temples.^ This they do to prevent tten 
from being plagued in their after lives by a flow of rheum from 
the head ; and such they declare is the reason why they are so 
much more healthy than other men. Certainly the Libyans 



1 Herodotus here indicates that ho 
is about to resume the account of the 
fsea-coast tribes, which was broken off 
at the end of ch. 180. 

2 The water in Northern Africa is 
for the most part so strongly impreg- 
nated with salt that milk forms the 
only palatable beverage. It is how- 
ever at the present day a rarity. (See 
Denham's Travels, vol. i. p. 42.) 

' The Greeks, on settling in Africa, 
appear to have adopted many customs 
from their "barbarian** neighbours. 
As their monarchs took the name of 
Battus, the native term for "king" 
(supra, ch. 1 55), so the citizens genei-ally 
conformed to African manners. The 
Cyrenean Greeks took the costume of 
the country. Pacho observes upon the 
" striking analogy *' between the dresses 
depicted in the tombs and the modem 
costume of Fezzau (p. 210). The four- 
horse chariot was used commonly at 
Cyrene while it was still rare in Greece 
(infra, ch. 189). The habit of burning 
the dead was abandoned, and rock- 
tombs were excavated witlj vast toil 
(which are often of striking bea\ity) as 
receptacles wherein to lay up the bodies 
of the departed. (See Hamilton's Wan- 
derings, p. 65.) There are no urns, 
nor places for them, but many miles 
of necropolis extending all round the 



city — the monuments and aarcopl^P 
rising in terraces of ten and even t«el'« 
rows, one above the other. (Ibid. P> 
86. Compare the view of the ruinji 
supra, p. 113.) It appears from w* 
passage in the text that a portion, » 
any rate, of the Egjrptian ritual **■ 
adopted both in Cyrene and B«* 
the latter being even more ^?f 
than the former. (See above, ch- 1^ 
note 2.) 

* West of I^e Tritonis the libj** 1 
are no longer wanderers, as the ^^ 1 
mones and others between it and BgP: 1 
were. Those west of the Tritonis li'^S ' 
by agriculture (ch. 191). This vi ^ 
the case, except upon the ooM^*^ 
[G. W.] . 

* Burning with a red-hot iro^-!^ 
still practised in these countries *^. 
the cure of diseases. (Lyon, p. 3^*#| 
Hamilton, p. 99.) See also Denhatf^ 
Travels, who calls this mode of cu^^. 
*'the sovereign Arab remedy for s^-a 
most every disorder." (Vol. i. p. 17^-^^ 
Mr. Layard notices its use among th^^ 
Arabs of Mesopotjimia (Nineveh an«^ 
Babylon, p. 291); and Lieut. Burton 
among the Egyptians (Pilgrimaf^ to 
El-Medineh, vol. i. p. 80). A similar 
notion prevailed in Scythia in ancient 
times. (Hippocrat. de Aere, Aqyik, 
et Locis, § 47.) 



p. 186-lSD. 



FBINGE^APRONf?. 



137 



T^ the healthiest men that I know ; * but whether this is what 
E:i.£k.lc:es them so, or not, I cannot positively sa^ — the healthiest 
s^^x^-t^sinly they are. If when the cliildren are being burnt eon- 
riilsions come on, there is a remedj of which they have made 
dJLsoovery. It Ib to sprinkle goat*s water upon the cliild, who 
ib^us treated, is sure to recover. In all this I only repeat what 
jpi setid by the Libyans p 

^ 1S8, The rites which the wandering Libyans use in sacrifieing 

aa"^ tlie following. They begin with the ear of the victim, which 

they cut off and throw over their honse : this done^ they kill the 

anitnal by twisting the neck. They sacrifice to the Sun and 

Moon, but not to any other god. This worsliip is common to all 

tile Libyans. The inhabitants of the parts about Lake Trit6ni9 

worship in addition Triton, Neptune,^ and Minerva^ the last 

J^speciiiUy, 

189. The dress wherewith Miuerva's statues are adorned, and 
ner ^^Egb, were derived by the Greeks^ from the women of 
Laliya^ For, except that the garments of the Libyan women 
**^ of leather,® and their fringes made of leathern thongs ^ in- 
stead of serpents, in all else the dress of both is exactly alike. 



. Vide flupra, ii. 77. Tho Tiiaricta 
J^^. of alJ eiiBtiDg tribe&t tbe be&t 
oT ^ to he regarded ob tlie deaaendants 
Jf^bai&dotiui'H Libyacs, They urt frea 
J?*** tlie intermiitures which have 
JJ2**B*d the chftracler of the ttib«a 
^f^** ibo 6o*»t. They spe&k the Berber, 
^ ^Id AMam Unguage, (Ljon, p, I li.j 
ll~^r at« not ft bkck race, nor hATQ 
T~*^^ the negro features, (HumboMtj 
n ^ .^^' Prichiirdp Kftt, WmL of Maii| 
^^264,^ Lyou says of themj *'They 
fafj^ *h* &oeHt race of men I over aaw : 
^^* «tnugtit, 'aad bAadAome, with a 
^T^tn ttir of lxide(>eudence and pridi* 
ar !^^^ i» Tfiry impoeing" (p. 109). By 
rfT^ v^HUfliiig accoiitit which be gives 
J**; ll&, 116) of thaii- application for 
^J^pinaB, it appewit that there wa« 
be iw^^'^ illoefla among tboee with whom 

% y >da eupra, ii, 50, 
1^^ ^he inhabitaDta of Northern AMca« 
g2*~ *^«ii the tribes of the deaert^ wear 
c<>t* ^ preseat day chiefly woollen and 
^^ Viti girmtjfLts^ In the interiori how- 



givea a mpi^aentation of thjn costume 

^ Leathern dreseea of women, with 
Mnge^ of thotigs, have always beeii 
common i£i Africa ; and theao laat 
being the origin of the snakea of the 
Jl^^iB IB very probable* The nnmar* 
ried girls of Ethiopia now only wear 
an apron of t bongs, not unlike that on 
the nose of a cliarger. It la called 
Eahati and ia sometimea ornamented 
with cowries. — [Q. W.] 






that ifl 



in Sot] dan or 
leather/' 



^Sti. 



) AcDOQg the desert tribes, the 



Nigritia, 
iLyon, 



rt^- 



^clciikot imfrequently wetu- leftthem 



> Ib* fett of thoif dresa, Lyon 



138 



ORIGIN OP THE iEGIS. 



BooE ir. 



The name too itself shows that the mode of dressing the Pallas- 
statues aime from Libya. For the Libyan women wear over 
their dress goat-skins etript of the hair, fringed at their edges, 
and coloured with vermilion ; ^ and from these goat-akina the 
Greeks get their word Mgk (goat-harness)* I think for my 
part that the loud cries uttered in our sacred rites ^^ came also 



f\ 



^ Termilioii U abundant in Ncrth 
Africa^ (Paoho, p. 59.) Red thorn are 
cuQimonly worn at Tripoli* (Lyon, 
p, 7.) Bed ahAwU and maiitlea are 
frequent in tbo iatedor. (Ibid. pp. 
153-155,.) Tbe African nations » too, 
continue to e£<:el in the dresijng ajid 
dyeing of leather. Tbe auperioritj of 
Morocco leather is uuiyernally ackuow-^ 
ledged. Even the barb Arc ue tribes of 
the interior posseaa the arts ; and Lyon 
teU* na that in Kas^^na ''the people 
KTO exicaUent workers in wood and 
laather, which they prepare equally 
well u Europeans, ^J^^E l^ ^^ ^^^J 
£ne oolourft.*' (Tnivelfl, p. 139.) Theae 
colonra are el ae where eta tod to be 
chiefly yellow* rtiffj and black (p. 155). 
Beaufoy (Afric. Assoc. 1790) aaya that 
the aldm are thoee of the goat. 

Renaell (Qeograph. of Herod, p« 66£^) 



I 



conjectuTfls that the tanning &dd dydit^ 
of leather waa first ptuctiaed bv the 
LibyanSt passing Irom th^oi Into Eigypt 
and the East, while it wag likeiriie 
carded aeron the sea directly into 
Greece. He notices the '' rains' akmi 
dtjed red" which dovered tbo tabeniael« 
in the wildemeaa (Exod. xxv. \ &««)• 
as poseibly the manufacture of LIbyui 
tribes. They must hare been brought 
from Egypt, and Egypt haa always 
imported leather frtim the intfitier. 
(Maillet, p. 199; Lyon. p. 158,) 

^ Tiieae cries, according to the Sclic^ 
Hafit on jEscbylue (Sept, c. Th, 2T4], 
were gdeftf m honour of MinervB 
(Atben^). They were not howling crteSt 
but leather triuimpha] abouta, ^OXoA^^fir 
{^ &AiiAcffiiK) is to shout the bit«r- 
jeatiou iX, or wA, an exclamation of joy 
and triumph. 'Zkeki^tiw (^ ulularej 



I 



J 



CfiAP, 180-1 9L 



CHARIOTS AND SEPULTURE. 



139 



I 



from tbeoee ; for the Libyan women are greatly given to sueli 
cries and utter them very sweetly. Likewise the Greeks learnt 
from the Libyans to yoke four horses U) a chariot,^ 

19U* All the wandering tribes bury their dead according to 
the fashion of the Greeks, except the Nasamonians, They bury 
them sitting, and are right careful when the sick man m at the 
point of giving up the ghost, to make him sit and not let him 
die lying down.* The dwellings of these people are made of the 
Stams of the asphodel, and of rushes wattled together*^ They 
6811 be carried from place to place. Such are the customs of the 
afore-mentioned tribes* 

19L Westward of the river Triton and adjoining upon the 
Anseang/ are othefj Libyans who till the gromid^ and live in 
honaes ; these people are named the Masyans,^ They let the Imir 
grow long on the right side of their heads/ and shave it close on 



i» to shout ik (ImU u1)j or i\tkiv^ a 
trj of lometitatlpn. Homer speakft of 
%ha M«Airy^ tat proper to the worship of 



I 



Tpa\ 9tipa4 Mtij^t #OAMi* ma^Lki.wafijp%' 

A.« W vAffAir^:^ ira9d4 M^i^ X*i'f:)«f aH'ti^ov. 

' It ii difficult tq tinderaUtid what m 

(irttnidi^ b]r this aedei^ioa, Ht^i'odotus 

aa aeftroelj' meao that the Cyremi&anj, 

liflvjtig leiimt the practice from the 

UbjADfl* coQimuaicated it to tbeir 

ooimtryiseli| for not ooly waa the foutv 

JbotM ^bAfiot known in Grefico half a 

^sttntozj b«Cor« the founding of Cyrem*, 

"^rlkfln it waa firot introduced into tbu 

At Oiympia (Faua, t. 8^ | 3)» but 

\ w&a evfm known to Homer, and ac- 

ig to Mmj used hy the Qr<e«kd in 

in the r«fy earli^t ag^. (H. viiz, 

S5: Od. itiji. 8L) Can Herodotua 

|o aaiert a connection between 

»nd Libya P^per in the ante- 

tLme«l 

Th$ fast probably i& thai the four^ 

. me eoArbt ft«t came into uae in E^grpt 

Minatol^f Abh^ndl^ Vermiacht. 1 nhiilt«, 

1. pp, 12^1^9)^ Mid passed tbenc^ 

into Libya Proper and into Greece- 

^Dw CjremoanSi however, may not have 

Oc^un ta employ the fouT-Lonie chii^ 

^H^ot* for common u4e till th^y aettlod 

Hi AfnoAt nud may have -adopted the 

^^ualoiii from the Libyoni. 

* W« nuiy eompftre with thifl the 
fiUftortn of the Ouaaches, the pdmi- 
tif« inhAbitanta of the Canaiy lalea, 
i gvnnma Afriam people^ who buried 




theii* dead standaujt some wftb a ataff 
in their hauda. (Priohard, Nat, Hiat. 
of Man, p. 267.) 

[The ShuUuka of the White River 
bury thdr dead npright. The Einclent 
Britons often buried them in a aitting 
poature, the bands rtdsed to the ueok^ and 
the elbows close to the kneee. — Q» W.] 

* Hellaoieus (Foigm- Hiflt. Gr* i, 
p. hit Frtk.gm. 9>iji, in relating thta aame 
feature, meutiona that these ^* ho usee " 
were merely *' to keep off the tnu '* (iffoif 
crictdf tvtKa), by whiah they would 
appear to have been little more than 
huge paraaola. 

** Vide supra, eh. 180, HerodotuB 
bero proceedfl in bla enumeration of the 
tribes of the coaat, 

f Thza people had be^^n menttotidd 
under the aame name by HeeatBeni. 
(Fr. 304), It ift doubtful whether they 
are distinct from tbe Machlyti^na oi 
oh. 180. Some writers ealled them 
Mazyauflv fSteph* Byz* od voe,) The 
word, especially in this latter form, 
may be connected with the term Atna* 
f^A, which is tbfl name given by the 
SkuSft^f or Berberw of the Northern 
AtlAA, to theii* diidect Qf the Berber 
language. Amnthik means " noble/' 
(Pricbard's Nat. Hist, of Man, p. 2G3j 

B The Egyptkna le^ a tuft of hidr 
on the forehead of their childreUj and 
another aomtetimee on the baek of their 
heads, as they a till do; but the long 
lock left on the right aide of the hetid 
waa the real emblem of childhoods 
(Cornp, Maerub. aaturn, I 26, and «ee 
u. on Book iL ch. 65.}— [G. WJ 
t 



140 



ANIMALS OF WEST AFRICA, 



Book IV. 



the left ; they besmear their bodies with red paint ; and they say 
that they are descended from the men of Troy.* Their country 
and the remainder of Libya towards the west is far fuller of wild 
beasts, and of wood^ than the country of the wandering people* 
For the eastern side of Libya, where the wanderers dwell, is low 
and sandy^ as far as the river Triton ; but westward of that the 
land of the husbandmen is very billys and abounds with forests 
and wild beasts*^ For this m the tract in which the huge ser- 
pents ^ are found, and the lionSj the elephants, the bears, the 
aspicks, and the homed assea,^ Here too are the dog-faced 
creatures, and the creatures without heads^ whom the Libyans 
declare to have their eyes in their breasts ; and also the wild 



' The tradttion was, that Antenor. 
on bis way to Italj, coaBte<i along the 
African atiore, and planted colamev, 
(Cf. Piiid. Pyth. V. 78, ed. Di^.) 

* It would be impoaailnlo, even with, 
our preieat knowledge, to describe more 
ftccunvtely the gmerai difierentjea be- 
tween the eiyitem and wefftem regions 
of North Afnoa. While the weatem 
region, containing tbo countries of Mo- 
roccOj Algiers^ and Tunis, vs raonnfMn- 
owfl, wall wooded r and well waterc^l, 
and confiequeotly abounds with wild 
beiuts (Hnmboldt'a Aspects, i. p, 11.^), 
the eastern, compriAing Tripoli and 
Barka, la » low, flat^ ^andj tract, almost 
destitute of perennial streatda, and ad- 
mittiug of cultivation only in certain 
favoured spota^ It contains few wild 
animala, and those chiefly of a harml^as 
character. 

The cmae of thU differenoe is to be 
found in the sudden ninking and con- 
traction of the mountain range which 
runs acroaa North Africa, at about the 
8tb or 9th degree of longitude (E, from 
Greenwich), the continuation of AUast 
which under the names of Softdtjh and 
Bantdfh extends from the borders of 
Tunia to the E^gjptiam Natu'on lakee^ ia 
ft low ba^ltic ninge of liille, mther 
than mountains, quite in&uMcient to 
collect inoi«turd (uid form rivers- The 
consequence La that the dcKert extends 
north of this Line, and is only prevented 
from roBching the sea hy the abundant 
raioB which fall upon the coast in con- 
sequence of the vicinity of the Mediter- 
ranean. (See Beechey's Narrative^ pp> 
17, 37, 41, 48, 59, Sec.; Bulla Celln, 
p. 46, E. T. ? Lyon, p. >':\2.) 

^ These are of the Python tribe, still 
foimd in Africa (noted of old from one 



of them having itopped the army of 
Regulus)^ mid common in otir modein 
museumJiH The Greek name F^y^on 
waa probably Egyptian, Pi-l^p and 
may be traced in the Tan, or Tanin 
of Hebj-ew, tmnaluted ** Kerpent/* Ejtc*d. 
vii. 10; or "dragon/* Psa. adiY. 19; 
laa. adiL 22 and jiTii. 1 ; Jer, i^. 11; 
and *' whole," in Gen,, i, 21 ; Job 
V2l Ezek. lAxii. 2 ; but which in < 
sis might rather apply to the 3au 
monsters in the early state of the WCffifl 
It is singular that the Egyptiani «▼« 
believed that it was inhabited by T 
monsters. (See LyelK* Pr. O«ol<?^,l 
p. 32.) The Python evidently ooP 
responded to the Qiunt " Aphophia/* 
Apap^ of Egypt* represented as I 
" great serpent/* who was sin, and waa 
pier<5ed by the spear of Horua f Apollo) 
and other goda. The laat ByUabl« of 
Satan (Shayt«ln) la not relat&d to Tan, 
as Bome might imagine^ the I being & 
D, not a n, in the Hebrew t but Titan 
may be related to it,— -[G. W.] 

^ Elephants tire' not now found in tha 
countricia north of the desert. It ii 
doubted whether tbey could ever have 
been indigenous m those regiona, but 
the testimony of Pliny t" Eiephantea 
fert Africa nltm SyrtiCM Bolitudijacn, 
et m Mfiuritanid/' H, N* viii. lU would 
Heem to settle the question, naano*! 
voynge likevriflc mentionia them aa Men 
neai* Qipe Solo^is (p. ti). Beam ire 
rarOi and are not mentioned by Leo 
amf^ng tlie anioialft of Africa. Sbnw 
however speaks of them aa occaaenallf 
found in Barbiiry [Travel a, p* 249). Ser- 
pen ta, both gi*cat imd small» and lion*, 
are common, tt ii» uucert^n wh»t aul- 
m^ Hero^lotus intends by his ** horned 
asa;*' probably no me kind of antelope. 



I 



i^ 




Chap. 191, 102. 



ANIMALS OF EAST AFEICA, 



HI 



I 



xieu, and the wild women/ and many other far less fabuloua 
1>easta. 

192. Among the wanderera are none of these, but quite other 
^Dimals ; aa antelopes^ gazelles, buffaloes, and asBes, not of the 
lioimed sort, but of a kind which does not need to drink ; ^ also 
cjyxes,* whose horns are used for the curved sides of citherns, 
mud whoise sisse is about that of the ox ; foxes, hysenas, porcu* 
pines, wild rams, dictyes,^ jackals, panthers, boryes, land-croco- 
diles about three cubits in length,"^ very like lizards, ostriches* 
mnd little snakes, each with a single horn. All these animals are 
ibund here, and likewise those belonging to other countries, ex- 
cept the stag and the wild-boar j but neither stag nor wild-boar 
are found in any part of Libya.* There are, however, three sorts 



* Apes of iome large speciefl were 

probftbly mt«tide4.l, ^xttigos poseiblj, or 

<*hiiBpiuisees. Compare HAUija'd Nafra- 

-^ire: "At the buttom of thia baj lay 

mm island like the fonner^ having a 

lake, ftxid in thU lake another kland^ 

f«.U of wild people (^*<fT^ ivflp«£ir«i^ 

Jky^mr). F«r the grt^ter pixtportioD 

^HO^ women, whose bedLea were covered 

^Titll \mr, and whom our interpreters 

ladled Qorilia?. Though we pumu^ the 

■mvtMn^ we #ould not catoh any of them, 

wnjce aU fled from ue^ cAcaping of 4r 

^lie precipieeSt and defeudiug tnemselves 

^wll h stones. However we took three 

v^'otnen^ but they atta<!k^ their con- 

^SuE^ra with their hande and teeth, and 

4^»«>tild not be prevailed on to acct^mpany 

mMM. We tbereft>re killed and flayed 

-C^i^stQ^ and bi^otight their skins with us 

^^^-3 Carthage/' (pp. 13, 14,) Our early 

^v^r ^fig^ors uied mueh the same langua^t 

^B*^ We ciitB« to another yle, where the 

^Bk4i™I bifi alle ikynned rough e hear, as a 

^V JB- oi^d b««ti, laf only the face, nud the 

y 3^Awiue of ihe bwid." (Mandeville's 

IChm wild a»s can live m tlie wont 
P***« of the desert, and needs probably 
™* 'Water than almost any animal. 

■ 2*^1* however^ there are no doubt 
7^^« when ^*the wild 6EA&S quench 
l,B^ tUmt" (Ps. civ* It) Leo says, 
^^lafertim iQcedunt cum vel pabu* 
^1^1*, i^i pQtrmt:* {p. 292, BO 

*X^he ant^lcipes, oryx, sdd&x, beisa» 
*^ *^^fiaiM (or bubahsf) are CK^nmion 
^ *-fticfc. gome Greek lyree have been 
mii^ with the npvight '■^comim*' made 
Wi ^r EH inaitation of, the /*oras of the 
iia^lope addax, probublv the oryx of 
ti«^Qdotua^ ' ^ ' ' 



[ many ; 



I flgured K 



the vases. Hence the name ** le^para.'^ 
"Phoenix," the word used here for 
*^cithara/' la supposed to have been 
applied to the lyro, or cithiu-ii, from ita 
intruduetion from Fhcenicia, in the 
same msnuer aa many things are now 
called by the Arabs " Veoetian:'* thus 
a gun is bttMhoktih; nuts* hendook; a 
sequinj b^ukok^ ; a deal pknki toh ben* 

^ It is impoBsible to say what aoimal 
is here intended. No other writer oien- 
tioiis either the dictya or the bor^s, 

^ Thia immen<!e lizard, or monitor, 
is very conimtiO in Egypt and other 
piutfi of Afdca. It is cat led in Arabia 
Wonm, or Wurran e* G^bel, "of the 
niountalna/* or W. el ard, "of the 
earth," to diatinguiib it from the Wur- 
ran el bahr " of the river/' The former 
is the Laoerta scinous; the other L, Ni^ 
lotlca. It is generally about 3 ft. long; 
and I have found one very large, whiwi 
measured about 4 ft. The other k 
rather smaller.— [O. W.] 

* Tliia assertion ia echoed by Aiis^ 
iotle (Hist An. viii. 28), and, so fsr 
as regards the stag, by Pliny (H, N, 
viii. 33). Modem reseiLrch does not 
entirely besr it out. D«!er aro com* 
paratively rare in Africa, where ante- 
lopes of rarious kinds supply their 
place ; but still they are found ia porta 
of Barbary, in Guinea, and in Abj^ 
ainia. The wild boar of Europe ia 
eistirely unknown, but other apeoka, 
not very fiir removed from it, are met 
with (Pacho, p. 244), 

i^Deer are represented on the Egyp- 
tian monument^ in the early lime of 
the Osirtaaeus.— Q, W,] 



142 



THE ZAVBCUlfS AND GIZANTIAXS* 



Book IV. 



I 



of mice in these parta ; tbe Sr&t are called two-footed ; ^ the 
next, zegeries,^ wliich is a Libyan word meaning ** hills ;" and 
the third, urchins.^ Weasels also are found in the Silphinni- 
region,* much like the Tartossian. So many, therefore, are the 
animals belonging to the land of the wandering Libyansj in so far ■ 
at least as my researches have been able to reach.* 

193. Next to tlie Maxyan Libyans are the Zaveciana,* whoee 
wives drive their chariots ttubattle. 

194. On them border the Gyzantians ; ^ in whose couotiy a 
vast deid of honey is made by bees ; very much morcj however, 
by the skill of men,* The people all paint themselves red, and 
eat monkeys, whereof there is inexhaustible store in the hilLs.* 

1 Til© jerboa {Diptig jasulns of Lin- 
nieuEt) ia undoubtodl/ iDtended. T])i« 
lUiimid U common in Northern Africa 
(Shaw'» Travel a In Barbary, p. 321; 
Ljon, p. 272- HnmiltoD, p, 17a). Ite 
f^ore-Iegv are very diminutive^ And, lilco 
tius kaopuroo and the iqnirrel, it usually 
sits upright. 

[The jerboa baa the habit of sittiDg 
up Of] ita bind legSf using its BmsUl 
forepawB aa banda; it even drinke 
water as a tnan aometimes doea, raiaing 
it to it-A mouth with both hand^. The 
**iiionBe/* or ti^6*rrniDl^ of laa. livi. 17, 
and Levit. xL Wf U iuppoaed to be thia 
animal.— G. W.] 

* Ferhap« the Gunitka, deicribed by 
hjnn aa ' ^ an animal of tba rat apcoiesT 
having a bnahy tail» ^id h^ui resem- 
bling that of a badger " (p. 272;) The 
oatiTe nam6^ mjeiit^'if haa been derived 
from zijnr^ a kind of root (Eochart'ji 
Fbaleg, ii. 4 )« and Again compared with 
the Feaaaniao thtdiira or zezewnt^ whicb 
ii applied to npota on the dc^aert where 
palm-treca grow (Lyon, p* 34 &j Jahn^ 
AnDal. viii* 3, p^ 286); but no BatiH- 
facfcory explanation of it baa really yet 
beea discovered, 

* These three kinda of African 
** mice " are deacrlbed in nearly the 
aam« terms by Theopbraatua 'ap. Phoi. 
Mbl. oGlxxviii.), and Julian (^Hitt. Au. 
IT. 26). 

* Tbe weasel ii aometimea found on 
the C^ren^e coinB beluw the represen- 
tation of the 8ilphmm. 

* Howaccnmtfl the&e researches were, 
wlU appear aufflciently from a single 
compArison- Lyon aaya, * ' The animala 
found in Fessson are, the tiger-cat, 
hif€Ena,jacAai, fox, ktftjlo f of three kinda), 
antfh}w^ wilr! cat, /xwct^pnw, hsd^tho^, 
rat, tpititnha, ffUifiM I of two kinda), j&ftoa, 
rabbit, hare, and camel" (TraTeis^ pp» 



271 , 272), Here the additions are i 
portant, except tbe camel, whicli wia 
probably introduced at a Iat«r poiiod* 
The only omlaaionB f!rom Iha liat of 
Herodotna worth notioe are, Hm wild 
AiA, tbe wild ram, tbe panther, tad t^M 
great lizard or land-crocodile. Tlireoof 
these are borne out by Leo AfrieanUiV 
who notices tbe " Aflinua ■ylTaliciUt"' 
the ** adimajo," of which he aajs, *' itip 
etem forma refi^rt," and the 1e<»Mrd, 
which is eontit^'Lntly coofuaed wita tb« 
paather (aee Leo's Africa, pp. ^9^3M}. 
The fourth— the great lizard or memilor 
— aJso really belonpto tbe oouiitij(iie 
aboTe, note ^. 

* The Zaveclans (or Zaby^ana, ao> 
cording to eome MSS.) are not mention«^ 
by any other extant writer. They we« 
known^ howerer, to HecabEeua i.Slc|ili. 
Byz. in voc^) . It seems to have been mitn 
them that a great portion of the Romail 
province of Africa, extending nortli i 
far fm to the 3tith parallel, w 
Bytacium (Pliny, v, 4), A similar I 
position baa occurred in the ca«e of thesr 
neigh bonm, the GyEontiona, or Zy^ii^ 
tiana. 

^Many of the MS5. have "Zygw- 
i^Lana," which was the form prelem$d 
by Hecatffiu^ i Steph. Bys. in voa Z*^ 
iwi^fr). They gave name to the norths 
em division of the Homao Afrioa, vtueli 
reached from tbe hvar Tusea (tbe Z.imc\ 
to Heraclea (fferkia\ and waa »llecl 
Zeugitiuiia iPIin. I. s. c). It eontaUiMl 
Carthage, Hippo, and tJti<^. 

* Beea atiU abound in thia cHjuntry, 
and honey is ati important article of 
commerce (Delia Cella, p. 198, E. T,% 
A substitute for honey is liksfwias pte- 
pared from the juice of the palm (Sbw, 
p. 22b). 

9 Monkays have always abounded in 
the Weatem diviiion of Nortli Airwa 




Chap. 102-195. 



PITCH-WELLS. 



143 



I 



195, Off their coast, as the Carthaginians report, lies an island, 
by name Cyraunis, the length of which is two hundred fnrloiit^s, 
it* breadth not great, and w hich is soon reached irom the main- 
land/ Vines and olive-treps cover the %vhole of it, and there is 
in the island a lake, from which tlie yotmg raaidena of the ooun- 
try draw up gold-dust^ by dipping into the mud birds' feathers 
smeared with pitcrh. Il' this be true, I know not ; I but write 
what is said*^ It may be even so, however ; since I myself hav© 
seen pitch drawn up out of the water from a lake in Zaeynthus*^ 
At the place I speak of there are a number of lakes; but one is 
larger than the rest, being seventy feet every way, and two 
fathoms in depth. Here they let down a pole into the water, 
with a bujich of myrtle tied to one end, and when they raise it 
again, there is pitch sticking to the myrtle, which in smell is 
lie to bitumen, but in all elae is better than the pitch of 
Pieria** This they pour into a trench dng by the lake's side ; 
und when a good deal has thus been got together, they draw it 
off and put it up in jars. Whatever fells into the lake passes 
underground, and comes up in the sea, which is no less than fonr 
furlongs distant^ So then what ia said of the island off the 
Libyan coast is not without likelihood. 



fof- Diod. Sic XX. 58 j Lm Afric, p. 294, 
^^y* Biodonis s&ys that there were three 
nftiD&d PithecuBssG >!Ape*town)^ 
i thfl houBOB were aa full of apea 
of men. 

* Kiebtihr (Oeograph. of Herod, p. 
*» E. T* } BiiptK}BeB CyraimiB to be the 
t*iu of Haodo^ SejI&x, Mid other 
iten, ttn ii»liuid in the Atlantic, be- 
J'"^M*d OLpe Suloeis, comtnonly rej^ai'ded 
*^ IUm modem Isie of Anji/t'n, But pro- 
™*V*lj Eem^ell Ijj. 63S) i* right in looking 
3^^^^ thfi CyrauiUB of Herodotna oa tlie 
Cy*ii[liiA of Strabo (xvii. p, 1 1 7a ,, and 
j^r^^iy (t. "j, which k undonbtedly the 
mma or Krrkinfss of the preient 
Thd length giTenby Fl'my "25 Ho- 
iitU««) Bxaetlj eorreiipoDds with 
2D0 Btfldla of Herodotofl, Klapert 
Itbii view (Mnp IL). 
Achillw TatiuB iu 14) has the some 
I T^]^^; but he is of no wd^t lu an au* 

2Aut« still produces lai^ qusntiliefl 
iBEQSiBl pitch. Dr, Chandler thus 
^- -"bribes th* " tar epringt" (as he calls 
*•***«! i of that islADd ; 

t* 'Tbid tar m product in a amoll 

f « about two hc»ur^ from the town, 

C^ mOf and euGompaRB^d with moua- 



tfiinS} except towards the bay* Thft 
apringf which \a most diatmct aod apt 
for ini^p&dl[on;,, rises on the further side^ 
near tha foi^t of the hill. The well ia 
droulurf and 4 or 5 feet in dJiimeter, A 
shiuing film like oil^ mixed with Bcum, 
swims on the top. Ton remove this 
fciih a hough, and iee the tar at the bot^ 
torn, S or 4 feet below the 8ur@y», . . > 
The water is Umptd, and runs off with a 
smart current. , . . We filled some Tee* 
ft&ls with tar 6^ lettim it trkkU mi^ iAdni 
from ihs ficM^/b ir^ibl w& ititmertted; and 
this i3 tha method vsaed iogaiker U from 
time to time into pitif where it is har- 
dened by the son to be harreiiid^ when 
the quantity is 8u£!ieieiit " (Travels, 
vol. li. pp, 3t>7, 368 u 

* The pitch of Hena was considered 
the befit in Greece. Pliny says *' Asia 
picem IdUEUim moxio^d probata Gr^eoia 
Piericiam** {H, N. xiv. 'it)). The qua- 
lity of the Sante pitch is aaid now to 
be bad, It la unsuited for cordage; aod 
oan only be applied to the outaide of 
boftts WBCTi mixed with a better article. 

* The aea has, appJirently, encroached 
upon the const in the vicinity of the 
" tfvr-springa." They are now only se- 
piu^t^d iiitm. it by a murow moiass and 



144 



DUMB-TRADING. 



BooiIT. 



196. The Carthaginians also relate the following :— There b 
a country in Libya, and a nation, beyond the Pillars of Heredtf,* 
which they are wont to visit, where they no sooner arrive W 
forthwith they unlade their wares, and, having disposed then 
after an orderly fashion along the beach, leave them, and, » 
turning aboard their ships, raise a great smoke. The natiitt) 
when they see the smoke, come down to the shore, and, kying 
out to view so much gold as they think the worth of the war* 
withdraw to a distance. Tlie Carthaginians upon this cons 
ashore and look. If they think the gold enough, they take it 
and go their way ; but if it does not seem to them suffideo^ 
they go aboard ship once more, and wait patiently. Then the 
others approach and add to their gold, till the Carthaginians aie 
content. Neither party deals unfairly by the other : for thflj 
themselves never touch the gold till it comes up to the worth rf 
their goods, nor do the natives ever carry off the goods till de 
gold is taken away.' 

197. These be the Libyan tribes whereof I am able to p^ 
the names ; and most of these cared little then, and indeed caff 
little now, for the king of the Modes. One thing more also I 
can add concerning this region, namely, that, so far as our knoV" 
ledge reaches, four nations, and no more, inhabit it ; and t*o 
of these nations are indigenous, while two are not. The two it 
digenous are the Libyans and Ethiopians, who dwell respectively 
in the north and the south of Libya. The Phoenicians and the 
Greeks are in-comers.'' 



a thin strip of shingle (Walpole's Tur- 
key, vol. ii. pp. 1, 2). The re-appear- 
ance in the sea of eubstauces throiivn into 
the lake is not confirmed by modem 
travellers. 

• The trade of the Carthaginians with 
the western coast of Africa (outJiide the 
Straits of Gibraltar) has been fully 
proved; and some suppose the glass 
objects stiU found there were brought 
by them. 

Tlio name Carthage has been noticed 
in n. ' to Book ii. ch. 32. The deriva- 
tion Girthii'haiith (or he<les) *' new 
town," seems the most probable one. — 
[O. W.] • 

^ The "dumb commerce " of the Afri- 
can nations is now matter of notoriety. 
It exists not only upon the western coast, 
but also to a considerable extent in the 
interior (see Rennell, p. 717). Lyon 
thus descrilies it: — *• An invisible na- 
tiop, according to our informant, in- 



habit near this place (Soudan), •"^ ** 
said to trade by night. Those •» 
come to traffic for their gold, lay tbdr 
merchandize in heaps, and retire, v 
the morning they find a certain qo** 
tity of gold-dust placed against e^ 
heap, which if they think sufBcieBj 
thev leave the goods; if not, thejr** 
botL remain till more of the ptf*** 
ore is added" (p. 149). Shaw p«J' 
similar account (Travels, p. 302). »* 
further instances, see the Journal of*"* 
Asiatic Society, vol. xviii. p. 348. * 

■ The Egyptians are omitted, becWf 
Egypt is reckoned to Asia (suprij^ 
17.' iv. 39 and 41). Taking the ©»" 
opians to represent that type of B)^ 
which starting from the characteriab^ 
of the Egyptian, develops into ^ 
Negro, we shall find no reason to ei^ 
at the enumeration of races in 0^ 
author. The Libyans, the indigenoO^ 
inhabitants of the northern parta, al^ 



tAf, !9e^i 



SOIL ANB CHOPS. 



lf>8- It seemB to me that Libya is Dot to compare for goodness 
of soil with either Asia or Europe, except the Cinj^s-region,' 
^iriiich k named after the river that waters it. This piece of 
Jaod is equal to any country in the world for cereal crops, and is 
in nothing like the ret?t of Libya. For the soil here is black, 
^od i^priugs of water abound ; so tliat there is nothing to fear 
from drought; nnr do heavy rains (and it rains in tliat part of 
Xiibya*) do any harm when they soak the ground. The returns 
of the harvest come up to the measure which prevails in Buby- 
lonia.' The soil is likewise good iu the country of the Euespe- 
x-ites ;^ for there the land brings forth in the best years a hundred- 
fold But the Cinyps-region yields three hundred-fold. 



-niLn tnag^ Berb«ra^ ShulukB, CabyleB} and 
fuAfllCfir GOQtmue ta fonsQ au kuparttuit 
9 lenient in th^ popul&tioa of Ki>rtli 
Alwi^^t stretcbmff from the mnmitaitiA 
of Maerooco ta tiie ot«» &f Ammon. 
fi»ouiht*mrd of tMe rocs dweU an ontirelj 
^iffer^nt people. Froiq Senen^ainbjjt, to 
[ ubj% B type of man Approacbliig more 
leas uesirly to the Negro, is fyiind to 
^l ( Pricluuxl, Nat. UiBt. of Mao, p. 
[i^^^u Even the scni them raeea, Caffi'eB 
i Hot tea iota, Appear to belong to thJA 
lie fomily (ibid. p. M4), In thtasewe 
_ i tbfl EtbioptiLns of HerodoiuH. The 

i>^tief tvro Uerodotean rocea have beeo 
ati g iO Tbed^ aa likewise hnve the Rotn&na 
mtm^ the Yaiidalfl, The only eiiatbg 
elviasiit in tliti population of Afnea 
^wlueh doeA not appeiLr m HerodotuH^ i« 
^*^^m htMma, tbe iotroduction of which 
^ fixid blstorioally to thepeHod of the 
S^JLlLometjiQ coaqii<:«ts, a.d. 6^9-710, 

* IlelU C«11a flfliya of thia regLon, * * The 
*^^WMive plain, which about an hour's 
^***eh from the torrent {Ciny[ie \ 
•Jj^^tehaa uui to the eaat as fcir ta Cape 
■JJ^^wki, la abundantly productive* , , , 
*^Mi «jtr»ordiiifiry d^free of fruitful- 
***b1i QQi owing to the indii^trj' of the 
''^'^•biUnt*^ but proceeds from tlie ge- 
^^^Mtt oatiireof the $oU, apontaneouHlj 
*jr*WBd with palm and olive-tra^, 
*Wdi there require ao aort of cultiva- 
^**^ '" I fs. ^7 ), Beeobey expresaefi Wmi- 
'^'^ itill more afcro^lj: "From the 
•^Jmiiiit BpjK;*ni/* he sayB, '* the whole 
P'^tJ of J^Uda^ itfetchin^ down in a 
^'itlf) ilope from the high ground to 
^ *iA; and a more bBautiful Boeue 
^ ii^reely be witnessed than that 
*Qieii Im pr«aeiited b^ tbis fin a tract of 
^^trf. Thiek proves of olive and date* 
^ ire seen naing hhmn the YillageB 

VOL ni. 



which are fleattered over its surfiusep 
eitid the intermediate »piice» are either 
uoveriMi with the moflt lui^uriaot turf, 
or rich with abundant crops of ginin" 
( Narrative j p. 51). Hence tbo force of 
the hue iij Ovid (Pont. ii. 7, 25):— 

** OltifJiMm!! oegelis cit\iiA nufEit^mbiK afi«taa," 

^ The ''heavy raiuB " of thia r^gloti 
are noticed by Beettbey (pp. 37, il, 48, 
&c. ) ; Lyon (p. 3;J2) ; Delia Cell* (p. 46); 
tmd Hamilton (p. IbO)* They £i|l 
chiefly in the moDtb of November* 
Compare note on oh. 158. 

> Yideeupra,!. 193. 

' The Eueap<3ritee are the inhabitants 
of a town, called Heeperides by Scylax 
(p. lll)j Euesperidea by Herod otua 
(s^pra^ ch. 171), and Heaperis by Ste- 
phen (ad voch). It mu actuated at the 
eaat«m extremity of the Greater Syrtia, 
between the Borean or Northern Pro- 
Uientoiy ( Cnj^i^ 'Jtjonti) and Tauebira. 
The Ptolemies changed its uarae to 
Ilerenice (Strab. xvii. p* 1181 ; Plin. 
IJ. N. V, 5), which ha* since been cor- 
rupted into Benghtti* It has been ftup^ 
posted that the famoue gardens of the 
Heaperidea were at this place; but Pticbo 
hvm observed (p, llii) that this ia un- 
likely^ aa the whole country about Ben- 
ghim li bore of treee. He places the 
garden! eonaiderably further to the 
east, neiyr Cape Phycus ^ the nuideru I^as 
6Vmj, and not far from Cyvene, The 
account in Scylax bears out thia view 
(pp. 110, 111), 

Beagbaxi h still famoua for its cereal 
crope, great qunutltiea of which ai<e car^ 
ried to Augila and there offered for aale, 
year by yejir ^Homemfui, p. !i9}. Mr. 
Hamilton aaya of the tnurt cultivateii 
by the fienghazini ;— " The toil ia a rieb 
louDj jielcOug, without a^y •oi't of ttl- 

h 



146 



THE BARCiEANS, HOW CONQUERED. Bo«IV. 



1 99. The country of the Cyronasans, which is the highest tnrt 
•within the part of Libya inhabited by the wandering tribes,* b** 
three seasons that deserve remark. First the crops alcmg ^ 
soa-coast begin to ripen, and are ready for the harvest and th* 
vintage ; after they have been gathered in, the crops of themid-'" 
die tract above the coast-region (the hill-country, as they call iy 
need harvesting ; while about the time when this middle crop ^ 
housed, the fruits ripen and are fit for cutting in the higte^ 
tract of all.^ So that the produce of the first tract has been wX^ 
eaten and drunk by the time that the last harvest comes i*»- 
And the harvest-time of the Cyrenaeans continues thus for eigt*-'* 
full months. So much concerning these matters. 

200. When the Persians sent from Egypt by Aryandest^ 
help Pheretima, reached Barca, they laid siege to the tofO» 
calling on those within to give up the men who had been guilty 
of the murder of Arcesilaiis. Tlie townspeople, however, as they 
had one and all taken part in the deed, refused to entertain th^ 
proposition. So the Persians beleaguered Barca for nine monttof 
in the course of which they dug several mines • from their own 
lines to the walls, and likewise made a number of vigorous 
assaults. Bat their mines were discovered by a man who was » 
worker in brass, who went with a brazen shield all round tto 
fortress, and laid it on the ground inside the city. In otb* 
places the shield, when he laid it down, was quite dumb; ^ 

Mr. Hamilton aaya :— " When I >* 
Derua the grape season was long o*"^' 
in Grennah, on my return, not a cloi* 
remained on the few vines grown by |JJ 
Bedawin: here (at Belandsh) I boap* 
white grapes with which the ^^^ 
w^cre loaded, and which were not J* 
ripe. Herodotus speaks of the tw* 
climates of the Cyrenaica, in *^2 
quence of which the harvest ii cini* 
on during eight months of th« y*J* 
and it was interesting to meet witbwij 
practical confirmation of his refltf^ 
(Wanderings, p. 124). 

® Mining was no doubt practi«d &<* 
very early times. It is repi-esentti* 
the Assyrian sculptures, where itii *• 
substitute for the battering pnictiseibj 
the Gi-ceks and Romans. The Perii»* 
seem to have been }>articularly fond « 
attempting it, wherever the nature ot 
tlie ground maile it practicible (viA* 
infra, v. 115, and vi. 18; comp. PolyfO. 
vii. 11, § 5). In Roman history we fin& 
it as early as the 5th century B.C. (lit- 
iv. '22, v. 19). 



ling, abimdant haiTCsts of wheat and 
barley. It seems pix>bablu that, if a 
moderate amount of labour were ex- 
pended in the husbandry of this country, 
its ample crops would vie with those of 
Egypt or Sicily" (Wanderings, p. 167). 

* Kiei-Kjrt gives the height of the 
upper plateau of Cyreno at 1700 feet 
(Atlss, Map XXII.). Ik'echey estimated 
it at 1800 feet (p. 4:)4, and note). It is 
probably, as Herodotus says, the loftiest 
region of North-Eastcm Africa, though 
some of the summits in the basaltic 
chain of Hiirudtsh may attain a greater 
elevation. 

* Pacho observes in speaking of this 
passage — ** L'heureuse disposition do 
cette partie do la Libye . . ., la gradua- 
tion de sea terraces boissdes, et leur 
nituation varice .... pr^sentent autant 
de conditions favorables a cette feconditd 
succes-sive, et mettont, on pent le dire, 
la mervcillcuse tradition d*Herodote 
hora de tout soup9on d'exageration " 
(Voyage dans la Marmarique, &c., ch. 

xvii. pp. 'lob, 2:J6;. 



Chap. 199-203. PHEBETIMA*S CRUEL TREATMENT OF TIT EH. l-iT 






where the ground was undermined, there the brass of the shield 
rang. Here, therefore, the Earcfeans coiintermmed, and slew 
the Persian diggers. Such was the way in which the mines were 
discovered ; as for the assaults, tiie Barca^ans beat theni back. 

20 L When much time had thus been consiuned, and great 
Bombers had fallen on both sides, nor had the Persians lost 
fewer than their adversaries, Amasia, the leader of the land- 
army, perceiving that*, although the Barcaeans would never be 
conquered by force, they might be overtime by fraud, contrived 
as follows. One night he dug a wide trench, and laid light 
planks of wood across the opening, after which he brought 
mould and placed it upon the planks, taking care to make the 
place level with the surrounding ground. At da^n of day he 
i^ummoned the Barcroans to a parley ; and th'dj gladly hearken- 
LUg, the t-erras were at length agreed upon. Oaths were inter- 
changed u[*on the ground over the hidden trench, and the 
agreement ran thus—" So long as the ground beneath our feet 
^nds firm, the oath shall abide unchanged j the people of . 
Barca agree to pay a fair sura to the king, and the Persians 
promise to cause no further trouble to the people of Barca." 
Aftrr the oath, the Barc^^ans, relying upon its terms, threw 
open all their gates, went out themeelves beyond the walls, and 
^owed as many of the enemy as chose, to enter. Then the 
Persians broke down their secret bridge, and rushed at speed into 
'he town — their reason for breaking the bridge being, that so 
^ey might observe what they had sworn ; for they had pro* 
^ised the Barca?ans that the oath should continue ** so long as 
'«<5 ground whereon they stood was tirm.'' When, therefore, the 
''ridge was once broken down^ the oath ceased to hold* 

2U2, Such of the Barceeans as were most guilty the Persians 
i^ve up to Pheretima, who nailed them to crosses all round the 
^^lls of the cityJ She also cut off the breasts of their wives, 
fci^d fastened them likewise about the walls. The remainder of 
tti^ people she gave as booty to the Persians, except only the 
-"^ttiaiJae, and those who had taken no part in the murder, to 
1 ^tiora she handed over the possession of the towii- 
■ ^203, The PiTsians now set out on their return home, carrying 
^^^tli them the re^ of the Barca?ans^ whom tliey had made their 
^P^^Tes, On their way they came to Cyrene ; and the CyrenBcans, 

I^^t of regard for an oracle^ let them pass through the town* 
* Compw tbo ptiBiilm^eiit of th^ BabylgniskDs b; PnHua (atipni^ iii* 159], 4Uid 
L 2 
,^ : 



148 



PERSIANS SEIZED WITH PANIC. 



Book IV. 



Durinp: the passapre. Bares, the commander of the fleets advised 
to 8oize the place ; but Amasis, the leader of the land-foroe, 
woukl not consent ; ** because," ho said, " they had only been 
charged to attack the one Greek city of Barca." * When, how- 
over, they had (>as3ed through the town, and were encamped 
u\)on the hill of Lyc«?an Jove,* it repented them that they hid 
not scizixl Cyrciie, and they endeavoured to enter it a second 
time. TIio Oyrenaeans, however, would not suffer this ; where- 
U{)on, though no one appeared to offer them battle, yet a panic 
came uik)u tlie Persians, and they ran a distance of full sixty 
furlongs l)elbro they pitcheil their camp. Here as they lay, a 
messenger came to them from Aryandes, ordering them homa 
Thi'u the Persians besouglit the men of Cyrene to give them 
provisions for the way, and, these consenting, they set off on 
their return to Egypt. But the Libyans now beset them, and, 
for the sake of their clothes and harness, slew all who dropped 
behind and straggled, during the whole march homewards.^ 

204. The furtliest j)oint ot* Libya reached by this Persian holt 
was the city of Euesperides.* The Barcjoans carried into slaveiy 



* Tliia whole account of the danger 
and CMC Ape of Cyreno ia cxcoedingly im- 
probable. If Cyreno was not in rebel- 
lion, the Persiiius would piiss through 
it, OA a matter of course, on their way 
to and from Rirca. If it was, they 
would have onlei-s to roduco it no les8 
than r»arc;k. If the (/yrena);in8 reganled 
their coming an hostile, they would not 
have been imiuced by an oracle to oiHin 
their gates. If they hail opened their 
gates and Huffored no puniAhment, it is 
not likely that a hostile attack would 
directly afterwards have been miide on 
them. Agiiin the p;mic ia suspicious. 
Ami the pixMOiice of liiues, the com- 
mander of they/*«7, ia an improUvbility. 
Probably the (.'yrenic;ins, who were 
under the government of Rittiia IV., 
oatabliahod king by his grandmother 
before she nought the xssiatance of Ary- 
andes vMonecles, Fr. 2., received the 
Persians with due aubmij*sion, both on 
their way to lijirea and on their return; 
and incurred no further daiij^er or loss, 
tlum wa.s involved in the necessity of 
furnishing supplier to the boat. In 
after times viimty might iuduce them to 
declare that they had assumed an atti- 
tude of defiance. 

* Lyctean Jove woa worahipped eapo- 
cially in Arca<lia .Piiius;ui. viii. ii. § l»8.; 
and wo may suppose that hia woi-ship at 
Cyrene ia a trace of the iutiueuce of 



Dcmonax r supra; i. 161). Itispowblt. 
however, that among the aetUenvlw 
came to Cyrene fi-om PehjHmnetm in tht 
reign of Battua II. (clw. 159 and Wl\ 
some considerable number may hftvt 
been Arcadians. No remains hav« *> 
yet been identified aa tho«e of thii 
temple. 

* Although the wild tribes had sub- 
mitt-ed to Cambyaea (aupra, iii. I ^. *nd 
continued to be reckoned in the sLxtk 
aatnipy (iii. 91), yet it seems they could 
not resist the tempbition to pi umier af- 
forded by the haaty return to Ivgypt of ■* 
army summoned thither by the gorer- 
nor. We are not however to supix^ae a 
disjwtrous i^etreat, but only the 1«j*» o( 
a numlwr of stragglers. If there hod 
been anything more than thia, the Btf- 
CiDan prisouei'8 would no doubt faaT« 
oscajMid. 

* This place is said to liave I>een first 
colonised by Areesilaiia IV. l aupra. ch. 
171, note * . Perhaps Herodotus only 
means that the Pei-sijiua i>i*oceetled to 
the point afterwarda occupietl by Kues- 
perides. Or perhajw Arceailaiis IV. in 
reality only collected a fresh bmiy of ci>lo- 
nista to strengthen an already' exisiing 
settlement. Euesi>eridcs lay about *i'JO 
atades (72 miles) W. of lUrca ii^H'vlax, 
Peri pi. p. lOO). It ia certainly surpris- 
ing that the Persians ahould have peue- 
ti'ated 80 far. 



ffAF* 203-205. 



DEATH OF FHERETIMA. 



149 



ere sent from Eg)*pt to the King ; and Darius assigned them a 
lage in Bactria lor their dwelling-place.' To this village 
ley gave the name of Barca, and it was to my time an inhab- 
Bd place in Bactria* 

205- Nor did Plieretima herself end her days happily. For 

her return to Egj^pt from Libya, directly after talking ven-^ 

mce on the people of Barca, she -was overtaken by a moBt 

ad death. Her body swarmed with wormSj which ate her 

while ahe was still alive/ Thus do men, by over-harsh 

lents, draw down upon themselves the anger of the gods. 

thenj and so fierce, was the vengeance which Pbcretimaj 

lughtor of Battng, took upon the Barea^ans, 



I * Th0 tt&neplantation of trntioiia wbb 
el J pnurtbed by the PerfiinaSt as it 
[ been at ao oarUcr date by the Al- 
and BabylonkiDet B^aides thin 
e, we find noticed in Hered^^taij 
oval of the Pjjaonkcia to Aak 
nor iy. i^y'), of tho MUeaiiuifl ki Amp^ 
r iEO), of tb« EretrianH to Suainna ( vi, 
^ \ the propoaed remoTal of the 
eiana to IoDi% aiid of tUe loaians 
licia (vL 3) \ which last, if not 



reaUy^ oontemplfttad, wba at least suffl^ 
cleDtlj probable to be believed. 

* Fberetima seem* to have been of mid 
of remaining id the Cyreuaica, and to 
hivve considered haraelf inseonre ejoept 
under Ferai&n protection. The miLuner 
of her death cunnot fail to recall the 
end of Herod Agrippa (Acta xii. 2M). 
For the sitcceeaion of Cyiie^neaD kings 
after Arcesilaiia III.i see cb. 163, note ^ 



( 150 ) 



APPENDIX TO BOOK IV. 



ESSAY I. 

ON THE CIMMERIANS OF HERODOTUS AND THE MIGRATIONS 
OF THE CYMRIC RACE. 



1. Early importance of the CimmeriaDS — their geographical extent. 2. IdiadS^ 
of the Cimmerii with the Cynwy — close resemhlance of the two iitn0^ 

3. Historical confirmation of the identity — connecting link in the Giinbl^ 

4. Comparative philology silent but not adverse. 5. Migrations of the (StB* 
merians — westward, and then eastward. F.-giating Cimbric and Cftltie nofl** 



-!£:• 



1 . That a people known to their neighbours as Cimmerii, 6iiniii» 
or (probably) Gomerim, attained to considerable power in Westei* 
Asia and Eastern Europe, within the period indicated by the ^ 
B.C. 800-600, or even earlier, is a fact which can scarcely be sudto 
admit of a doubt. If the information gained by Herodotn i^ 
Scythia were considered as not sufficiently trustworthy for tb* 
establishment of such a conclusion, yet the confirmation which )0B 
statements derive from Homer, from iEschylus, from CallinuB, firt** 
Aristotle, and from geographical nomenclature, must be held to 
remove all uncertainty on the point. The Cimmerians of Hoin©^ 
have not indeed a very definite locality : they dwell " at the fortbc** 
limit of the ocean stream, immersed in darkness, and beyond tbo 
ken of tlic light-giving sim," * — words which might perhaps ^ 
understood of a region outside the I'illars of Hercules ; but considcf' 
ing the condition of Greek geographical knowledge and Ore* 
navigation in Homers day, it is far more likely that he intended ^Jj 
them some pai*t of the northern coast of the Black Sea.* Her* 



J The ethnic mune of ^imiW first occurs 
in the Cuneiform reixjrds of the time of 
Darius IlystiiBj^es, as the Semitivi equivalent 
of the Arian nitme i^aka {XdKoi), The 
nation spoken of contained at tiiis time two 
divisions, tlie Iiiu>«tern branch, njimed Jln- 
tnfuya {*AfjLvpyioi of Herodotus and Ilella- 
nicus), and the TufrakJiudi^ or ** archers," 
who were conterminous with the Assyrians. 
"Whether at the same time these Oimiri or 
Saka are really Cymric Celts we cannot 
|»ositively ssiy. Josephus identified the "1D3 
of (Jenesis witli the (Jalati of Asia Minor 
(Ant. Jtid. i. 0), in evident allusion to the 
ethnic title of Cymry, which they, as so 
many other Celtic races, gave themselves. 
But it must be obiierved, tliat the Baby- 



lonian title of Giiniriy ns applied t^.^ 
iNU'jp, is not a vernacular but a foreigB ti*%J 
and that it may simply mean " the trw* 
jcenerally, corresponding thus to the B<*'*T 
D^ia, and the Greek UdfKpvXoi. !» *** 
Gise it would prove nothing concerning *JJ 
ethnic character of the race designattl * 

,t.--rn. C. K.] 

2 aiyss. xi. 13-22. 

'II 6' (f ntiftoM ucav« fia^vppoov *QM«M«r 
'Ev0a Si Kifititpimv av6piiv ^fitk r* vdAu*** 
'Hcoi icoi vt^iAjj iccicaAvfificttH* ovSd vor' «*i*" 
'lIcAtof ^oe^f KaToiipxtTtu ajcrtMootr, c.rA* 

3 Comp. Eustath. ad Horn. Od. loc. dt* 
and Kiocii Dissert. Homeric, p. 432. Set 
also Mr. Gladstone's * Homer and the 
Homeric Age,' vol. iiL p. 294. 



rl. 



AKCTEl^T SEATS OF THE CIMMERIAJJfS. 



151 



hyltifl places CiTninorm * in close proxiraity to tie Palus HieoHs 
the BoBphonis ; and hero in the t imo of Herodotus "were atill 
ting a number of names, recalling the fact of the former settle- 
t in these regions of the Cimmerian natioB,* The Greek eolo- 
s of the various towns planted upon the northern eoast of tho 
?k Sea, in the seventh and eighth eenturiew before our era, could 
fail to form an acquaintance willi the inhabitants of those parts. 
Would spread the knowledge of them among their conntrj'men, 
ther, there are grounds for believing that during the period of 
oh we are (speaking, frequent invtisions of tho countries towards 
south were made by this same people, i^^ho, crossing the Danube 
the Thraciau BosphoruF, sometimes alone, sometimes in com- 
Ition witli phmdering niracian tribes,* carried their arms far and 
I© over Asia Minor, and spread the terror of their name through- 
the whole of that fertile region. Of one at least of these incur- 
5fi the poet Callintis appears to have been a ^witness.' It wae 
^ersally recognised by the Greeks that these mcnrsions pro- 
ved from a people dwelling north of the Danube, in tbe tract 
ween tbat river and the Tanaie, and there seems no reason to 
ibtthis location* 

^rom the I'immerians of this region it appears to have been tbat 
tiia permanent settlements of the same race in Asia Minor were 
lived. Sinop^, on occasion of one of their raids, was seized and 
nipitid,' while probably on another the town of Antandros fell 
^ their possession,* In the first-mentioned of these two places 
J Cimmerians were after a while superseded by Greek colonists ; 
t it is conjectured, with some reason,* that they still, under the 
le of Clialybes (or ** Iron -workers "), remained the principal race 
tht 'vneinity. In Antandros they retained their position for a 
atuiy," when the /Eolians recovered it from them. 
Farther, there is evidence to show that more to th© east^ in 
Tueuja and Central Persia, a race known nearly by the same 
^^ existed abcmt this same time — ^a race whom we may prdakli/ 
luiect with the Cimmerians of our an til or. Tbe Prophet Ezekiel, 
toiites about ikc, tiOO, speaks of Goraeras a nation," and cKiuples 
pHt Togarmah, which he places in "the north quarter," i. e, 
™eaia; and similarly the Armenian historians speak of Gamir aa 
^ ftucestor of their Ilaichian race of kings.* It is also very 
^irktihlc that in the AchDemenian inscriptions the Sacan or 
yttic |>opulation^ which was widely spread over the Persian 



J IW Ym^. 74-8-750, 

■^ BoirphaniA mA a Cimmerimi Ferry, 
i»CSniieriim farts or ea^tles atid a UmA. 
■i Ooaeria (it- 1*2), HecatiTiia ipdu 
* levft Ummeria {¥t. 3). ^tratn:* Mi a 
fc*i GioiiiiTit!Uii " (JSpor Kt^^ijsm*^) in 
"^^ s **VkT3* CimroericiiA" (irs^^ii 
tliis A&Atk side of the Straits 
I iUi vUl towD '* Ciinmericum " 

F^-M*. md iLp, 721). 

tbt Trarw especudly. See the Eflaaji 

' 1 1^ Vol 1, E^my I pp, 29«-301. 




^ See CalliiinB, Fr. 2, aod coinp. the Te- 
TTuirks of Buch, jip. 9-13. 

« Herod. iv% 12, * Arktut, Fr* l&O. 

1 4Sh* rirote*a Greecs» voL lii. p, 336. TK» 
ctmofJtJoti \s ]H^jlm]m itnpLial m the XdAy09t 

Th. 7-25). 

"^ ArJE»tiot. 1. 8, c 

3 E«k. xx%ml 6, ** Gam^T and dJ his 
bnnilft : thu hott4« of Topimidi of the north 
qimrlerij and all his bmdsi nM Dumf 
people with thee/' 

* Mm, ChoT&i. i. Up mh Hil 



152 



THE ASIATIC GIMIRL 



Aff, Book IT; 



cmpiret receives in the Babylonian transcripts the name of Gmirit* 
wliich looks ae if this were the 8emitJ0 equivalent for the Ariaii 
name of Saka or Scyths. PerhapB bolh names originally mednt 
"nomads'^ or ** wanderers,*'* and only came in course of time to be 
used as ethnic appellative®. It is clear, however^ that by HerodotiM 
the term '^Cimmerian" is used distinctly in an ethnic seiifie; and 
the point to bo now cot ml do red ia, who these Cimmerians were* to what 
ethnic familj thej belonged, and whether they can be identified 
with any still eKi sting race* When these questions have been 
settled, it will be interesting to trace the history and migrations of 
a people which has an antiquity of above twenty-five hundred yeai-s, 
and has i^pread from the steppes of the Ukraine to the mountains of 
WaleB, 

2. To bnild an ethnographical theorj^ upon a mere identity of 
name is at all tiuies* it must be allowed, a dangerous proceeding. 
The Ja^yges of modem Hungary are a completely different race 
from the Jazyges Metnnastae who in ancient times occupied the 
very mme country; the Wends are distinct from the Veneti, the 
Persian Germanii from tlie Germans, the Iberi of Spain from tho«e 
of Georgia — yet still identity of name, even alone, is an ai^iraent 
which requires to be mot, and which, unle^^s met by positive objec- 
tions, establishes a presumption in favour of connexion of race. 
Now certainly there is the voiy closest possible resemblance between 
the Greek numo Kifi^ipwi and the Celtic Ct/nuy ; and the pre«nmp* 
tion thus rai:*ed* instead of having objections to combat, is in perfwt 
harmony with aU that enlight^^ned research teaches of the mofe* 
raents of the races which giadnaliy peopled Europe, 

3. The Cimmerians^ when the Scythians crossed the Tanafg, and 
fell upon them from the east^ must have graduaHy retreated west- 
ward. The hordes which from time to time have issued from Asia, 
and exerted a pressnrti upon the population of Europe, have uni 
formly driven the previous inhabitants before them in that direction,' 
Wave has followed wave : and the current, with the exception of an 
occ^oTial eddy,* has set contttantly frtjm east to west. If the Cim^ 
mcrians therefore fled westward about r,c, 650-600, where did they 
settle, and under what name are they next met with in history ? 
Herodotus knows but of three nations inhabiting central and western 
Europe — the Sigynnes,* the Cynetians,* and the Celts*' Of these 
the Sigynnes and Cynetiane, weak tribes who so soon disappear 
altogether from history, can fjcarcely be the great nation of the 
Cimmerii, which, imtil driven from the Ukraine by the fores© of th< 



I 



* See Sir H. "Rawlin&.'m'ii McmDir oa the 
BaJbjrLonian imd As^yriun Jniscriptioos in tibt! 
Jouniii of the Ajiiiitic Societj, voL liv* 
put i. p. xxi^t and DompArfl above, note ' 
on § 1. 

* Aix»rdi»g to resttis and Plntardi the 
niime **■ Cimbri," which wis aliAlI Kmi t^smi 
to identify wrHb Cinuaerti, in tie dd Celtic 
Hni Germnn tongueft metiut ** robbers ** 
(FbsL de Verb. Si^tf lii. p* 77, ** Cimbri 
Ungiii GallkA Utratifis dimintnr." Plut. 






vit« l^Lir. c. 11,, ^* Ki!^^pdUf iita»nfiA^9ii\ 
tfplfAif&\ T9\n Xj|irr<£i **). But this 
lag nrnjr h»Te grown out of Use other, jim 
jssr " robber " it oomwded wiUi ^* rorcr,*" 

7 See KklHihr'» Heiearcfae&, &g. p. 52. 

B Stich u tbo Cimmemn inroad tDts 
Asia b? the CauoidaVr aitd the aft«r wander- 
inp of the LifluU,. 

* Herod. V, 9. 

1 Ibid. iv. 4tl, 

a ail ii, 33, and it, 49, 




E^SSAY L 



IDENTITY OF CIMMERIANS AND CTMKY, 



153 



Scythian torrent, was wont to extend its ravngea over large tracts 

of Asjia Minor/ If tlien we are to find the (.'immerii, driven w^eat- 

wartl B,c. G5O-C0O, among the known nations of central or western 

Europe in bx\ 450-430, we must look for tliem among the Celts. 

Now the C*elta had an unvarying tradition that they came from tli© 

e^st;* and it is a fact, concerning which there can be no qneistion, 

that one of the main diTigioiis of tho Celtic people has always home 

the name of Cymry as its special national designation.* Celts were 

iitiilonbtedly the primitive inhabitants of Gaul, Boiginra, and the 

J^fitifeh Islands — possibly also of Spain and Portugal, Jn all these 

OCJUutrios CjTUry are fonnd either as the general Celtic population, 

or ]|g a leading section of it.' The«e Cymry, or (?imbri (as tho 

Womana called them ^), play on eeveml oceasiona an important pait 

J n iiiatory : notices of them meet mi constantly as we trace the pro- 

^5~refta of the European peoples ; and in more than one place they 

Ji^ve left their name in the country of their occupation as an 

t^tid Firing mark of their presence in it." Though the march of 

Itsvenia^ and especially the pressure upon thorn of the great Gothic 

^^^ i'entonic race^ has for the most part wiped out at once their 

^*itionality, their languiige, and their name, yet they continue to 

*<-»t*iti the fiuh-^tratuni of the population in several largo European 

**^Uritries;* while in certain favoured situatiuns they remain to the 

P'^^s^ut day unmixed with any other people, retaining their ancient 

*^^g^e unchanged, and. at least in one instance,'** their ancient 

*I*I>^llation. The identity of the Cyniry of Walea with the Cimbri 

*^* t.l].e Homans seems worthy of being accepted aa an hiatorio fact 



CelH«= 



Appendijf to B<dc L Em&j I ''On 
^ - ,PDoiogy liod Earl J HMArj of Lydia,** 

^»Tcliimi'» FhvEicfil Hbtorf of Mimkiad, 
^^^ *j'i. ch. 3; Amm. Mmnaiil* sv. 9. 
__ij^ iebolp-^fi condiuioa, from a a eliiborate 
of all the mfiterialft which can bo 
t lo bear cm ^ early history of the 

f^*- >» is, tJirtt "the two niitiQiift, the 
|v^*~^ and the Goel, may apprnprintely 
* ^^"^^alffiial uoiler the tmiinion oamc of 

K"l>ft Cdts of tlw S|Humli peaiDsola 

i ^^ tm hire bwa Cimbri, for, ^ i^ujbtihr 

Ai*** {t i. c), they formed tho bulk uf 

^ ^*iiU ivImi iQTarJed Italy, and theic tire 

■f|*^^y Mw) to have boeti of the Clmbric 

' ' fninkir, Sit-, v. m). The fidse 

^*i'f' ' ' •" " I -, aft also wel^ the 

ilU who were stip 

g^^iii t^,^ .^n.^ '.^i,i..M immigraal^ In 

jl ibi tbna ef Ciisiar*a laadingr ouLupied the 

f 8M!» [ml p. 426) and Tadtna (G«r- 
00H- 37) tpcnic «f the Cknhri aa G<nnao» ; 



^t this Ii probably a mistake^ OQinut 
^pao tbdi huldiog Large tracts cl>t in 



the 



llhiDe, whidi waa conaider^ to tjeparate 
(Jiitjl froai llermMJiy. Diodorua, who de- 
clares them f& bn^A been G^uIh or Celta^ 
ptobably foUowf the etfiellcnt authority of 
Poddociiiu («se Kicbu^u-'A Horn. Hist. vd. 
ij. p. 520, Dote 1157, K. T.)* Appion also 
ideDtifies ths Cimbri with the Uelts (Pe 
Bell. Illyr. p. 75B. KcArmt voh Klfx^poti 
KtyofAfVffts]'. The whole subject is i/vi;U 
disifuflsed by Dr. FriiJiartl (Physical Hist, 
of Mankmd, vol. iii. cb- 3, § B). 

* Wal€fl atill ooDtirjues to he known iia 
CamJfria^ and oii« of mtr northern anmties 
as CWm^er^laodt In France Catnbrai amd 
(poaiibly) QtrtVnper are a l^acy <if the 
Vymry. ^[tum bas a jsnmll tQwn, CitmbriiU^ 
and Portugal a dty, Coitj^a^ relk», pro- 
bftbly, ^ the mmt people, la lik« timimer 
tha Cimmefll Idl Ujdr natne to the Tatiria 
pefiinsuhi, which ium oobtinued to be knuwn 
AS the Crimea aekI LWrn-^Tartiiry to tlie 
present dny^ 

• Aa (Miehelet^ Hist- de FrancEj voU L 
cb, iii^) Frnnoe, Belgium^ and Lombtu^y, 

"* The Cymric Ungu/ige ra still spoken 
by the Brctoa* and by the Welsh. The 
latter mil tb^miielveA " Cymry," I am 
not aware If the oauie k ia lue among the 
foriner* 



IM TOTAL LOSS OF THE CIMMEHT AN LANGUAGE, App. TIook IV. 



upon tlie grounds stated by Niebiibr and Arnold," The higtorlcal 
connexion of these latter with the Cimmerii of Herodotne has strong 
probabilities^ and the opinion of PoBidonins,* in its favour; but can- 
riot, it must be admitted, in the strict sense of the word, be proved* 

4. It is to be regretted that we have no means of enbmitting the 
question of thia connexion to the test of comjjarative phildlogy. Of 
the Cimmerian language wc know absolntely notlilng beyond the 
single word Cimmerii, No names of Cim^merians e%'en, on which 
any reliance can bo placed,* hi*ve come down to us ; and although 
Bonio of the Scythian river-names, which have a clotie connexion vnt}% 
Celtic roots/ raay be conjectured to belong to Cimmerian rather than 
Soythic timeg, jet thin is only a surmiee ; and though an argument 
of some slight weighty a-s it accords with what we should have 
expected if the people driven out by tb© Scythe? were *-*elts, yet it is 
scarcely sufficient to put forward as » diatinet gi*onnd mi wliich to 
rest the identification. All perhaps that can be said ia tliat com- 
parative philology is not n/fversc to the identification, which^ if 
regarded as historically probable, would help to explain the forma- 
tion of certain words* whei'eof it would otherwise be difficult to^give 
a satisfactory account,* 

5. It is probable that when the Cimmerians fled westward before 
the Scyths,* they found the central and western countries of Europo 
either without inhabitants, or else very thinly peopled by a Tatar 
race. This race, where it existed, everj- where yielded to them^ 
and was gradually absorbed,* or else driven towaitb the north, ^ 
where it is found at the present day in the persons of the Firms^ 
Es^, and Lapps, The Cymry, or rather the Celtic hordes gene- 



I 

i 



»* Hist, of RoTTW, vd. u pp. 62l-52@, 

0ptKh$^ Kifi^f pious Tah% Ki^0pi}Ui ovQfia- 
ffdi^Ttip r«fv l^XK^tftev, Com pi re FJut* 
Vit. Mar^ c. lurmv S^ap&dpfifi't Kiftfitpttav 

* The nmae Lt^gditmiSf giren by Calli- 
fMcliUfl (Hymn- id Diaa, r. 2b2} m that 
of Che Cirnmarmn gioor^ who ii^Hdad tlw 
great kruptian into AmA Jjiiu^r, in m tDitni* 
i«stJf « Grti'k tmrnc tlwt nathfiig uin tie 
gjilbered frftrn it. Stra^jg's i/aJys (i. p. 91) 
mjgbt fbrsbh a hasia ibr £p«i ukiioa if we 
«HiUI be sure that he hjni not hj mvjt 
iDAdrerioDuc tni£),sfi>rred the tmine cif a Si^v- 
thJG iBailfir (Herod, i. 10!^) lo a prinoe of 
the CiiBini:riiuis. Madys might well lepre- 
acnt the Mudoc of the British OjuiTY. 

* A9 Il^an^ia wit la At^m^ 'I'afuj^is with 
BmoMf &c< See the follow ia^ Essay, 

* The Seythian river-iuimes &m mtida 
tip of distinct dement^ eiu-li feii^iifinj^ 
" river " or " w«ter " (lee tlie foUowmg 
Essay). It helps ii« to utiderstuiud . tk* 
JbttriAtjoD of snvh niuD^ to sappose thnt 
Ihe VymTj, conmig firsts caUod the fttre&zn% 
Avmi^ IHtiOM, &c*, which ivens their words 
far w&ter \ thmt Iht &cy th^ fisllowuig them. 



tdCkk t^se words to he pi^oper lumHs, and 
pnoeeeded t& jspook of udv stTBran an tlit 
'* Avoji-river" (JIt/pttn~i^\ of auollicr m 
the *' Ditiiis-river" ( jTcJiitf-w), Asc. Ftnallfr 
the Gre(?kBf bt^ring thwse uord^^ tot»k IJj* 
P»aks, Taurus, and the like tot the apfieU^i' 
tioa» <3f the streams. 

' I ha,Te eptjketi of this migraticm m Jm- 
loDging to tlie biter half of the »9vntli 
iX'utury Bh.g,, hut It nmj hare eotnmeiMiBl 
very much earlier, Tlie Cinuoerkfis, who 
iifta- maiDtaJning themtelyeB mmt &mddH- 
nbk time in the Taark CheraoEieie, were «l 
length driven across the ^tmit fot© A«k» 
woald prvbfibly l>e the lost to Imrc ihdr 
ctiuiiIrT' It is their invasioQ of Asm Miliar 
which fails iHEftween the yearft B.c, f>50 and 
GOO, 

' It is now gmtnUlj helkv t?d that thm* 
is a Ittrge Tatar luimijcture in tmmt Cdlac 
rckoBSni the eotuscqueDce of this ahsofpUtm^ 

^ It may likewise tiave hma m tort 
drivefl weftiifard* Tlie mysiiirioiis t^ne*- 
tiaoa of Book ii. di. 33 [dV also lip, 49), 
who dwelt w«at of the Celts, iimy have hem. 
a remmat of the primitive Tatar occupants^ 
Suvh loo may h»ve (xjen the llx'riima of the 
Spamah Pemiuiul&< 



EifiAY L 



MTGRATIOKS OF THE CIMMEHTANS. 



155 



rally (for in the name of Cimmerii may have been included m^ny 
Celtic tribes not of the Cymric branch), spread themeelves by 
dlej^ca over the vaat plttine of central Europe, lying between the 
Aijyti on the one sidei and the Baltic Sea and German Ocean on the 
other. It pmbably required a fresh impulsion from the east to 
propel the Celtw yet further westward, and to make them occupy the 
t^moter regions of Gaul, Spain^ and Britain, This impnkion seeraa 
to baTo been given b}" the Goths and other Tenttms, who by degreea 
po6sef^6ed themselves of the countries between the Danube and the 
BedtiOi The Celts found central and noiihem Gaul occupied by a 
Tatar population, while towards the south coast they came in con- 
tact wnth the Liguriana, most probably an IJlyrian race.^ In tlie 
Bpani&h peninsula it ib not quite ceilain whether on their arrival 
tney found Ibertana or no ; but if not, these latter must have shortly 
CTDgsed over from the African main^ and it was in consequence of 
the gradual pressure exerted by this people upon tlie Celts in Spain 
that the further migrations of the t'eltic tribes took place.* The 
ittruggle in Spun was probably of long dui*ation ; but at length the 
Cells were compelled to cross the ryreneea in vast numbers, and to 
eeek a refuge with their kinsmen in Gaul, These, however, were 
tbamselves too numerous and too closely packed to offer m*tre than 
a temporary asylum to the refugees, who consequently had to seek a 
permanent abode elsewhere. Hereupon they crossed the Alps into 
It^ly, and made themselves inaaters of the whole plain of the I'o ; 
after which they separated into two etreams, and overran, on the 
one hand, the whole of middle and lower Italy, even reaching Sicily, 
according to some accounts;* while, on the other hand, crossing the 
Alps tjQ the north of the Adriatic,' and following down the streams 
which run into the Danube, they spread over tho great centnd. 
European plain, the modem kingdom of Hungary, Here for a time 
they found ample room, and the torrent of emigration paused awhile 
upon its course ;* but a century later frcfch movementii of the Celtic 
tribes took place. About the 3^ear n.c. 280 vast hordes i>f Ganla 
Ciom tJiese regions entered Macedonia, and pressing towards the 
south threatened Greece with destntction, Kepulsed, ho\\*evor, 
from iJei phi, they returned northwards; and crossing the Dar^ 
dj&nelles, invaded Asia Minor, the whole of i^'hich for many yeara 
they ravaged at their pleasure,* In course of time the native inha- 
bitants recovered from them most of their conquests ; but the Gauls 
permaneutly maintained themselves in the heart of Phrygja, and 
gave their name to tho northern portion, which beeame known as 
Gahtia* They also, during this same period, carried their victorious 
anus into Scythia, and avenged themselves on their former con- 
querom, whom they subdued, and with whom they intermixed. 



fi» T.) csonnectB^ them with tliu Libiimiaiis 
«rf ihc9 Adrijitic, and ili&& with tbe V«ne- 
tlAisLt wha wer« lUjrj^uia according tu Bero- 

» Mklmlif'i nom. Hist. voL U. p. n20, 
£,. T* Tlie Ilefiniii Jire thought to rciiuiiD 




in the modfrc Eneqafs, 

1 Jnfitin- Tca. 5, 

' Part stayed between the Alps ttod the 
Adriatic (Scftiu;, Pffripl. p, 13)* 

* From those OelU tsime the ainl)«««doni 
to Ale^jDuidcrr (ArriJiiv E^p* Alci. i. 4). 

* Livy, xxxviii. 16. 



136 CELTIC DIALECl^S. App. Book IV. 

forming thereby the people known in history as Celto-Scythians.* 
At this period they waiTed wilh the Greek town of Olbia ;• and 
advanced as far as the MsBotis/ from which they had been driTen 
by the Sc^'ths five hundred years earlier. Here, however, they 
were met and overpowered by a movement of nations from the east 
The progress of the Sarmatic tribes commenced ; and the Celts fell 
back along the valley of the Danube, leaving traces of their presence 
in the names Wallachia and Gallicia' but everywhere sinking and 
disappearing before the antagonism of more powerful nations. In 
Eastern and Central Europe the Celtic race has been either absorbed 
or destroyed ; in the West, as has been observed already, it still 
remains. Northern Italy deserves its German appellation of WdHs^ 
land ; for neither the Koman nor the Lombard conquest, nor the 
ravages of Goths, Huns, or Vandals, ever rooted out the offspring ^ 
those Gallic hordes which settled in the plain of the Po four oex** 
turies before our era. France is still mainly Gallic. Borne inde^ 
imposed her language there as elsewhere, except in one remo** 
corner of the land, where the Celtic is still spoken ;• but the peop^® 
continued Gauls^ and the country Gallia, llie Teutonic wm3^ 
Franks, Normans, Burgundians, caused the name of Gaul to di^" 
appear.; but the conquerors, as a race, were absorbed among O^^ 
conquered. In the British Mands, the Anglo-Saxon Teutons, ^^ 
their earlier conquests, displaced the Cymry, and drove them beyo«»** 
their borders ; but these last maintained themselves in varioU* 

places — in Cornwall, Wales, the Scotch Highlands, and Ireland 

until the inauguration of a new policy. When the Cymry of Wal^* 
and Cornwall, the Gaels in Scotland, and the Erse in Ireland, waJ^ 
mitted to Anglo- Saxon supremacy, they retained their lands, thei^ 
language, and even their namo.^ Amalgamation of race has fm<^ 
been effected to a certain extent ; but still in many parts of \Val^^» 
Scotland, and Ireland, the mass of the population is mainly ^^ 
entirely Celtic. Four Celtic dialects-^ the Manx, the Gaelic, ^3^^ 
Erse, and the Welsh*— are spoken in our coimtry; and the pa^* 
Celtic type survives alike in the Bretons, the Welsh, the nati^^^ 
Irish, the people of the Isle of Man, and the Scottish Highlanders^ 
of whom the two former represent the Cimbric, and the three latt^ ^ 
the non-Cimbric branch of the nation. 



) 



• Strabo, i. p. 48. tions," § 3 ; and Michelet's «« Histoire d^^ 

• See the Inscription of Protogenea, edited France," vol. i. pp. 139-143. 

by Kohler. i Cornwall was the country of the Cnn- 

7 Strabo, vii. p. 425. Walli, or Welsh of the Horn. A CWtic 

' The modern Wallachs and Gallicians dialect was spoken in Cornwall till Ute in 

may not indeed be descendants of the ancient the last century. 

Oauls ; but the names can siraroely have come ^ xhe Welsh is akin to the Breton and 
from any other soun.*. The theory which the Cbrnish dialects ; the Gallic and the 
would derive them from the old German Erse, which are closely allied, difler con- 
use of walschen^ walli^ for ''strangers, siderably from the three first-mentioned. In 
tbreigners," is somewhat fanciful. the former we have the Cimbric, in the 

• Brittany. See Prichard's ** Celtic Na- latter tlie more ordinary Celtic tongue. 



ESSAT IL 



ETHNOGBAPHY OF I'HE SCTTHS. 



157 



ESSAY II. 



ON THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE EUROPEAN SCTTHS, 

1« Suppoied Ifongoltan origin of tho Scy tha — groundi of the dpinion iwofald, 
3. BeaambiftDC^c^f pbjftici^l chsiracterifltics. flligtit. 3« Eaa^mblaocftof maotiera 
and cuatoma, nol cki«e. 4. True teat, that of taogriage. 5, Po&aibiljtj 6i 
Applvitig it* 6. The application — Etymology of Scytliic common temd^ 
7. EsplMiAtiot] of tl]« tiami^a of the Scythian goda. 8. Explanaiioo of some 
unmeB of muD. B. Ezpkimtion of geographk&l namefl. 10, E««uit| that 
th« ScjtblouA of Herodotufl were ad Indc^Europeon r&a^. 11. Furthi^ ra* 
EuH} that th0j were a ftidinci race, not Slaves, nor Celts, nor Teutons ; and 
that thej are n&w extinct. 

1, A LAKQE number of tb© best scholars of GermaDy/ among tbem 
the gtieat hiHtoriaii NiebtiLr,* have maintained that tbe Scythians of 
Herodotus were a Tatiir or MongoHan race, the earliest specimen 
known to iis of tb»t powerful people which, under the name of 
Huns, Bnlgarians, Magyars, and Tnrks, has so often cariied dcsola^ 
tion over Europe, and which in Asia, as Mongols, Calmuekw, 
Eleiithftt Khir^s, Nogais, Trircomen, TbibetianH, and (perhaps) 
Chineee, extends from the steppes of the Don to the coaats of tbe 
Yellow Sea. Thk opinion has also been adopted bj the most 
emtnent of our own historian!^,' who regard it as certain, or at least 
aft most highly probable, that the Soythians of IlerodotuB were a 
Mcmgoi nation. 

Hie gronnds upon which the opinion rests are twofold : first, it is 
mainiained ihat iho phj-Bical characteristics of tho Scythians, as 
recorded by Hippocrates (who himself visited Scythia), are such as 
to place it beyond a doubt that tho people ko described belong to 
the Mongolian family i and, second ly^ it is contended that snch an 
identify of manners and customs can be made out as would alone 
unftiee to piove the same point, 

2. The description of Hippocrates, on which reliance ie placed, 
is the following : " Their bt.)dios»" tiays the great physician, *' are 
gross and fleshy; the joints are loose and yielding; the holly 
flabby; they have hut little hair, and tliey all closely' resemble one 
another,"* *' This,** Kiebuhr observes, '' is a picture of the native 
tribes of Northeni Asia, for whom there is no more suitable name 



' A 8 Boarkh fCtir|mfi InHtrip. Gr, liit«>- 
dodt. jwi loscHpt. ^nrmat. jwir» iL p. 8lj, 
l^idullirik fSLTvidi'h^p AUerlhiiuicr, tuL I. 
xiil, ^u anrj iiiisk (.Suml. ^Ihatiiil. i. SIH). 

^ See huf '' Unterfnchtuigen iibin' die Gf^ 
■cliklMs der f^krtlim, Gete», tind Soitnaten/' 
pnblittbiid in ili« " Kleiue t!Mjirilfteti," p^ ot)^, 
vodL cumutte lb? ** Vui tmge iiber vXXv Gc* 
»aikbte - (toLi. p. 179). 

* Thirl i*«dl, History of Gwcc^ toI. ii. 



eh, xir. p. 2t9| Sro, f>diti*iQ : Orate, Hi^tj , 
of Greets J Vt^l. fri, p. 3*!'i» 2nti H. 

* *' T^ ff^ca uhrM¥ irii,xta iiiri irol irv-p- 
ftiJ^Bf a, Hal kpQ^ ifal iry^ «tal liToi^ aT 

^€X^v sal f^th^y if^i* ffdpKu, rd %€ ^ISfa 

Ap&tiTis/^ Hat rk B^Kta T^ri fi^Xf iriy." fJe 
Api^f Aquut H Lodis, c, (1,, p. ^Q^^ cd. 
Kiiha* 



158 SUPPOSED CONNEXION WFTH THE MONGOLS. App. BoarV". 

than that of MongM'* The doRcription of Hippocrates, howevax", 
does not very closely resemble the accounts which travellers giv'^ 
either of the strictly Mongolian, or of the cognate Turkish or Tat^ui 
race. Dr. Prichard, in his Natural History of Man, selects tla^ 
following as the most accurate description of the Mongols whieSi 
had como to his knowledge. *' The Kalmucks (Mongols) are gen^^- 
rally of a moderate height We find them rather small than laigi^- 
Tliey are voell made ; and I do not remember to have seen a defonne»<i 
person. They entirely abandon their chQdren to nature; henc?e 
they are all healthy, and have their bodies voell praportioned. Th&y 
are generally slender arid delicate in their limbs and figure. J nexxr hkm^ 
a single man among them who was vergfatJ*** It is evident that thi« 
description contrasts remarkably with that of Hippocrates, 8ix<i 
indeed in nothing do the Mongols of the present day appear to r^^ 
semble the ancient Scj^'thians, except in the scantiness of hair'a&^ 
the general likeness of individuals to one another.* 

The account given by eye-witnesses of the physical peculiarities 
of the nomadic Ihirkish tribes more nearly approaches to the ancieot 
Scythic type. Dr. Prichard thus describes them: — *'In statnro 
they are under the middle size ; of a kyl numbering seven men, tb« 
tallest was 5 feet 5^ inches in height. Their countenance is dis* 
agreeable .... their cheeks, large and bloated, look as if piw?* 
of flesh had been daubed upon them ; a slender beard covers thci^ 
chin, and in those individuals who have more luxuriant hair tho . 
beard has a natural curl, llioir persons are not muscular.*** StiU 
even here there is no such exact confomiit}'' as would warrant us i© 
assuming the identity of the two races. 

Mr. Groto, who adopts the theory of Niebuhr, confesses th** 
many nomadic hordes, whom no one would refer to the same rac©* 
ma}' have exhibited an analogy of characteristics equal to that be- 
tween the Scythians and Mongols.' And indeed it is manifest th»* 
the chief points of the analogy are such as extend to a vast numh^ 
of unconnected tribes. Scantiness of hair is common to the Ka^' 
Kchatkans," the Samoieides,* the Chinese,* the Mexicans,* and ^* 
American nations generally ; * while the absence of discriminati'!' 
features among the individuals of the race appears to mark a ceft^^^ 
low condition of civilisation and of national development ratl*^ 
than any special ethnic "variety.' It would seem therefoi-e that ^ 

• Untersuchungen, &c., p. 46, Englisli " and you pa'nt the whole nation.** -^^ 
trnn<tlatioD. he relates an tuiecdote of the Calmuck jiS^ 

• Physical History of Man, p. 215. Tlie Tumone, who, growing tired of sitting tot* 
passage is quoted by Dr. Prichard from the artist for his (wrtrait, hiid it finished fioBi 
writings of the traveller Pallas. one of his attendants. The picture wti & 

f Pallas notices that the " eyebrows are striking likeness. (Travels, 1. s. c.) 
black omd scanty" (Prichard, 1. s. c.:. De * Physical History, pp. 210, 211. Dr. 

Hell says, ** The Kalmucks have eyes set Prichard quotes fiom the travels of Lwn- 

obliquely, with cyoliils little opened, scanty teiumt Wood. 

black etfthrow^ noses deeply depit>sed near * History of (Greece, vol. iii. p. 322, note', 

the forehi'ad, pn»minent clieek-boues, s/wu-e ' Prichard, p. 223. ^ jj^jj ^^ .j.jr^^ 

beards, titin moustacJu's^ and a brownish- * Ibid. p. 2;i2. * Ibid. p. 37 J. 

yelh.w ikin." (Travels, ch. xxv. p. 242, • Ibid. p. 98. 

K. T.) ' Nations in the s:ivage, like animiU -n 

• "Paint one individual," says De Hell, the wild state, are devoid of any stiikiLg 



SAT n. BESEBfBLANCE OF MANNERS ANB CtrSTOICS. 



supposed resembl&DCe of the picture drawn by nippocrates to the 
present characteristics of the Mojigolfi, is a very insufficient ground 
for prt^simiing the ethnic identity of the two races, 

8, The remaining ground on which the opinion rests, the closo 
resamblance of the Scythian manners and cuistf^ms, as dciiscrihed by 
Hippocrates and FlerodotuB, to the known habits of the Mongols , 
poaeees^a (it must be confessed) very consideimble claims upon our 
attention. The adoration of the Bcyraitar* the ceremonies at the 
funeml of a king," the use of burning as a remedy/ the production 
of intoJticHtion by placing hemp seed8 upon red-hot stones/ the use 
of mare*s milk/ the general filthincss/^all these are features 
thoroughly Mongolian/ and some of them are bo strange and 
peculiar as to indicate at least connexion, if not absolute identity. 
Humbiijldtt %vho rcvjectsthe ethnic affinity of the fScyths and Mongols, 
nevertheless observes that the ** cruelties practised at the funeral of 
the grand khans of the Mongols bear a c&nifdete j^immblance to those 
which Herodotus describes as obtaining among the Seyths of the 
^ ysthenes ; *' * and M, Hue bears witness to the continuance of 
sfmilar customs to tbe present day/ And the worship of fhe naked 
ecymitarj another most remarkable custom, very strongly indicative 
of a connexion of one kind or another between the races practising 
j(^ was certainly in use among the Huns (who were true Mongols) 
in the days of Attila,* Identity of race, however, is not proved by 
vimilarity of manners and customs, even when it extends much 
further than can be shown in this in^stance. Nations, especiRlly 
those which are in immediate contact with one another, adopt each 
other's usages ; and if the Mongolians, as is probable, absorbed the 
ancient race of the Scyths at the time of their great migration west^ 
ward/ they may well have begun the practice of cei-^n Sc^ihic 
cmatomB at that period. At any rate, however we may account for 
tli0 resemhlanee which undoubtedly exists between the manners 



tadiTidilJil difermoes. Where the life h the 
wamt far ftll* and no TOJktj of ej^terni^l in* 
ittMaui** csih ibrth raHaiis poMer» and qua- 
BtkB in the wuli^Qt being, n sameiif^u per- 
ihIb tbecLwa* (Sw Huskin's 5hMkrn Va'mi- 
0», ToL ii, p. 104:1,) N<^roes, CjUHo^, 
£flqiiJiDH[i^, Cidmyt'ks, Busbmen, hnrc the 
pecDlmhtj in umuuoti. tCreu ajnoni^ tbe 
Anbbc of tiie Dasft (» Bff kif her type of 
kamanity) lb« «uo0 itot U nntlcied- ** 1 was 
■ov," fay^ the gify«tl iutbor of l">oth«ia, 
^vniMig^ thie true Uecktiins: aimost ct^tfty 
mv^ihk race ck'sdi/tesetFthlea his brethrffn, 
■biiivl freiy nuui has large and iinelj formed 
Umiam, Itc/* iCli. nvii. p. 180, 3th ed.) 

* U«70t). iv, 62*, LwasoL, Toxar. xxltuu 
(toL ifi p. 101) 

* HtFttul, iv. 71, 

^ Hippucftit* Eh? A^re, Aqni, «t LocU, c 
47 > 561), cd. Kiihn), 
< Herod, ir. 75. 

* J Ilia* cb, 2 ; EpL Fr, 76 j Nic Diim. 



* Herod, iv. 75. 

47. E. T. "^ 

^ ^*hm cmtnt^ Ion de ]a pompe fun^ht^ 
4«s gmnd^khaaa rt^gerr^letd enU^r^nent k 
cd\«a que noiw troaToiiii dL^ritfid par Hero- 
dnte .... chez ]m Siythes du GerrhiiGet dii 
Boipthent" Asie Cotttmle, vol. i. p. 244, 
7 SiMt note * to Book iv. ch, 71^ where the 
pit»»igi* h quoted nt length. Aa, however, 
vu;st'>mn veri^ jdinilar are found in Southern 
Africn lUid in Patagonia, it h pliiiu (hat 
iimiljuitj in thid ri^iect doe^i not; prove cnu* 
Dciion, Mr. BIake«l«y well ohsmrves (note 
205 on Book iv.) that *^ smh proceedings 
were not roeHjr ft traditiomil CLi^rtom, l>nt 
rested on that common feeling of huouuuij 
which ikscribw to the de^Mrted similar tjiiftes 
and punfuitfl to those which hnvetma} ralued 
bj them in their lifetime."' 

'^ Jomandes de Ki-bui (jetica, c; 35< 

* About A.D. 1235.1245, See Gihbon*« 
Decline ant) Fall, voL vi, lii. fi4. 



160 SCYTmAN LANGUAGE INDO-EUROPEAN. App.BooiIV. 

and customs of Iho Mongols and the Scyths, it is decidedly (as Mr. 
Groto confesses *) inHiifficient to establish a real ethnic connexion. 

4. One thing only will enable us to decide the ethnographicil 
position of the ancient Scy thic people, and that is their laigMO^ 
It is only by an accurate analysis of the remains of the aDcient 
Scy thic speech which have cume down to us that any salisfactoiy 
conclusion can be drawn. 

And this also is confessed by Mr. Grote. " To enable ns to 
affirm/' he observes, " that the MajsstigetsB, or the Scythians, « 
the Alani, belonged to the Indo-Kuropean family, it would be re- 
quisite that we should know something of their language."* Bat, 
he maintains, ** the Scythian language may be said to be wholly ! 
unknown " to us, and therefore this test cannot be applied in tl» I 
present instance. " A very few words " have indeed been bron^ i 
to our knowledge; but thcbe, he thinks, "do not tend to aid the ! 
Indo-European hypothesis." i 

5. It is the opinion, however, of the best comparative philolo- i 
gists • that the fragments of the Scythic language which remain to | 
us are ami)ly sufficient to determine the family of nations to whick ' 
the people who Kjx)ke it must have belonged. Dr. Donaldson ii 
his * Varnmianus,* * and more recently Jacob Grimm, in his * Hintoiy 
of the German Language,* * have shown by an elaborate examination 
of Scythic roots that there are the strongest grounds for believing 
the Scytliians of Herodotus to have been an Indo-European people. 
As the weight of this argument depends entirely on the number 
and character of the instances, and as independently of their valoe 
in determining the question of ethnography, speculations upon the 
language of an ancient nation possess intrinsically a high interest, 
the following analysis of Scythic words, drawn chiefly from the 
two writers above mentioned, is appended as sufficient evidence of 
tlie positicm here maintained, viz., that the Scythians of Herodotus 
belonged ethnically to the Indo-European, and not to the Mongolian 
family of nations. 

6. The Scytliic words of which the meaning is certainly kno^ 
to us are the following : Oior, jnita^ an'ma, spu, temerinda^ graucof^ 
examfHVtus, hrirnfm, jthn/j^Uy araxa, fialinda, and sacnum or satrw^ 
These will be first considered. 

Oior,'' ** a man," is undoubtedly the Sanscrit ?mi, the Zend vairfi* 
the Greek Yi'ipior, the Latin vir, Gothic vair, Celtic r/w/\ Lithuanian 
\\'/ras. It niay l)e connected likewise with the ancient Persian ari|,'a, 
which primarily signified '' men," ** heroes," and thence was 
adopted as an ethnic appellative by the great Medo-Bactric or 
Arian race/ 

J'litd,^ ** to kill," is j)robal)ly the Sanscrit vadha, ** to strike, kill, 

Mlistorv of (ircHH-o, vol. iii. p. o'Jl, note, * (Jrschichle der Douts^-hen Spra^^ht, 

2 Ibid. lis. r. I.eip/.ij;, ls4S. 

^ To tlicnann-s nn^ntioiU'd in tlu- tnxt ni.iy ** II<;n><!. iv. 110. oihp yap kclK^oucitU 

\yo iiMvil thiit of thi' late hmionUMl Dr. Tri- &ySpa {'XKvBai). 

thf'H. l*rol'«SM)r of Mo<i(Mn Ljuifruajr^-s in the ' S<h' Sir II. IJa\vlin<on's Ancient Pencai 

Tnivcrsity <»t' Oxl'onl, who privately ex- V<v:ibulaiy, Mil) vnc yl/i"ya, note '. 

pre"?*^! to m" the same conviction. " Horod. iv. 110. rh irarci ffTciVcv «• 

* Pp. 30-40. \iovffi SicJj^cu). 



tiT n. 



ANALYSTS OP SCYTHIC WOItDS. 



161 



tiroy;*' for the Scj'thiaii language, as iy pi aio from tb© T/wsmo* 

w^iimism of Aristophanes^ affected the leniy in the place of the 

a»Jt:^ imte. It may aba be oompiAred with the Latin '* balmre*^ and so 

^^i t.li our verbs *' to beat," " to batter ;" perhaps also with ** to pat" 

^B ^-?^/imap* ** one/* would eeem to be for Fapt^a, a form almost idea- 

^^^^^^] with the Latin^ Gothic, and Lithuanian ordinals^ prhmis, ft^ma^ 

Hfc&"'*y*i, and connected with the Sanscrit praihwnd, Zend frafJtetfuir 

^T}i~^«fc irpwri>c- Th^ initial sound may have been dropped by Hero- 

do't^dg^ because in his time the Greeks bad no letter to express it ; 

Q^ i* may have been absent from the Scythic word just as it is from 

th^ old High German et-ister and the modem German er^t^ which are 

ne '^r ^rtheleae id e n tioal wi th the G oth ic frumist and ou r Jir^t, * 

I ^^*i* *^ the eye," is manifestly cognate to the Latin spic- or sjfwc-, 

I tb^ root of the words spedo, specto^ specidov, aspicio^ <fec., and may be 

caKK&pLred with the German spdhsn^ French tfpinr ije^ier)^ and our 

^Imterinda^* *' mother of the sea/* is a compoimd word, the analysis 
of ^^rhioh is nn certain* It is probable that the ending -inda is a mere 
fetninine termimition, which is found again in hat inda,* and has a 
I»*rallel in the Anglo-Saxon termination -ende, which appears occa- 
ftic^tially in the later period of that language/ If then we are to. 
eeeV for ** mother of the sea *' in Terner, it may be conjectured that 
Ti ^was ''mother" in Scythicj and msr "sea/' Te would then 
lesemble the gipsy dei^ dai, and the Greek 5e/a, "aunt/'* and nier 
^t»^ld be the Latin tTiare^ German meer^ French m«r, our mere or 



GraucastmJ ** white with snow/' was the name by which the 
^Fthians knew the Caucasus, and may be regarded as the tme 
mgiual of that word* There can be little doubt that the Graa here 
^ the Greek upv- in icpvof;, kpv<rrak\oc^ icpypot, whence perhaps the 
L*^li crfi*jr\ critdelis, the German gratM^ grawsam, our crtid, 6^c. ; and 
•^ by the change of r into 4 the Latin gdti, f/hcies ; Germ, hait ; 
o^r cW, oiW. It wiU therefore me4*n " snow/' and fxmns will he the 
""^rtliio word for*' white/* Compare with this latter the Sanscrit 
^<^^* Greek Kahapofi^ Latin castus^ canns^ caiiduiu^^ perhaps the Oscau 
***^«r, and the Gei-man kemvL 

^^f^tmipmisj' '* holy roads/' the name, according to Herodotus, of a 
bittef epring near the Hypanis, divides probably into the two roo*s 
**|^ or hexan, and pai or pai'i^ the former of which may be connected 
^illk tji^ Sanscrit accha, which (according to Grimm) is the Greek 

^^*?e Bopp^fi Comparative iirAmmarf voL 
^ ^*» ^^ fJClSglislj trannbticm), 

^tiDu Hist. Kii. ri, 7, " MmAm 
\^Vhi:] T«xn«nDila [vocant], ^\iti *igniii- 
isuit !})aLrr;m marts.'* 

^ ttie next pB^ 
* <*nnuti qiiDtia frum sn ADgla^SaxoD^ocni- 
ffrtt of Ivter tiaxBi tlM formuLii ** on laDd 



rifjtte. (Gescbfchte* vttK i. p. 2^, note.) 

* It JA pofljsihle that T«f tnajr be the finul 
ijLlnble of fxiamfp, Sncisu, tadta^ iDitiid 
sjrlUbls sotdctim^Si th<iugh mrely^ dkap- 
peaj. Ctrnijuire yd-ktMitT^tt Iflc — av-^UDCu- 
liiA, oDclOf utuile — ca-put, pale, &c, 

' PUfl. Hist. Nat. \± 17. "Stythff Cbti* 
c£i.^uni moaf^m, (jnincasnm, i.e. oi™ (an- 
didqm [appelkvcTc.y* 

* H^erod. iv. S2* OfJro^ 3i r^ ic^*» 
irah M(}' ^<«fi T^ X^Pf^ 'Elapre^at^ JTorA 



162 



NAMES OF GODS, ETC. 



Apf, Book ^ 



i 



tyifi and the Latin sacra ; while the latter is manifeetly the Sansci^iS 
piiiha^ Greek Trtiroci German pfadi and our own patfL* 

Brij:iiba,^ **a ram's forehead/' seenia to be composed of brLt^ ** 
ntm,^^ and a^m^ '^ the head or forehead." Brir appears in the L^^^t 

berbex or twrt^far^ Italian btirbke^ Proven<jal beHfitz^ French ftivios*. A 

18 caput (Sanscrit kapda^ German haa^^t)^ without the initial guttu a 

which is lost also in haUttda =s '* catdvt*' 

Phf^j:a* ** hater of evil,** compared with araxa, ** hater of d _ at, 
Bcls" gives J?aas the verh *" to hi^te/' and phn/ or phru as ** e^^^//. 
Xa is compared hj Dr. Donaldson with the German seheu* (onr ^^^^j 
but thiis identification i» a very doubtful one. Phru may with ic^^tj/^ 
GonMence be connected with the Latin pratris, and the Gerv-v^ 
frevd^ frevler, 

Araxa,* ** hater of damsels,^* contains the roots xa, ** t^^ hafe/' ^sd 
aru^ *^ a maiden." This* latter word appears in the Greek *Apr*///f, 
Etruscan Ari-timis^ the virgin goddess* It ixjcure also in the ScyiMc 
name for Celestial Venus, Arfimjmsa. 

Balinda^^ " a species of cabbage,'* may be the Latin e^iulk (our 
'* *xi^y/^ flower "), the initial guttural having bocome an jwipirat^, iukI 
the feminine suffix -itida (compare Tmimifidu) having taken the place 
• of the Latin -u. 

Satfium* ^* amber/* if it may he read for sacriitjfi^ will be the Let- 
tish sihters, or dsinter^i which ia the Lithuanian giutariis or ^ttarm^ 
and the Kus^ian jantar** 

In addition to tbese words with determined meanings we poaieffi 
a number of Scythian appellations, the probable meaning of whicJi 
may to some extent be surmised^ These likewise tend to hear oQt 
the Indo-European theory. They may be divided into (1), names 
of gods ; (2)^ names of men ; (3), geographical names. 

7* The names of the bcythian gods, according to Herodotui, are 
the fallowing: — Tahiti, Papasua^ Apia^ Oitosyrus, Artimpasa^ and 
Thaminirtsadas. These he identifier respectively with tlie Greeiaii 
Vesta^ Jupitor, Eaith, Apollo, Aphrodite^ and PoBeidon/ ' 



I 



iipitor, i!Jaitfi, ApoUo, Aptiroclitei and rose) don/ ' M 

Tahiti (Vefcta), th^ firegoildes^, derived her name apparently fromm 



the root tap, '* to bum," which is found both in Sanscrit and Zend 
and which nins' through a vast number of the Indu-European Inn- 
guages, forming tep-idm, tq>-<^re^ in Latin, tepl^ in Bohemian, dtptt/ in 
Folish, tqftea and tdbau in Persian, ^dTr-Tttv ('fvfi 3ttTrrf*i, Horn.) ill 
Greek, and so ra^*(jc, and also rt^pa, ''' cinis.''^ 

Faptsm (Zens, or Jupiter) w^a« the fattier of gods and men, as 
Herodotus plainly indicates/ The root pa^ or pi', w*ith or without 



* It may be doubled whether IlejcenpffMij 
** witdnw* pftUit" be not the tru^r imdiiig 
t»F the Sojtlilc Ejmrnp(tui. {CL Hitter's 
\'nrhnl]e^ |>. S45; Ikioald&ou'^ Varrofti* 
mu», f, 39 ; Bikr ad Berwl. iv, 52.) But 
ffese itwlf (SpatiUi]] hechuera,tmf ** hag*') 
is perhape only a \^AriaDt of tiie aam^s luot* 
CC-, 3rt<v, ay-, fignifjiiig priaiwilj a saa'txt 
pi'rsJoxi p 

■ PhUrvh, M. p, 1L5S^ 

sibid 



^ Varroiimiiti&, 1. s^ (^ 
< liiLtJinJi, li. p. Uti2, 

* Ibid. p. 1158, 

* riiiK Hist Nflt. xxtviL 2. Schsdkik |!i«- j 
poesed thift resdJtig, uid Gnmni apfirOTW dTK 

T Herud. iv. hVi. 

' Thiii a Uae meaning of bis renmrk, \ 
** Jupiter IN called nrri/ prvptrly an kiijti40 * 

rf^^r V I'll parti*/" iv. 59. Compar* ikm or- 
ditiar}' Gmk addrcsb to the Sopreoie Bekg^ 



BAT 11. 



NAMES OF GODS. 



e suffix t>er^ tri^ expresses the paternal relationship in almost all 
the Indo-European tongties;* The reduplicated fonu Ftificnts is 
Ifieely akin to FapiiLs and Fapas, titles under which the eupreme 
■^Go*! waji worship|Ted in Asia Minor in very early times, ^ and 
appears likewise in the Phrygian BAB a,' the Greek irair^fic^ the Latin 
fiapa, German Pupst^ our " pope," and again in the familiar papa of 
m many modem Ian callages. 

ApHj (Earth) would seem to be nothing hut another form of the 
Latin fjjjs ( Opii\ who is identical with Rhea or Tellus. Apis^ Opi^^ 
jlpii, were forms common to the eiuiy Greek and Italian nationn, 
and ^signified ** earthy land, country." Hence Mess-apia, Dry-opia, 
/^, ; and the many nanies of tribes ending in -ofm, Dolopes, Slero- 
jea, Cecropes^ and the like. Hence also iJbe old name Apia fur the 
I*eloponnt?tfi% derived afterwards from the mythic king ApiB.* 

Oito!<yrm (Apollo) appeal'?* to he a cuiopoiind word, formed of the 
mo cdements mtii, and sifni^ or sttrits. About the meaning of the 
atter term there can be little doubt. It is plainly the Sanscrit 
^^a, **tbe mm," Tlie other element may connect eitlier with the 
•tin vita and Greek alffct, or, perhaps better, with ttlBoQ, at^wv, 
mtrum^ loeiss, " white/' The word will thus mean *' the bright 
shining sun/^ 

ArtimiHmi (Urania, or Celestial Yetiu«) is the most obficnre of all 
the names of the Scythian deities. It is not even certain what 
attributes Hertvdotus intended to assign to her. If she was» as is 
pro])(ible/ the Moon, we may compare the title with the Greek 
*Apr€pg. in which the root ara^ *'a vu'gin/* js to be recognlKed. 
Hift remainder of the word has aa yet received no iatifcfactory 
«xplajiation. 

Tknnirfiasailas (roseidon, or Neptune), ** the Water God/' is a 
i>*cife which may be anulyised, with an approach to certainty, into 
«* two parts lliarni and masadm. Of theiiie the former, Thumi, would 
*>'*Ja to be the Tern^ of Pliny^s Temerinda^ which has been already 
•^Wned, and which may 'well have been a general designation for 
**•* and rivers,* Tho latter, fmsada^, occurs in the royal title, 



**" ^tp^ Lai. -Ta-pitPrj Dift^-piter ; iwd 
~* BomiMic irsT^p ivSpter Tf dt^t^ rt ■ 

■■^ JlfitUi^ Miei quQti^d bjijt, Paai, roi li. e. 



S«atT, piiA^ p*^'*; AndeDt Puieian, 
f^* fWk, wwHjp; iM'in^ pater ; liiiliam 

*^b ^ Asia Miaor, p» 20) gix^ ah i&- 
J'^PNi whidi he fbuud in A sin Minor, nenr 
JjWu, iMitsot^ to FApias ibe iavioar 
■™*JllAdI 20THPI). Armn ^ap. Eustat. 
" *-^'^. 4:^9 I mt!Diiuried tixal Jupiter was 
•*^|>I»il mi'ht the tiaDoe of Papas in 

!^ liw Phryguin iDSCripLiois on the 
f^^ knnii of illiiai Dtwr Dog^inlu (Buprvt 
v^j-p. 547). Bab A 3ppaiir& ther« ai^ a 
^ cl' Ibouuur borne bj iLe pt^non who 



erttL'ted the DioDunwiit, Popa^ axxin in 
this setuie in other Astatic inschplioni^^ (Se# 
pDCDLke's libi. Ant. ch. ii. § B^ p. 1%) 
a vfi^byl. SuivpL 235-2tJ5 (ed. Sdujlef,). 

* Tilt Aiiila at Alikt of the AmWaua, 
wHom HercMjotu« (i. 131 ; iU. t§) IdentUka 
with Uraiiiai in though I to hnv? be«tt thu 
Moon by wmm of the be»t authorities. (^^ 
boehoj't'i Phalcg, ii. 19* aodi Spdi>ii d« Dili 
i>yns, ii. 2j 

* Terrwr^ or Truw, if it tnennt " mother 
of the nesi,*' maj ea&ily have fiinne to U' ap- 
Itlmi wMJdj to rivers ant! to bJies at their 
niouthii (Herod, iv. Hla\ Rivetn were ofUll 
Jociked on in this light. (Cf. istmbo^ t, p. 
214 ^ aii{i fpee Grimm *a Ge»chicht« dcr I)«ut^ 
*chen Spradi?, p. 2M^) Hence perhaps the 

riirvi-< Ari« and Tima^vti* of the amdtntSi the 
ktter of whith, Stxabo espTVsdf vifs J. «. c.)| 
wai regiardRi bj the dweLlert oo itd hanifM m 

M 2 



164 



KAMBS OF MEN. 



Act. Booil 



Oc^O'^nasadm* and may be identiiied witb the -mas-das (aucient Te^ 
^mazdd) of the Arian god Oromasdes (AuranmztM). EtyiaologiaJlT 
namias &e^ms ho mean '* great giver ;*' ' but it probably pos^ »t a* 
early tita© into the more general sense of *' gw.** Thu8 ThauuflW^ 
sadas would be, as stated above, '* the Water-God/* or more faily 
and lifcTally. ** the great Giver of lakes and streams/* 

8, The Scythian names of men are these : Spargapitbea, Am- 
pithes, Octamasadas, IdanthyrsuB, Anaeharsis, Taxacb, SouUiifi* 
Lye us, Gnurus, Scylas, Scopasis, Scylopitaa, Oricus : — to whitl* 
perhaps should be added the mythic personages Tar gi tans, Liponu*- 
Arpoxais^ and Colaxais- Among these there are two or three vht^ 
present very palpiible etymologies- 

SpargapUfm {or Spar-ffapise!^'') is probably the Sansctit Svarfjispt^* 
'* lord of heaven/* a dtle of the god Indra in the Vedas, and hm^ 
Tve obtain a clue to the name of Ariapithes (whiob may be comptr^ 
with, the Persian namOiJ At-iaramnes, Armnmrdus^ J na^^gjka, afii "J 
like)» formed probably from the two roots ari^a^ originally ** manl^ 
and thence ^"^ noble, excellent," and pati^ **lord/* as in the prece^li^' 
In Octamastuias the root fnazdm recurs, of which an accoimt bajt^*^ 
given ; and in Idanth-yririi5, Anach-arjtJs, we seem to have tke P^^ 
sian (and Armenian) Arses^ which appears as the initial element ^ 
the names Arsames and ^r«K^, and occurs aa a final in the old P<^^ 
aian Khsiiuy-dnhu (Xerxes), and in Dad-arse^, a general of J)aii^ 
The root arses (in Persian arshiish^ or arsha) is clearly the same T^i 
the Sanscrit drsha^ " venerable ;" while in Anach- we can hardier f*B 
to recognise the Persian ticuja^ and Greek apnL The remaiui»? 
names do not admit of any very distinct identification, i^om^ 
Li/ctis, 8c^!as, SauUus, are Greek in their geneial character. ^ OtbtiTs 
(^Lipoxak^ Arpoj;ai^j Cottjjxiis) have a Sla%^onic look* In the Sa^*^ 
of Justin the root patt may a^^xin be recognised ; and if in the fi^* 
part of the word we may consider that we have the national ajipclw^ 
tion Scolo-ti^ the term would be e<iuivalent to '* king of the Scoloti ^ 
ficyths ;" and it may, like Brennus, Pharaoh. Jcc, have beeu a ^^^ 
title, mistaken by foreigners for the actual name of a monarch. ^ 

9. The ffeagraphkal terms which Scythia furnishes are fu^ ^ 
number. They consist almost entirely of the names of rivem:-^ 
these are, the Ister, with ita tributaries the Porata, TiamnUJ^ 
Amrus, Naparis, and Ordessiis ; the Tyras, the Hypanis, the ^^j. 
thenes, the Panticapes, the Gerrhus, the Hy|iacyris, the SyrglB, 9D^ 
the Tanais. These names mostly admit of explanation ^m IsJ^ 
Germanic roots. 

The word In-ter is ma(ie up of two elements (k and ter), both 
which seem to have siguified, in different Indo-European dialect 



" ^TjTtpa BaXdrr^t f and bence too^ it may 
be, otir ri\*er9 Thtift^^ Tmm^t wbA Th nn- 
iiis or r/^m^di (Ct DomldKHL'i Varr, 

. « Hm«l. iv. 80. 

? From the SansiTit roots fti^i^, '• grent '* 

.l»^. dar*, &t:.) See Sir U. Hiiwlioflon'i Vo- 
pthahry oi tht Ancient Femi&a kuj^ua^j 



ad voc. AununaEdil. 

* Aa it LEt rend in B««k h dL%. SU 
^ Mentioned to the Bdtmtim ti 

o&l. i. im. 7, §2, 

J ** Naqa " is a doubtful nanding, and 

perhnpo be aa E^pima titl«. (Sac SI 

iian-JiDsou'a Menoir oQ the BchJ Jiml. t^ot 



"*• 



NAMES OF RIYERS. 



165 



r*" or ** water/** We may trace the element h in tho names 
rivers from the vicinity of the Euphrates to the banks of the 
unes. In the Is of Herodotus (i, 179) and Herotlianns (p, 19, 

Diadorf) we have the word in its simple and moet primitive 
m — in the Is-uurus, Jm-apk, h-i^m, in the many rivers Isar (J sere) 
I Issd we find iJie same root combined with a second element ; in 

and Iham-ms (Thames) it occurs redn plicated. The other ele- 
Dt, ia\ is less widely spread, but it appears again in the two 
^jin rivers, the Tyr-as and Tiar-atdm ; it is found in the word 
m-tr^ the modem name of the Tyras ; it appears in tho Sicilian 

»^ and the Sardinian Ter*fnm ; and it may perhaps be traced in 
(^ Ter-ab-ia^ compare Drave), IVasimene, Trerm^ Tritdttm, Tru- 
IS (^ Ttarantm, our 7H?ii), and other similarly commencing 

Hie Porata (now the Pruth) eeems to have been named from a 

t connected with the Greek iropoc, German fmih^ our '* ford." 

e Seotfifcsh ri%*er Forth m apparently the same word. 

th© Jhrnfittisi (=7er-<intm) contains the root Ter, and a suffix antus^ 

oollmay be compared with the ander of Scam-ander, Mac-amhi\ and 

\ Mm or enfii of Tru-^ntm^ Casa-enias^ Fr-ento, &c. Ttamntus, Jrw- 

*i^ TrKfnto, 7 rent, are different forms of the same word. 

fn the Ar-artis and the NajhuHs we may recognise the root ams 

duplicated in ArHtrtts, combined with a distinct element, Nap^ in 

[j*aris), which was widely used in the legions about the C'aspian 

I ri?er name, where indeed it still lingers. Araxes in anoient 

terns to have been a name common to the modem Ams^ the 
, the HV//a, and many other sir earns. Its id ti mate base is 
k&ps Ma or Kha, a name which the Wolga still l»ears, and which. 
jr be traced tlirongliout Europe, in the A'ho-dany^^ Jihe-mtSy 
Mbiita* liho-daitau, &c. The Oarus of Herodotus is merely a 
immated form of Aras^ 

!Tie Hypank (Hypan-k) introduces us to a new element, Ilypan, 
Celtic Apaih our Avon^ which may be traced in two other 
Ihian rivers, the Ih^j^j-cym and the Pan*timpes. The remaining 
tion of each of these names is extremely ohsGure. We are 
unded, however, by the element cyris (-ifijptc) of the Atrapatenian 
Sr C^M, the Kur of the present day. Perhaps this same 
i may be the base of another Scythian stream, the Ger-rhus 
iir-rha?j. 

fbi T^r-GS (now tlie Danas-ter or Dniestr) contains the same 
► foots as h-ter^ only in the reverse order. It is sufficiently 
kmeiil by wliat has been said concerning the name of that 



KCor 



orysthenes furnishes us with another specimen of invetision. 
has become the Danas-per, Pana-per, or Dnie-pr. The form 
jrv-thenea li manifestly Grecized— the native name, in all proba- 

'Lonl oamar » Dr. Dcmaldsoa ob- 
\ (?ifTQ(ikn. p. ^%\ *'■ T*?rj often con- 
f Wfrnmymom detncaU," Wids-bflin, 
Htfio-wicki WaHi-bedt-wntcr, Dm- 
^ig-pw?r ire cl«^ in point. The fii^t 
lull cfa oouiitr)' call a streniu ly their 



generic wojd fbr rjver ; the not comew re- 
gArd Lliifi a& a propter nnme, fuid aild to it 
their own gtneric turnip latur iniTnijCJTiiit* 
Uku ihvi whuh oompund word tor thi? true 
tjame of the strntm. 




166 DISAPPEARANCE OF THE SCYTUS AS A KATIO!ir. 

bility, approAched nearly to Poroa-dan^t. If this b€ allowed, the 
Sofys of Bon/s-th^nes may be identified with, the word iVtittf, lod 
-4hetws will be Dnnm^ JJana^iis, or Tana- is. 

In the word lamtis ( Tana-iAy the medinl d haa become a tenuk, I; 
just as we find Tun -f^voe m the Nkbehngeii'lmt for Dan-ube. 1b lia 
modem name /Mn the d is restored to its place,' 

10. It resnlte from this entire inventigation, that the Scythiaiw 
were not Mongolians, but niembere of the Indo-European race, 
liftugiiage, as Mr. Grote correctly ob*$er%^e6, is the only mire tesf ; 
and kngiiage pronotiiieeB unmistakeably in favour of tbe ltid«j- 
Eiiropeaa, and against the Mongol theory* The email nnmbpr of 
Scj1:bic words which remain to us present from thirtj'^ to forty rrjoti 
capable of identification with well-known Indo-Enropean tenas, 
verj" few words, and those, almost all of them, the names, Tt?a! 
Bupposedt of men, are not distinctly referable to known roots 1 
ing to this family of langnagen- These dat^i aie ially suffit : 
establish the ethnic connexion of the Scythians of Herodotwis wiiii 
the great bulk of the nations who have peopled Europe,* 

1 1. When we attempt to go beyond this, and to inquire to irluA 
of the great divisions of the Indo-EuT-opean race the Scyths beloBf^ 
we find ourfieWes at a loss to determine in favour of one breads 
more than another. Tbe analogies which h^ive been pointed out (b 
not connect the Scytbic langnage specially with any single Imlo- 
European dialect Tbe Scyth«, as their language exhibits tbt-m* 
were neither Medes» nor Slaves, nor Gotbs, nor Celt^ nor FeW 
gians; but tbeir tongue ixissessed affinities to I be hpeeeh of all tbe** 
nations* We must not therefore be led away by doublful etymoltK 
gies * to identify the Scythians with any special Indiv European met*. 
They were probably a branch of this ethnic family as disitiii*:! hvm 
all other branches as Celts, Germans, and Slaves from one another. 
Their supposed connexion with tbe Saui-oraatse or Samiatiuns* dot* 
not disprove this; for while it is not quite certain that thtj Sar* 
luatians were Slaves, it is eattremely questionable whether there ta** 
really any very close ethnic connexion between the Sc^^hs and tlw 
Sauronmtaa,^ At any rate it is clear that the fragments of the Sc>ihic 
language are no more Slavonic than they are Celtic, or Medo*PtT- 
Bian, or Pelasgian ; and the argument of Lindner,* that the SlavoQiani 



^ No gnwt weight cwa lie Jitliu:bed to tbe 
Indo-Eumpsui choniHifT of these oamc^t n^ 
it is vCTy pjTobfiblB that their maf bive bt'en 
adopted bf the SiytliA from t)ie Cimmerians^ 
And » may be rKLlljr indimitire of lli« Hthuic 
character of tiut peopli?. In this pint of 
Tiew it is iQt€!T«Bting to <:]Wtv& fttoobg them 
the Cettm rivei^namw, Aron, Dou, Ti«it, 
Forth, &c, 

* II L< tioi, haweT«r, impcMibla. war fm 
Improbable, that tb«i« naj- havt been a 
]^]tingc4iaii «l«mMnt »aoDf tlii Eimipeui 
Si jlhs* The knguagp of whi^h we hAXe 
B]Ki:imeDit may hn thut uf the JlojiiJ Tribe 
only ; tb* m*t of tlie mitjcin wsa perhmj* 
Tiiranian. 

^ 5udi at Dr. Douakbcoi't iJ^jJtlBc&tiJOii of 



I'K^eoi with r^Ttti, Qothi, " Girths'* (Vi 
ron. p^ 1^71, or hU equaltj doultlful iertTv^J 
twm of XK6Kvrot from Awagaial^ (p, -il), 

* Niebiibr rvgardi^ this oocui«9 
dubitable (Keseardje*, &c,. p. 83, E. f J 
Boeeth likcwiss iiiaiiit»iii5 it ( Corp. ~ 
i^tirmat. IntJoduH, jmu^ ii» p. a»|), 
Schafiu*ik (^kviwhi* Alterthatner. twL i. 
xii.) hiii called it in qoMtioa 
gR>4indi. 

r PUnjr (Hiit. Kat, tI. 7) uhI FVnap.D.u*" 
Mela (L i9) differ on tliii pobit ftam Hr'.> 
dotu» (tr, 117), whoM perMCml ofattrwatNw 
do mit appear lo have cxteaiM ittftwanl ^i 
Olbia. 

> Skjlhitii xmi d» Skylbca 4m BrndK^ 
Siultg}iiL, lti4L 




SAT IL CONTtNUAKCE OF THE CIMMERU AND GEHM, 167 



atist he the desceni^ants of the Scythians because bo other nation 

have descended from them^ is absurd, since the Scjtliians may 

ly have had no descendants. Indeed if we trace historically the 

'-fortuuea of the ycythic |>coplej we shall find reason to suspect 

at they wore cinished between their two neighbours, the GetaE^ and 

tie Sarmatians/ By the time of Pliny they had disappeared from 

i Oonsts of the Pontus ; and the name of Sc}*thia, which had once 

a definite tract between the Danube and the Tanais, inha- 

lited by a people with whose language, physical type, religious and 

' &t cuHtoms, the Greeks and Komana were perfectly familiar* had 

to be applied vaguely and indefinitely to the remote and 

own regions of Northern Ayia and Enrope.^ It is probable that 

liout this time the iScytlis altogeiher perished: or if they lingered 

nywhere, as a weakly and expiring tribe, in the forests of the far 

aterior, the Mongol ravages of later times completed their deatruo- 

\tn. In vain we look fur their descendants at the present day, 

IThile the Cimmerians, w^hom they di-ove before them with such 

se on their first passage of the Tanais, continue to exist as Cymiy 

the mountains of Wales,', and the Geias, their neighbours upiju 

Lwest, have their deacendunta among the great Gothic or Teutonic 

iiJj by which nearly one-half of Europe is still occupied, the 

feytlijs have disappaired from the earth. Like the Mexican Aztecs, 

rhom they reaembled in some degree, they have been swept away 

the current of immigration, and, except in the mounda which 

Jver their land and in the i>ages of the historian or ethnologist, 

^t a trace remains to tell of their past exiatence. 



t Pliti* Hiat, Knt. iv. 25. "^ ScythaPiiiii 



atqn^ Germatius t uea diis prkca ilk dumvjt 
apppjlutJOp i|Uikni qui dtr^tmi gentium hnrum, 
1* Hiat, Knt. iv. 25* "^ Scythamm iga^ pn>|>& cMBtem tiiortalibus d«gtint/* 
iiM^uoquiui^ Xmumt iu SSannutas ' £d« toe precedijag dmptei , 



168 GEOGRAPHY OF SCYTHIA, App. Book IV. 



ESSAY III. 



ON THE GEOGRAPHY OF SCYTHIA. 



1. Necessity of examiDing Niebuhr'g theory of the Scythia of Herodotus. 2. Tbs 
theory stated. 3. Its grounds. 4. Considerations which disprove it. 5. SmI 
views of Herodotus. 6. His personal knowledge of the region. 7. His eoi^ 
rectness as to leading facts, and mistakes as to minutise. 8. Possibilitj of 
changes since his time. 9. Identification of rivers and places. 

1. Before entering upon any direct Btatements as to the actual 
shape and extent of Scythia, or attempting to identify any of ih6 
geographical features pointed out by Herodotus, and explain )uM 
real or apparent errors, it is necessary to examine that theoiy on 
the subject which was first broached by Niebuhr in hw * Kleine 
Schriften ' about the year 1328, and which has recently beeB 
brought a second time before the public, only slightly modified 
in his * Vortriige iiber alte Geschichte,' published in 1847.* Tia 
authority of Niebuhr is so great, and his conjectures, even when 
not correct, are always so ingenious, that his view cannot be put 
aside without distinct and formal examination. 

2. Now Niebuhr's view is, that Herodotus regarded Scythia tf 
a square hounded on two sides by the sea ; that he looked upon it* 
southern coast as extending in a straight line from the mouth of 
the Danube to the Palus Meeotis, a distance of 4000 stades, its eastern 
as reaching an equal distance from thence to the embouchure » 
the Tanais (Don), its western frontier as parallel to this, and iorts^ 
by the Lower Danube (which river he thinks Herodotus suppose^ 
to make a sudden bend at the north-western angle of Scythia, a^ 
to run thence with a southerly course to the Euxine), and i*J 
northern frontier as marked by a line drawn from this snarp heJ^ 
in the Danube to the mouth of the Tanais.^ The annexed pl*^i 
which is taken from his * Map of the World according to berodottl^ 
will more plainly show his meaning. 

3. This account he gathers chiefly from chs. 99-101 ; but he co^ 
ceives it to be confirmed by various scattered notices, as by tl^ > 
comparison between the Nile and the Danube in Book ii.," by wh#^ 
is said in Book v. of the great size of Thrace/ and of the countrie^ 
north of the Danube being desert,* as well as by other casual 
remarks. 

4. The following considerations appear to be fatal to the scheme 
in question : — 

. (i.) Its derangement of the course of the Danube, in favour o! 
winch nothing can be brought but a supposed analog}-, and which 

» See pp. 182, 183. « Gor>j;raphy of Herod, p. 29, E.T. Scythians, pp. 39-41 E.T 
3 Chs. 33, 34. -• Ch. 3. * Ch. 10. ' ' 



\ 



ijfc.-rnT, 



OBJECTIONS TO NIEBUHIl^ SCHEME. 



1G9 



I T H R A C E 



t 



15 



PONTDS KITXINUS 



I 



k 



^^titnidicted by the wliole account, so very consonant with factfi, 

j-.'^ch Herodotus gives of that river and its tributaries. The 

- ^iiuba, he §ajB, runa/rw^ th^ west right throiagh Europe,* and falls 

'*^t4} the Black Sea, ** irijgA its m&tdh fwHrtg the cojff.'*' It receives 

^^^^J" great tribubiries on both aides : from the side of Scythia five 

^/^the I'orata, Arams, Kaparis, Ordessus, and Tiarantue, of which 

2^^ Porata {Fntth) is the most nanterlt/, the Tiarantua {Aluta) moat 

'^^^itrds the west ; from the moiintain-chain of Thrace and Illyria 

^Ifefht others, which all run ** with a northern course '* into it." Thie 

tiole account is exactly in accordance with the real geography^ 

^**^ cannot possibly bo made to square with the scheme of Kiefauhr, 

^^J^ which the mouth of the Danube fronts the soidh : and the five 

?^yiiian tributaries, if they can lie imagined to exist at all^ must 

^^ iDterposad between the sea and the Maris, according to the 

"^tted line« inserted in the accompanying plan to represent them, 

^^^^ which case the terms '* most eoHtern/' *' most weetem,'* would 

^^^ to be applicable. 

(ii.) The assertion of Herodotus that ** the mart of tbe Borye- 
^^nites is situated in the yery centre of the whole sm-cotut of 
^vthia/' * Niebuhr's view places it in the centre of the south side 
oniy^ while the east, according to him, is a] so washed by the sea. 



* Beofc h. cfa. 49. 



IbM, di. 99. 



> Bmd. 1^ 4B, 49. 



• JbkLdL. 17. 




BEAL KUTION OF EERODOTUS. App.B<»r1T. 



(ill.) Hie imposfiiHUtj of reconciling Herodotus's account f^f 
tlie Persian campaign with the tiiipposed figure of fecjthia. Tbe 
division of Scytliiai]« with which Darius first fell in, had ordcintu 
retreat ''along f/u? shores of tlw Pahis Mijeotk" to the Tanais,* ordm 
which appear to have been daly executed, Darius, foUowiu^ ia 
their tmck, is Baid to have march tid ** tmtiuitd " to that stnaiiL' 
Kiebubr^a plan would make thii^ march at teaet as inuchDortliA* 
east. Arrived at the Tauais, they cross into the coimtrr of tbe 
Jimuromata?, which they traverse from jsouth to north, a tlistati^^e t^ 
1 5 days* journey ;* whence they pass on to the Budini, tie wit 
nation to the north, whose country they likewise traverse. Amptd- 
ing to N iebuhr, they would now be nearly 20 days' journey b^>W 
the borders of Soythia, ami Beparated from Scythia by the enhi* 
country of the Melanchlfeni. Yet here the ^ej^thians, enddenlv 
giving Darius the slip, make a detmir thraugh the countij dnAt ^ 
Budini, and at once return into Sq/thia;* w^hile Bariu^ mm% 
them, turns weshtxird, and is shortly within the Scythian borfci^ 
where he falls in with the other division of the Serbian arai^r, ifld 
IB led for the first time into the country of tJie Melancblieiii, ^ 
this is absolutely impossible upon Niobuhrs theory^ where 4^ 
Budini lie north of Scythia^ at a vast distance, and separated br ik 
tract in which the Melanchlmui live. It is indiflerent so tar** 
this argument is concerned, whether w^e admit tbe expedition p*^ 
these parts as a reality or no* eince all that we are at pre*£fll 
considering is how Herodotus himself conceived of 8cythia. 

5. The truth seems to be that Herodotus regarded Sc^ilua »■ 
having only one of its sides washed by the sea ;* that he ttK>k lii* 
coast S^m the Danube to the Tanais as repiesenting tolerably vS 
a straight line, when the peninsula occupied by ihe Taiiri l^* 
Crimea) was cut oiT; that ho estimated the length of tliis at ii^^ 
atades (460 miles),* 2000 between the Danube and the mouth 0^4;^ 
^lysthenes, 2000 between that and the place where the Tinft^ 
reached the sea; that he regarded this «ide of Scythia, thus diiridrf 
into two parts and fronting towards the south-east, as rttdjinj 
down to two seas, one of which (the Euxine) might be idm 
'* southern," the other (the Sea of Azof), '* eastern f that be thong**' 
Scythia extended inland about the same distance as its length tM 
the coast \ and that he therefore called it square, meaning tlietttj 
not to give its exact figtn^, but to describo its general shape. 1** 
did not reg3-rd the Danube as hound ing one side of the square, l^^ 



1 H*rod. di. 120. « Ibid. ch. 122. 

» Itach, 21. * IbkLch. 124. 

* " Scythift,'* he i»yi, ** which i^ aqimre 
in shjk\te^ and ha* two of iti iidea (or ports) 
T«iu:bmg down to the mk, «art«adji Lnliuid to 
tb« same dlstaoDe that it rmchat aloDg tbe 
cowit, md ii equal eTery way. For it bi n 
ten diiTifi' yaarwty from the later to tlie 
Borysthenest imd ten more from the Borp- 
theniM to tha Palui Morotia, while the dlst- 
aoue from the iionit inkod to the oyutitnr of 
the ftf«kDchlR'tti, wh« dweU altove iScfthm, 
ii a jouTiufy of iweot}* dap, , . , Thui ^f 



(iro ndfff vkich run gtraiifhi iniaad (t4 ^p* 
t4 it t4.tff^yaiar ^^porra) lire 4000 ff^ 
ioiig< (tiUtlia) ?jmJi, and fAe ttmnm^m *^ 
at rijht an^k'i to these (r A irmd^m) ^ 
of the Mme length/' Tliii pM^ akli 
would appear to nw to wttb tkm 
Tenj. The &p9m r& it ptttrSyutar 
Biust be punillel ai^ ml, w in Kiib«hr't 
plan* «d«i at ngbt mglm to om jtnatbar, 

* The ictail distauoe of a aMf^ Hh 
from tbe tnoit iM^tlkem miulli of ^ 
Danube to tlie emboochiine of the t^jtMi i 
about 40 milii moire. 



Es»4T in. EXTENT OF HIS PERSONAL OBSERVATION. 



171 



fts meeting it obliquely at a comer. This is implied in tbd 
expression i^ ra irXiiyta r% 2*v£J*ijc i^^uXXti*^ On the other hand 
he regarded the Tanaia as not merely touching an angle of the 
square, hut as washing at least a portion of the eastern side, and 
9o sepamting the lioyal Scythians from the Saxiromatte.* His notion 
u fairly expreseed by Heel en nearly in these words : — ** The bound- 
ariefi which Herodotus assigns to Scythia are as folio wg : on the 
iioutli, the coast of the Black Sea, from the mouth of the Danube to 
the l*al»s Maiotifi; on the east, the Don or Tanais to its rise out of 
the lake Ivan (?) ; on the north, a line drawn from this lake to that 
<nit of which the Tyra» or Dniestr flows; and on the west, a line 
^ am thence to the Danube/*' Thus Scythia comprised the modeiii 
governments of Kherson, Foltawa^ Ekaterinoslav, Kharkov, Kourakt 
the Don Cossacks, Voronez, Kiazan, Oj'Iov, Tula, Mogilev, Tchemi- 
20V, Minsk, Volhynia (part)v Kiev, and Poilulsk, together with the 
pruTinces of Bessarabia, Sloldavia, anif Wallachia; and consisted of 
the two grent basins of the Don and Dniepr, the minor baling of 
tlie Dniestr and the Boug, and the northern half of the basin of the 
Lower Danube from Oi^sova to the sea. 

6, Of this region Ilerodotua personally knew but little. He had 
made the coast voyage from the Straits of Constantinople to the town 
of Oibia, situated on the right hank of the HjpaniB (Boug)^ near 
thu point at which that river falls into tho sea. He had likewise 
penetrated into the interior ats far as Eacampieus, four days* journey 
II [» the course of the same stream ; but it does not appear that ho 
had ever crossed the Boryethenes (Dnkpr), nor that he had any per- 
sonal acquaintance with the countjy east of that river. He regarded 
the Tauric Chersonese, not as a peninsula, but as a great promontory 
like Attica or lapygia, and was unaware of the existence of the 
Sibachi Mori or i'utrid Sea* He imagined the Palus Mseotis to be a 
sea not very much smaller than the Euxine, and thought the Tanaia 
(Aju) ran into it with a south course. He had also notions with 
jespect tu tlie rivers east of the Borysthenea which it is very diffi- 
cult to reconcile with existing geographical facts. Still his descrip- 
tion of the general features of the region is i-cmarkably accurate, 
and might lumost pass for an account of the same country at the 
prei^ent day* A recent traveller,^ whose journeys took him pretty 



^ Ch* 49, Y«t tlM Dluiub? iep^-ll7ltai be- 
twmD. Scythk and Thrsu.% becauw id this 
^imsB tj^ iqiiin wan pttrtkiilnrlj irregular, 
tb^tt bdag a projectioii Ironi it tx»iui8tiBg of 
the <Q0filr7 between the Bliick Bm aod the 
Onrpaihuot dmin, th* njo-itTQ proYjwee of 
WalUiJitti* Th« gen^raJ toyr?^ of the Dttnube 

il* tri^taoai up tv Bdgt^rie Wfiv% kaown 
wjjJb SQ upproach fco aoduw-y. AIk>^^ Bel- 
p^iie hiik tnowledgv wiks less tiib^L Ha 
ciDiifoiwdal tile MttrxMch (^Marb) with thii 
TluMVi and Ihe two f reat streauis flc»wmg 
is fruii the H»uth im of tbt Dumbe at 
tb« nme pointy <}f whidk hti had betird 
inma tlna itihAbitaDU of the Lower part of the 
mer, and whkh wsie laally the Drate imd 




tlie Savt, h« comlbujuied with the two ALpme 
fltreflma of which he had heard tiM UmbriiUia 
of Northern Italf dieGOurK u flowing into 
the Danube fiom the oouatiy juit bejoisd 
their border?* Those were tht^ ^Iga ftmd 
the [dd, or poasiblj the hitter stream ai)d th« 
Uhine, which in ltd upper oour^ hM Q«!irlj 
the flanie direction oa the tu), arid! \«Quld 
fjow into the Ltanube tf it did not make a 
right angle at the Lak« of C^mstamx. 

* Herod, iv. uK 20, 21 . 

* " Aiifttic Kntioua,*' v«l» li. p. 257, 
natfl S E. T, 

* The KeT. W. Pnlmer, who*e ohgervji- 
im^f made upon the s[)Ot| have beeu kioilly 
cvtiimunicatefl to me hy h\» brolher, the Kifr, 
E, PiOmer, l-Ulow ofBalM, 



172 



HIS OENEBAL COEBECTNESS. 



Afp. Book IV. 



nearly oveT tlie entire extent of Herodotus's Sc;^'tliia, notices the 
following particulars as among tlioee which most strike a penson on 
traversing the region :— ^ 

*' First, the size of tlie rivers and their abundance in good fish* 
(Of. Herod, iv, 53.) Secondlj^, the general flatness of the countrr. 
Thirdly, the total absence of wood over the sonthem part of Hero- 
do tus*fi square ; while, ae one gets beyond it, or near its borders, 
there is wood. Foiirthly, that the bare country , or stepp^s^ up Iho 
Bong (Hypanis) and the Dnieper (Borysthenes) is still a coni-grownng 
country t and the parts to the east of these still abound rather in 
cattle, so corresponding with the situation of the agricuUiiral and 
nomade Scythians of Herodotne's time. Fifthly, that the abundance 
of light cart^ moving in all directions, with or without tracks, 
Teniinds one of HerodotuH^B observation that the nature of the 
eonntry made the tribes inhabiting it what they were." 

7. We seem to see in Herodotus a remarkable knowledge of 
leading geographical facts, combined, either really or apparently, 
with mistakes as to rainntise. Niebubr* obeer\'ed long ago njx^n the 
superiority of our author to later geographery in his implied dt^nial 
of that Bhipeean mountain - chain supposed generally to bound 
8cythia upon the north; and further noticed his acquaintance (indi* 
cated by what he f^ays of the sources of the Hypanis) wnth the great 
marshy district of Volhynia. The writer to whom reference was 
made above, adds other similar points :- — 

** What Herodotus say.^ of the Bon rising in a vast lake seems 
to show that there were nimoiirs in the Hoiith of the existence and 
size of the great lakes of North Kuesia^ out of the largest of which 
(the Onega) the Volga, not the Don, does in fact rise. So Herodotus 
knew that the Caspian v^^as an inland sea, which later writar^ did 
not ; he knew, which they did not either^ that the bare plains of the 
nomade Scythians did not extend to the ocean > but that northwards 
beyond them the country became woody ; that in one part of this 
further country^ the people * became wolves * for some days annually, 
that is, wore wolf-skins in winter (as they do still), there being no 
wood to shelter wolves, tmd consequently few wolves to fumii$h 
skins in the south ; that in another part there were people who lived 
liy hunting in a woody country ; that going to the north-east^ above 
the royal Scythians and across the Don, one arrived after a time at 
the roots of high and rugged mountains, namely, of the Ural lungt 
(which w^as also unknown to later writers); he knew also that from 
the Ural Mountains it w^as that the gold came which so abounded in 
Scythia, %vhi!e iron and silver were wanting. With regard to the 
paiis more to the north, he rightly understood the figure of the air 
being full of feathei's to mean that there was more and more snow 
as one went northwards, and that it lay longer, till one could go no 
further for the want of people and means of subsistenee* He speaks 
of people who slept (i,e, lived in-doors in comparative darkness) 
hair the year (which is not the same as if be had said that the night 
lasted half the year, oa it does nearer the pole). He had heard not 



^ See hb " Res£aTdie& into ihm Ris^rj of Um StgrtliiiiiA, GetK, ^," p. 43, 





POSSIBLE CHANGES SINCE HIS TIME, 



00 ly of the giBat lakes in the north, but of the ocean being beyond 
all- His reiDarkfl on the climate^ espet^mlly coneerning the abnnd- 
ano^ of rain and thunder in j&wmmer, and the extreme rarenefis of 
boll 1:1 in winter, contrary to what one is used to in the Levant^ and 
•gi*-mji ooneeming the extreme rrireness of eaii:hquakest are such as 
itil'l strike people who go to the north/' 

8, This general accuracy inclines one to suspect that posfiibly 
wh^xe Herodotus appeal's to be in error, he may have given a true 
aceoiint of the state of things in his own Aixy, which account la ncjw 
infi.|:>plic3ible in consequence of changew that have occurred since his 
timer. ProfeHiior Palhis' was among the first to crmjecture that vast 
||lt« rations in the levels of the conn tries about the Black 8ea and 
HVluii Mseotis have taken place in comparatively recent times. Sir 
B. Idurchison, in his * Grcology of Russia,' expresses himaeif as of 
me «am© opinion.* It is possible that the Putrid Sea has been 
furmed by a late depreaeion of the land, and that the Kma Arahat^ 
tbbd marks the line of the ancient coast. The Taurida would then 
'0 deserved to be called a promoutoiy (dKrri), and not a peninsula 
(te|i^d»^)jffoc). The coui-ses of the rivers from the Borysthenes 
(bttiqir) to the Don may have been completely altered^ many (as 
^e I*anticapes, Hypacyris, and Genhus) having been dried up* and 
otiiers (as the Dotietz and the Bniepr itself; having formed them- 
^Ivcs new bedj*. The Fains Moeotifc* may have had its limits greatly 
ootitracted, partly by the deposits of the rivers^ partly by an eleva- 
titm of the countries along the line of the Matutch ; and may have 
Wi in fonner time« not so very unworthy of being compared for 
B'le mxh. tbe Enxitie** On the other hand, it must not be forgotten 
thivt tke personal observation of Herodotus did not extend beyond 
^ho Borysthenes ; and that it h exactly in the parts of Scythia which 
^)m\ cot visited that his descriptions cease to be applicable to the 
*^bting condition of things. This circumstance favours the notion 
'Ji^t the divergence of his descriptions fjom feet arose from insuf- 
ficient information, 

^* With ref^spect to the identification of the several rivers and 
FWfie mentioned by Herodotus, it may be considered as absolutely 
^^n tliat the Ister is the Uamibe, tbe Porata the Pruth, the Tyma 
^^fi Ihmstr (^= Danas*Tyr), the Hypaniaj tbe Bmij, tbe Borysthenes 
^bfe bfif^r (= Dana-Bor), and the Tanaia the Don, The other rivers 
**^%fhia— the Oerrhus, the I^anticiipes, the Hypacyris, the Lycns, 
^^ Hyrgis or Syrgis, and the Oarus^ cannot so readily be deter- 
toined. We may be certain, however, that the Gerrhna was not the 
^^ktia y^odh as Eeunell supposes (Geography, p, 71), since it fell 
^iitnthe Euxine near Carcinitis ; and that the Panticapes was neither 
^tj DtHm, nor the Psd' since it joined the Borysthenes at its em- 
botieliure* The little atreiira which enters the sea by Kalaidvhak 
Woald seem to represent either the Oerrhns or the Hypacyrie, The 



* "Titfdb,"^ voL I. pp.T8-S7, mkI 302- 

* S« pp, 573-57]>, 

* Hcroitoiiu «EUuik the Palua in tL diat- 



(ch* 116), whkh wfluJd mnke it ant^r a 
good deal of thij ootintrj suppoae<i b/ VhIUa 
tu liave b«en ffirtdurly Aubm4?r|{ed. 
* Heen-a'a A. K»t, iL p. 2(ia» 



174 IDENTIFICATIONS OF RIVERS AND PLACES. App. Book IV. 

Donetz may be the Syrgis. The Oarus is perhaps the VoIgcL There 
is, however, the utmost uncertainty with respect to all identifica- 
tions east of the Isthmus of Perekop. 

Of places, Herodotus notices but few in Scythia. Olbia, at the 
mouth of the Hypanis, is the only town mentioned by him. Its site 
is marked by ruins and mounds, and determined beyond a question 
by coins and inscriptions. It lies on the right bank of the river, 
near its embouchure in the liman of the Dniepr, and is now called 
StOfnogU, or " the Hundred Mounds." ' Opposite is the promontory 
called by Herodotus Cape Hippolaus, where in his time whs a 
temple of Ceres. Further east is the Course of Achilles, the Kosa 
Tendra and Kosa DjarUgatch of our maps. The site of Carcinitis is 
occupied probably by the modem town of Kalantchak, The Crimea 
is Herodotus's Taurica ; the peninsula of Kertch his *♦ rugged Cher- 
sonese." Further inland we may identify Podolia as the cotintiy of 
the Alazonians ; Transylvania as that of the Agathyrsi, whose river 
Maris must be the Marosch ; Volhynia and Lithuania as the habita- 
tion of the Neuri ; part of Tambov as that of the Budini and Geloni ; 
and the steppe between the Don and the Volga as that of the SatUD- 
matae. The situations of the Thyssagetae, lyrcee, Argippaei, and 
Issedones, it is impossible to fix with any exactitude. Tne * Map 
of the Scythia of Herodotus * prefixed to this volume gives the 
probable position of these nations. 

^ Vide supra, note ' on Book iv. ch. 53. 



( 175 > 



NOTE A. 



ON THE WORDS THYSSAGITTJS AM^ MASSAGETjE. 



The etjrmolofjy of tlie names of these tribet h of fiome interest in its bearing oa 
ilieir cthmc classificatiou. It lias been generally supposed that the Getft, 
m'hether coDiftiired with the Jats of India or the Goths of Europe, must be of 
the A riam slock, and Mr.ns»i for ** great ** belongs to tluJ same fomilj of kn- 
guaiJ^es ; but it nm? be doubted if any of the Arian dialects furnish ft corre* 

[ afmjndent lor J^yMci, with tlte sjgtiification of " smjiU " or *^ lesaer*' That 
teroi seenis to be Beythk, At any rate, in primitive Babylonifta tur or im 
^ccimijarc interchaugt^ ot flv/> and 3vf) has two ftignifioationi^ one ** & chietj" 
Aod the other " small " or ** Ui?.st>i j'' and m each of these senses the term ha» 
been proeerved to modem tiuv^^. Thus, the Cuneiform Tufy used as th^ 
determi native of rank, k \o ha recognised in the Biblical Tartan^ Tifmtha (for 
^t^rt^it*^ Ttiraatht\ in the Chaldee Turgu^ ** a general,*' and in the mudem Lur 
Tm^rndl JL» j_^ jj (Femiaix Kftkhoda) " chief of the house," the ordinary title 

, ^i the *' white be«ida *" of the mountain tribt* ; while Tur for " l^aer,"* which 
Cixneilorm is used as the staudard monogram for** a son," ami which is 

I tn^naliit^sl in Assyriau by ^ti^fr (Heb. l*l?lt, Arab, ^iitf) is still found in 

mb« titkf of Tur khan given to the " Heir Apftarcut '' or " Crown Prince" by the 
|V3El»e^ of Khiva. 

jl^Mjffi aljso for *' greater," although clcjsely resembling the Zend tnaz (for 
it fmtha\ whieh was nctually in use in Persia within modem times (as 

w±ji \_^_^ -^-* J Ma^-TUGghan^ " Chief of the Magi/' the title of the kings of 

adtrxain at the time of the Arab conqneat), may perliaps with equal reason 

^^mfiaried with the Babylonian Scythic term ttms or mis, which signified 

mudi " o^ '* many *' (Assyrian ffif^thd), and the monogram for which wa^ thus 

l^^^ixia^rily wsc^i a* the sign of the plural tmuiber (compare the Scythic name 

jl^pSaf*aff^d'^ir "chief of the Parthiaim"). To illuatratt? the conoeiion of 

t^mnit*^, ** much,** with mw, *' greater,*^ we may compiire *' mulius " and " magis/' 



THE FIFTH BOOK 

OF THE 

HISTORY OF HERODOTUS, 

ENTITLED TERPSICHORE. 



1. The Persians left behind by King Darius in Europe, whokii 
Megabazus for their general/ reduced, before anj other Helkt' 
pontine state, the people of Perinthus,* who had no mind to 
become subjects of the king. Now the Perinthians had ere tv 
been roughly handled by another nation, the Pseonians.' For 
the Paeon ians from about the Strymon were once bidden by* 
oracle to make war upon tlie Perinthians, and if these lattfli 
when the camps faced one another, challenged them by name to 
fight, then to venture on a battle, but if otherwise, not to make 
tl)e hazard. The Paeonians lollowed the advice. Now the iDf^ 
of Perinthus drew out to meet them in the skirts of their city I 
and a tlireefold single combat was fought on challenge given. 
Man to man, and horse to horse, and dog to dog, was the strife 
waged ; and the Perinthians, winners of two combats out of tw ! 
three, in their joy had raised the paean ; when the Paeonian^ 
struck by the thought that this wjis wliat the oracle had meant, 
passed the word one to another, saying, " Now of a surety has the 
oracle been fulfilled for us ; now our work begins." Then the 
Paeonians set upon the Perinthians in the Aiidst of their I»*^ 
and defeated them utterly, leaving but few of them alive. 

2. Such was the aflair of the Paeonians, which happened • 
long time previously. At this time the Perintliians, after a brave 

1 Vide supra, iv. 143. It waa a Samian colony (Plut. Q. G. 56; 

•Perinthus, called afterwards He- Seym. Cb. 1. 712). 
raclea (^Ptolem. iii. 11), is the modem ^ Conceniing the Paeonians, vide inft*. 

EreklL a place of some consequence on ch. 13, note ■, and ch. 16, note *. lli* 

the sea of Marmora (lat. 41^, long. 28** surprising to find that they ever pcM- 

nearly). Scylax meutiuua it <j>. G8). tmted so far east as Perinthua. 



kp. 1-3. 



THE THRACTAKS* 



177 



stniggle for freedom, were overcoine by numbers, and yielded to 
5[egat>ftzus and his Persians. After Periutlius had been brought 
under, Mej^abazna led his host thniugh Thrace, subduing to the 
(loEiiaioa of the king all the towns and all the nations of those 
parts.* For the king's eommand to him was^ that he sliould 
conquer Thraee. 

3, The Thracians are the most powerful people in the world, 
except, of course, the Indians ; * and if they had one head, or 
wetv agreed among themselves, it is my belief that their match 
[ iHinld not be found anywhere, and that they would very far sur- 
pass all other nationa,^ But such tmion is imposaible for them, 
and there are no means of ever bringing It abcmt. Herein 
therefore consists their weakness. The Thracians bear many 
Barnes in the different regions of their countryj^ but all of them 
have like usages iu every respect, excepting only the Getee,* 



* This fnxiet be undentood with tbe 
Imumtios aut^pUod at tbo eud of th. 10. 
Ttm e^imm^ of Megahum^ weri 6qd.- 
iaid lo mt txMtM along the coosfc. 

^ Allttdiiig to vrhki he bad smid before 
(Bk. ill. ch. 94). 

* Tbucrtlidea makes almoet tbe Hame 
fKnirk of the Scythiaiis i ii, 91 \. There 
b ft §urlou§ panUJelbm between hh ex- 
ftumomi Bnd tbo^e of Herodotus. 

^ Str^bo nJd that the ThrncmnE coti* 

liM of 2'J different tribea (vii, Fr, 46), 

ttd no d^nijit enumemted theip, but 

^ port of hifl wort i& lo&U HortKlotiia 

^i^Kiivlf iiAtaea IS tribea ; the Bea^ (viL 

^^1)» Bii&lto; (viiL lit):, Eiatones (vii, 

^•), Brygi (ti. 45.;, Ckane* (vii. lio), 

^hyii (iv. 49;, Dersaei (vii, 1 10), 

?oiotijci (ti. 34), Edoni (vii. UO), Oeta 

^^^, %il Nipisgi (ibid.), Odomaiiti (Tii. 

**^;, Orlryiar (iir. 9:1), Pasti fibj, Sap^i 

^ [^ ii(j^^ gatrae 'ibid. J, Scyraiiadae fjv. 

I ^>* and Trauai (v. 3). The fragrueQte 

I -^JMiiieiiB flupplj 12 or 13, of which 

^'^3' two^the Sktrw and the Crobyd— 

^^, taeutioned by Herodotiw- The ro- 

r^^^Uder *pe the Bantii, Dikreii, Daty- 

'*^5*^i, De»ili, Dkorwj Entribii?, Siitr<>- 

J^*tt^ Siudonici, Trkpke, and Triia. 

^'f ^tJtmm the Dnrsiii uiny h^ Herodotus' s 

^^"^^i, but the remainder «re clearly 

*^^ lumeft, Thucydidefl iiddii the Dil 

•^ Uw or Daci), the Trere«, &x\d the 

^^t«sl lii, 0(1 1 ; Strabo, the Bretttu, 

^fl'lli. MK^di, MEeai or Myai, Sinti, Aiid 

TtibtJii, Pliny augment* the H»t by 

•t^f* ,*0iijiore iiAmefl: the Aiirai, Beofii^f 

liittiKi^ Brytia, Ci^aici, Carbiltrai^ Car- 

VOL. Ill* 



biletffij Claiirc, Cculetfts, Beiwiletro, 
Digeri, Dioboiait Drugeri, Elethi, Gau- 
dffij Hypsdtie, Monsem, Priimtje, PVro- 
geri, Belletiei Sithomit and Thyni (H. 
K. IT. llj. He alao notices that tho 
trib«ft wer« occasloually stibdiTided^ a« 
that of the Benati which included uuder 
it a number of names. Hia list tm* 
doubtedly contains repetitioua, as Car- 
bileai, Carbiletiw— Digeri, Drageri— aiid 
the Thraciuu character of Borne of his 
tribe« (t% ;!. the Bottts^i) may be que«* 
tioned ; but after makiug allowaucea on 
tbeiQ grounds, we ahidl jBud that the 
number of Tbracian tribes kuown to ua 
exi^eeda ifty I Uf thwe the moat iui- 
pOTtont in the earlier i^m$9 were the 
Getiff, the Tr^rea, the OdryMB, the Tri- 
balli, And the Odomauti, while the Daci 
and the MiBai obtained ultimately the 
preponderauiife. 

With regard to the military strength 
of the Thraciaua, it umy bo ohierve^l^ 
that Sitalcea^ king of the OdryBie^ who 
had a very widely extend ad iuHueuce 
oirer the ifarioua tribes, invaded Mace- 
donia iu the year b.C. 429^ at the head 
of l5ti»U()0 raen» of whom 50,<HJO were 
cavalry (TUucyd, ii, 38), But hie army 
wae in part compiled of Pfconians. 
Strabo eatimatos the military strength 
of the nation iu hia own timea at 215,000 
men — 15,000 horse, and 2i>OtOOO foot 
(vii. Fi\ 4&). The want of uuion^ of 
which Herodotui ipeoki, oostinned; 
and -WM & Kmroe of etoduring weakness. 

* Concerning the GetEQj vide itipra, 
Bk. iv. ch. 93. 

N 



178 THRACIAN CUSTOMS. BooiV. 

the Trausi,* and those who dwell above the people of Cies- 
ton.^ 

4. Now the manners and customs of the Gretse, who believe ii 
their immortality, I have already spoken of.* The Traosi in •! 
else resemble the other Thracians, but have customs at birtb 
and deaths which I will now describe. When a child is bomall 
its kindred sit round about it in a circle and weep for thewoei 
it will have to undergo now that it is come into the world, making 
mention of every ill that falls to the lot of humankind ; when,® 
the other hand, a man has died, they bury him with laugMff 
and rejoicings, and say that now he is free from a host of sofo- 
ings, and enjoys the completest happiness. 

5. The Thracians who live above the Crestonieans obsOTved* 
following customs. Each man among them has several wives;' 
and no sooner does a man die than a sharp contest ensues anoig 
the wives upon the question, which of them all the husband bwi 
most tenderly ; the friends of each eagerly plead on her hfHA 
and she to whom the honour is adjudged, after receiving ^0 
praises both of men and women, is slain over the grave by tta 
hand of her next of kin, and then buried with her hosband.' 
The others are sorely grieved, for nothing is considered sucb* 
disgrace. 

6. Tlie Thracians who flo not belong to these tribes baretta 
customs which follow. They sell their children to traders.^ On 
their maidens they keep no watch, but leave them altogethtf 



* The Trausi occur in Livy as a tion of polygamy among the Thrid>* 
Thracian people ("gens et ipsa Thra- to a king, Dolonchus {Ft. 37). 
cum," 39, 41). Nicolas of Damascus * Stephen of Byzantium girei H** 
repeats concerning them the story of a special custom of the Gdit(vi^ 
Herodotus (Fr. 119). Stephen of By- Tfrla). It is scarcely necessary to »f* 
zantium confounds them with the Aga- pare with it the sutteeism of the B* 
thyrsi (Steph. ad voc). They seem not doos. Belief in a happy future rt^ 
to be mentioned by any other ancient clearly the parading principle of ttoj* 
writer. Bahr connects their name with all these Thracian customs. Sifitte ■* 
the river Travus (TpoOos) mentioned in been practised by various natioia. » 
the seventh Book (ch. 109), which ap- existed among the Teutons (VsL »* , 
pears to be the modem Karatch. This vi. 1 ), the Wends (S. Bonifac. Ep. » 
would place them in the range of Despoto Ethelbald.), and the Heruli (Pro^f" 
Datjh, between the 25th and 26th de- B. Goth. ii. 14), as well a« the I»»d**5 
grees of longitude. [It was also an ancient SlavomaD tf^ 

* Concerning Creston, vide supra, Scandinavian custom. — O. W.l 

i 57. * [As the Circassians now do for »■• 

* Supra, iv. 94. "foreign" market.— G. W.] H€*« 
' Three or four commonly, accord- Geta and Davus ( Aafos) came to b« ti* 

ing to Hcraclides Ponticus, but some- commonest names for slaves at Athrt* 

times as many as 30 ! Their treatment, (see the comedies of Terence, wbii^ 

as is usually the case where polygamy were adaptations of Menander, ibA 

prevails, was harsh and degrading (Fr. comp. Schol. ad Arist. Acham. 231). 
xxviii.). Arrian ascribed the introduc- 



, 3-8. THKACIAN GODS, AND FUNERAL RITES. 



179 



I 



Am, while on the conduct of their mves they keep a most t?triet 
watdL Brides are purchased of their parents for large 8uma of 
money/ Tatooing among them marks noble birth/ and the want 
of it low birth. To be idle is account'ed the most honoixrable 
thing, and to be a tiller of the ground the most dishonourable. 
To live bv war and plunder is of all things the most glorious, 
Tliese are the most remarkable of their custom!^. 

7* The gods whicdi they worship are but tliree, Mare> Bacchus, 
and Dian." Their kings, however^ unlike the rest of the citizens, 
worship 3Iereury^ more than any other god, always swearing 
by his name, and declaring that they are themeel?es sprung 
£rom him. 

8. Their wealthy ones are buried in the following fashion. 
The body is laid out for three days ; and during this time they 
kill victims of all kinds, and feast upon them, after first be- 
wailing the departed. Then they either bum the body ^ or else 
burj" it in the ground. Lastly, they raise a mound over the graTe, 

■ and hold games of all sortsj wherein the single combat is awardetl 
H the highest prize* Such is the mode of burial among the Thra- 

■ • He 



I 



* Heractideft PonticuJi related the 

i (Fr. xxviii.^, and noted thai when 

* «rilie*tbouglit ben«lf ni-tre&ted^ the 

puvolfi mighi take lier bade, ou return- 

ttgtlie mmt paid for her« Thia pnurttoe 

M fommoa id the Eaal. 

T Compare Cleftrch. BoL Fr. 8. 

* War^ drinkingt and the cbace— tbo 

Jlittdfini 'J-i'/^'* r nf a. natiDii in the ^tm* 

ntiOB i'\ '.'ians — had^ it would 

jBna, tb* ^ 1 1 ve deiti^, whioh the 

^9iki identitled with their Area, Dio- 

ains^ and ArieiDJa. The names of the 
i«GUii Mjira And Bac4^hu« Are ii ti cer- 
j ^ittt but their Dmna In known U> have 
J*oai called BendiA (Heeycb. ad yfm.; 
f ^ ^iiO l,ad Plat. p. 14 i, ed. Ruhnk,). Her 
I ^VMfelUft aprt!ad to AitieA in the lim« of 
] fyc» te»(Plftt. Bep. L 5 Ij, where the 
' "■'Miril qf the Ikudjdeia was oelehrat«d 
^J*li much pomp in the neigh bourbood 
^ the Pirieua, It* chief oharacteriatit; 

IJJJ* thifr hn^waJ&T^pia, or tor<jb-race. 
^»^e ir» a tenipk to Bendis in Mnny- 
^^K wbich iwljouied on the Pirnjua 
*.**ii. Hell ii. 4. § U). 
*^her deities aru knu^^tn to have been 
jyitupfied, at leaat by Hume of the 
l^ndnii tribe*, u. 0. Cotya (iEisohyL 
*f^ iTiiu Iji, Suaoliift (flupri, it. 9BJ, 
*a* Gibiri raupra, ii. sij.iw. Hero- 



I 



these were the only gods wortthippcd by 
the tthoii nation, 

^ Mermiry waa^ according to TaLituit, 
the god prrndpally worshipped by the 
Oertnans (German, ti), and according to 
Cffiftar (de B. G. yL) by the Gauls. 
Some mythic inventor of the useful aria 
m probably iut(>nd«id. 

* Jacgb Orimm has shown that ere tnfi- 
tion waa the mode in which the Indo- 
Etirtipe^u natiopi moBi URnally dispoavd 
of their dt?ftd (Ueber daa VerbrenneQ 
der Leichen, Berlin, 1B50). H wiw 
practised by the GaulB and Celtic rMCca 
generally (C«A. B. G, vi. 19; Pomp, 
Mel&i iii. 2 ), tho Germans (Tacit* Germ, 
27), tUo Hernli (Proco^. B. Goth. ii. U)» 
the S<»ndinavian ni^tiona, the Lithu* 
anian^a, the SUves, and the Indiana, aa^ 
well aa by the Greeka and thi^ Pumans, 
(See» beaidee Grimm's Essay, an iute- 
i^Btlng paper iu tbe A rchceologifi, vol. 
x^jtvij. Dj Mr, Wylie.) 

* The *ethnic cluiracter of the Thm- 
ciana ifl a subject of much iuttsriisst. It 
IS nut improbable that tribes of varlona 
origin were included under the Dama. 
If the word ©p^t be, as oomiooidy sup* 
posed (Mure's Life, of Greeco* i. p. In'iutj, 
connected with Tpflxlr atid rpyixv^* it 
w^Hild slyrnify notbiug more timti *'a 
mutmbaineeri'^ and would thua not be 



180 



THE SIGYNNJE, 



BooiV. 



9. As regards the region lying north of this country nooM 
can say with any certainty what men inhabit it It appears W 
you no sooner cross the Ister than you enter on an intermiBaHe 
wilderness.^ The only people of whom I can hear as dwelling 
beyond the Ister are the race named Sigynnae,* who wear, they 
say, a dress like the Modes, and have horses which are covered 
entirely with a coat of shaggy hair, five fingers in lengtL They 
are a small breed, flat-nosed, and not strong enough to bearin« 
on their backs ; but when yoked to chariots, they are among tha 
swiftest known,* which is the reason why the people of that 
country use chariots. Their borders reach down almost to 4» 



expressive of race. Nothing conclusive 
is to be gathered from tne customs 
here assigned to the Thracians ; and to 
decide the ethnic family to which they 
belong, we must avail ourselves of the 
light thrown upon the subject by sub- 
sequent history, as well as by compara- 
tive philology. Now it is almost cer- 
tain that the QetsB — one of the principal 
Thracian tribes, according to Herodotus 
-^are the Gothi or Gothones of the 
Romans, who are the old German Guthai 
or Guthotis, and our Goths (see Grimm's 
Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache, vol. 
i. pp. 178-184). The one name super- 
seded the other in the same country ^ and 
there are not wanting ancient writers 
who expi*e88ly identify the two forms 
(Philostorgius. Hist. Eccl. ii. 5; Enno- 
dius, p. 521, &c.). Grimm has shown 
that the change from TcTTjy to Goth is 
according to the analogy of the Teutonic 
and Gra)co-Roman forms of speech ; 
iustauciug such words as den-s, 'tis = 
'*tunthu8,"/'<'^'^'' = **brdthur," &c. (p. 
179). Little is left to us of the Thra- 
cian language ; but one or two striking 
analogies to the Teutcmic may be pointed 
out. The fipia, for instance, which is 
so common an ending of the names of 
Thracian towns {e. g. Mesembria, Selym- 
bria, Poltyombria, &c.;,is said by Stmbo 
(vii. p. 40 J) and Stephen (ad voc. 
M€(nifi$p(a) to signify a "city" (ir(JXi$). 
Compare the Anglo-Saxon borou^jh, and 
especially its use as a termination to 
the names of towns, in such names as 
Edinburgh, Peterborough, Glastonbury, 
&c. Again, the name of the Brygi or 
Briges, a Thracian tribe (Herod, vi. 45), 
is said by Hesychius to signify *' free- 
men." Compai'e the Gothic frcis, Ger- 
man frei, and our fne. It is not pi-e- 
tended that these analogies are of nmch 
weight; but tliey point in the same 
direction as the history, tending to con- 



nect the Thracians with the Tentotf 
fjEunily. 

There is some little confinnatio ^^ 
this view to be gathered from thA ^ 
cian customa. A good manypointi' 
resemblance may be traced between t^ 
German customs described hjTdOi^i 
and those assigned by Herodotoi to Ai 
Thracians. Common to the two peop 
are — 1. the special worship of Kerfloy 
and Mars (Tadt. Germ. 9) ; 2. the «f 
tempt of agriculture, and deligit' 
war (ibid. 14); 3. the purity of mnp* 
life (ibid. 19) ; 4. the purchase of «»• 
(ib. 18); 5. the practice of burapiK<ki 
bodies of the dead (ib. 27); •b^^\^ 
practice of covering graves with mxfiov 
(ibid.). Further, those peculiarity 
which Herodotus relates of the G«t* 
(iv. 94.9t)) and the Trausi, bearing np* 
the great mysteries of life and detA 
are in harmony with the genenl d»«*" 
teristics of the '*sad" Teutonic itj 
which has always leant towards *»• 
spiritual, and despised this life in cob* 
parison with the next. ' ' 

3 Hungary and Austria seem to J» 
the countries intended in this denflP" 
tion. Dense foi'ests and vast moi-*j 
would in the early times have rendert* 
them scarcely habitable. 

* The Sig3rnn» of Europe are unknoj 
to later historians and geographers. Ap"" 
lonius Rhodius introduces them JB^ 
his i)oem as dwellers upon the £*'•' 
fiv. 320 j, and his scholiast calli thj 
(eyos ^kv0ik6v. Curiously enoupi 
Strabo, whose Sigynni (or Siginni) tf* 
in Asia near the Caspian, tells the sH** 
story, as Herodotus, of their poniei (*• 
p. 757;. 

^ It has been suggested that do^ 
used in the manner practised by th* 
Esquimaux were the origin of this dr 
scription ; but I should rather under* 
stand ponies, like the Shetland. 



I Chap, 0-11, 



DARIUB REWABBS HlSTIJSUa 



181 



I 



Eaeti upon the Adriatic Sea, and they call themselves caloiiistB 
of the Medes f but how they can be colonists of the Medes I for 
my part eannot imagine. Still uothing is impossible in tht? long 
lapse of ages,^ Sigyan^ is the name \^'hieh the Ligiirians ^ who 
dwell above JlassiHa^ give to traders, while among the Cypriana 
ibi& word means spears/ 

10. According to the account which the Thracians give, the 
eountrj' L^eyond the Ister is possessed by bees, ou account of 
whicli it is impossible to penetrate farther.' But in this they 
seem to me to say what has no hkelihood ; for it is certain that 
those creatm-es are very impatient of cold. I nither beUeve that 
it is on accotint of the cold that the regions which lie nndor the 
Bear are i^ittiout inhabitants, 8iich then are the accomits given 
of thi-'? country^ the sea-coast whereof Megabazus was now em- 
ployed in subjecting to the Persians. 

IL King DariiLa had no sooner crossed the Hellespont and 
reached Sardis, than he bethought himself of the good deed of 
Histifeiis the Milesian,^ and the good counsel of the Mytilenean 
CoeB.* He therefore sent for both of them to Sardis, and bade 
each crave a boon at his hands* Now HistisBUs, as he was 
$kmdy king of Miletus, did not make request for any government 
beside^ but asked Darius to give liim M)Tcinua * of the Edo- 



xuj^in 

Hthem 
Vabmc 
V beside 



ft 



Mtar reeoUcotioQ thaii other European 
tribal td titeir migratioiu wedtward^ &ud 

T H«n>d(>tua hail TRgue notions of the 
frwl aotiquity of the world and uf man* 
^lid. Though in general he onl^r pro- 
Ctned to esTTj bUtory back for Aome 
i||lit <ir t«m oontimea, jet he felt no 
ol^ectioD to neotiTUig the Egyptiau e%* 
*ggeratiou. whereby Menea wna referred 
to B.C, 12,000. In one place (iL 11) he 
•pi^eulnte^ on the world hoing 20,000 
feftr» old. 

" Jfi«biihr hftB coUected tog>ether 
(Hki, of Romei foL u pp. I*J3-1IJ6^ 
oomimrtr Frichardj Phy«. Hist, of Mun- 
1diiQ« iH- ch. 3, § 2 J And the excellent 
■ftiicW in Smith's Geogr, Diet.) all that 
i§ known of the Ligurione, They once 
ettvnded along the cO'iAt from Spnio to 
Etmriai and poB^tiitaed » large portion 
of Piedmont. They were Cierfcainlj not 
C«lli ; and it is probahle thut they mivy 
here been an Illyrian race. The niune 
Btay perhaps be connected irith that of 
the Lib^miana on the Adriatic, of which 
it ae«uu to be a mere varinnt. Note 
tbil Libumum^ near the mouth of th« 



Amo^ hsm become Livomo^ iwd with us 

" MaBsniftj the modem Marseillea, 
appeare to have been founded by the 
Phoosc^Ani about the y@ar b^c. 600. 
(See Clinton's Fotet. HdL vol. L p. 220*/ 

^ Apolloniua tthodiua nsea the word 
iriyvvii$ for a spear or dart (iL 99), and 
ffiy^yifl oCfjUTB III this seuse in the An-^ 
thology (Anth. PaJ. n. 176). Suidaa 
aaya that the Macedonians called npears 
by this name (sub voc» triy^rij). The 
Scholiast ou ApolL lihod., like Hero- 
dotUBf regards the term In thia sense aa 
Ct/pricm. May we connect it with the 

Hebrew "njp? 

- The mosqmb^es, which infest the 
vnllej of the Danube, seem to be herd 
indicated. 

< Supra, iv. 137, 

♦ Supra, iv, 97- 

* The site of Myrcinus cannot be 
£xed with certainty. It was ne&r the 
Strytnon (infra* ch. 23) on the left bank 
(Appian, BelL Cm iv. p. 1041 j, and not 
very near the ^fi. Stephen (ad toc. 
^Afifi-roKit) behcved it to have occu- 
pied the site of Amphipolis; but H i* 




182 PiEONIAN WOMAN BEFORE DARIUS. BoaV. 

nians,^ where he wished to build him a city. Such was fhe choice 
that HJstisBus made. Goes, on the other hand, as he was a meie 
burgher, and not a king, requested the sovereignty of Mytilene- 
Both alike 'Obtained their requests, and straightway betook them- 
selves to the places which they had chosen. 

12. It chanced in the meantime that King Darius saw a si^ 
which determined him to bid Megabazus remove the Peoniatf 
from their seats in Europe and transport them to Asia. Theie 
were two Pseonians, Pigres and Mantyes, whose ambition it vtf 
to obtain the sovereignty over their countrymen. As soott 
therefore as ever Darius crossed into Asia, these men came to 
Sardis, and brought with them their sister, who was a tall tf' 
beautiful woman. Having so done, they waited till a day caae 
when the king sat in state in the suburb of the Lydians ; vi 
then dressing their sister in the richest gear they could, sent her 
to draw water for them. She bore a pitcher upon her head, vi 
with one arm led a horse, while all the way as she went she ^ 
flax.' Now as she passed by where the king was, Darius took 
notice of her ; for it was neither like the Persians nor the Lydi* 
nor any of the dwellers in Asia, to do as she did. Difl* 
accordingly noted her, and ordered some of his guard to fdto* 
her steps, and watch to see what she would do with the hew^ 
So the 8i)earmen went ; and the woman, when she came to the 
river, first watered the horse, and then filling the pitcher, caifte 
back the same w^ay she had gone, with the pitcher of water vi^ 
her head, and the horse dragging upon her arm, while she stiB 
kept twirling the spindle. 

13. King Darius was full of wonder both at what they ^ho 
had watched the woman told him, and at what he had himself 
seen. So he commanded that she should be brought before hii*^ 



clear that this was not the case; for whence they were dislodged ^^Jj 

Aristagoi-as attacked Amphipolia from Macedonians (Thucyd. ii. 99V t^ 

MyrcinuB (compare Herod, v. 126, with possessed at this time a small tnct tt^ 

Thucyd. iv. 102), and Myrcinus con- of the Strymon, where they had ^ 

tinned to be a town of some oonse- two cities Myrcinus and Eimea-Ho^ 

quence after Amphipolis had obtained (Nine-Ways). Afterwards DrabiiC^ 

its greatest extent (Thucyd. iv. 107). (Dhranui) is called theirs (Thucyd. ' 

Colonel Leake places Myrcinus to the 100) ; but it is doubtful if they extendi^ 

north of Pangajum, and very jiear Am- so far at this period, 
phipolis (Travels in Northern Greece, ^ Nicolas of Damascus told the wd 

iii. p. 18). story of a certain Thradan, who thv 

« The Edonians appear in history as exhibited his wife to Alyattcs, king < 

a very ancient Thracian people (infra, Lvdia (Fragm. Hist. GrsBC. iiL p. 413 

vii. 110; Soph. Ant. 956; Strab. x. p. The repetition of such tales is a commc 

086; Apollod. iil 5. § 1). • They seem feature of ancient legendxuy history, 
to have dwelt originally _in Mygdonia, 



KT. n-15. 



PJEONIA INYADED BY THE PEItSIANS. 



183 



And the woman came ; and with her appeared her brothers, who 
had been watching everything a little way off. Then Darius 
ajcked them of what nation the woman was; and the young 
men replic4 that they were Pffionians, and she was their gister. 
Darius rejoined by asking, " Who the Pfuoniana were, and in 
what part of the worid they Li^ed? and, further, what business 
tiad brought the young men t-o Sardis " ? Then the brothers 

■ told hira they had come to put themselves under his power, and 
Fieonia was a country upon the river Strymon, and the Strymon 
wai at no grcAt distance from the Hellespont, The Paeonians, 
they ^iid, were colonists of the Teucrians from Troy.* When 
tliey had thus answered his questions, Darius asked if all the 
women of their country worked so hard ? Then the brothers 
eagerly answered, Yes ; for this was the very object with which 
H the whole thing had been done. 

^L^14. So Darius ^vrote letters to Megabazus, the commander 
^pJNiom be had left behind in Thrace,^ and ordered him to remove 
the Pa^omans from their own land, and bring them into his 
presence, men, women, and children. And straightway a horse- 
man took the message, and rode at speed to the Hellespont ; 
aadj croaking it, gave the paper to Meo^abazus. Then Megabazus, 
as soon as he had read it, and procured guides from Thrace, made 
war upon P^ouia. 

15. Now when the Pieonians heard that the Persians were 

marching against them, they gathered themselves together, and 

marched down to the sea-coast, since they thought the Persians 

Would endeavour to enter their country on that ^ide. Here then 

they stood in readiness to oppose the army of JlegabaKus. But 

Hibe Persians, who knew that they had coUectedj and were gone 

Bio keep guard at the pass near the sea, got guides, and taking 

fithe inland route before the PfiDonians were aware, poured down 

tjpoo their cities, Irdm which the men had all marched out ; and 



* H«fodottis, it must be remembered, 
Imad^t Ihe ToucrLms wLth tbe My- 
«^gi« out of Euro|>e into A^isk, at a tmm 
%DtBrior to tLe Trojan war (vii, JU), 
Qe pt^babljr thereforo int«Dds: here to 
tbe Pa^onioJis m sm oi^jiboot 
p Teucriaus U/otl' they left 
i abode« m Europe (cf, Nie- 
IsfilKr, B. H. voL i. p, 51 ). 

To wbal otlmlc fnmllj the Pseoniooi 
^««lly belonged ia very uncertain. That 
tlucrj w«rie naitber ThraciaoA nor llly- 
we D3AJ ptirbapa, with Niebuhr, 
iider to be '^ uDquestiooab]?*" But 



can wfl »ay, with Mr^ Orate {voL ir, p. 
19), that the J wei-e not ilacedomawiT 
Tbey m^y have been a retonant of tbe 
luiciant Felaagtc race to which tho early 
Maoedcinians likewise belonged (oL Nie- 
bolir, L n. c. and Appendix to Bk, tI. 
Ea^y i,}\ or they may have been a 
reu^Dont of the primitive Turanian 
popiilation, which firil spread oyer 
Eu rope . There are some dfou nutttioes 
which favour thb tfttter view (tea 
below^ ch, IG, note*). 

'^ Supr^ iv. IVd ; and 7. L 




184 



P.EOXIANS REDUCED BY MEGABAZUS. Bo«V. 



finding them empty, easily got possession of them. Then tie 
men, when they heard that all their towns were taken, scatteied 
.this way and that to their homes, and gave themselves up to the 
Persians. And so these tribes of the Paeonians, to wit^ the Siro- 
l)(eonians,^ the Pa}oplians,^ and all the others as fiBu: as Lake 
Prasias,^ were torn from their seats and led away into Asia. 

16. They on the other hand who dwelt about Mount Pangson^ 
and in the eomitry of the Dobfires,* tlie Agrianians,* and the 
Odomantians,'' and they likewise who inhabited Lake FnM 
were not conquered by Megabazus. He sought indeed to sobdoe 
the dwellers upon the lake, but could not eflect lus paipo^' 
Their manner of living is the following. Platforms supported 



^ The Siropteopianfl, or Psconians of 
Siris, must have dwelt in the fertile 
plain, which is still known as "the 
gi-eat plain of Serea '* (Claike, iv. p. 404; 
Leake, Northern Gr. iii. p. 201), lying 
north of the Strymouic lake. They de- 
rived their name from tlieir capital cit^ 
Siris (Steph. Byz. ad voc.), which is 
mentioned by Herodotus (viii. 115), and 
Livv ;xlV. 4); the ^icrca or Serres of 
modem geographers, now a town of 
20,000 inhabitants (Leake, iii. pp. 199- 

2t.Mi). 

- The Pa3oplians are mentioned again 
(vii. li:i;in connexion with the Dobdres, 
AS dwelling to the north of Mount Pan- 
ganim. They probably occupied a por- 
tion of the same plain with the Siro- 
paioniaiis i^Leako, iii. 212). 

3 Colonel Leake's arguments (N. Gr. 
iii. pp. 210-212) in proof that Lake 
Piusitts is not Lake Bolbo (BesikM) but 
the Stryiuonic lake {Tithhino) seem to 
me completely 8;itisfactory. The Paoonia 
of Herodotus is entirely itrX r^ 1rpvyL6vi 
TTorafx^ '■ V. s. ch. 13, and infra, note to 
ch. 17). 

^ I regard Mount Pangajum as the 
range which runs parallel to the coast 
between the valley of tlie AmjhisUi 
(Augites), or eastern portion of the 
plain of Sern's, and the high road from 
{)rf>iun to I'ravistn. It is ciilled in some 
maps I'Himr Ihigh. 

* The Doberes dwelt on the northern 
skirts of Mount Pangieum (infra, vii. 
113). They can scarcely be the inha- 
bitants of the Pajonian Doberus men- 
tioned by Thucydidos (ii. 98, since that 
city lay near the Axius, which is more 
than a »k%Tee to the westwiunl. 

** The Agiianiaiw are roganlod with 
probability as the inhabitant.-* of the 
up|)er valley of the Strymon ^Gattei-er, 



p. 114; Leake, iiLp. 210). The 
m Thuoydides (U. 96); Stnbo (mF 
460); and Stephen (ad Toe. 'A)fMiV 
agree with such a position. Thflre*- 
tinned independent to the time of Altf* 
ander, when their king; Laoganii^ni^ 
his submission ( Arrian, Exp. AL i> ^^ 
Afterwards in Alexander't army tkf i 
formed about the most impoitaBtp<'' i 
tion of his light troops {^^aA, ill 1% ^^ 
20, 24, Ac). 

^ We must not oonfound this pMp 
with the Odomanti of Thucydidst;*** 
dwelt in a plain beyond tlie StiTD** 
far to the north, and moreovsr •«• 
Thracians fii. 101). They are undo^* 
edly the Odomanti of Livy (xIt. *)• 
who gradually encroached on the Sbo- 
pa)onians, ana became masters of tbtf 
chief city (** Siras terras Odomanticf ■ 
Colonel Leake places them on ^ 
northern slopes of the mountain-cMi" 
which closes in the Strymonic pjjjj 
(plain of Serres) upon the north *•** 
north-east, the Mount Orbelos of H**" 
dotus. He observes with respect to 
this campaign of Megabazus— 

" It was very natiual that Mog»l*^ 
should have subdued the Sirop»>B* 
who possessed the most fertile aod ^ 
posed part of the Strymonic plaiHt ^^ 
the Odomanti, who were secure i» * 
higher situation, and still more ^ 
Agrianes, who dwelt at the sourcei ^ 
the Stiymon, were able to avoid ^ 
resist him, as well as the Dobdres, tm^ 
the other Pa)ones of Mount Paiig««^ 
and the amphibious inhabitants of ^ 
Lake Prasias" (Travels in Xoithelft 
Greece, iii. p. 210). 

The substance of this remark ii veit 
true ; but the Odomanti of Herodotoi 
dwelt in Pangosum, not in Oi-belus, u 
appears from vii. 112. 



Chaf, 15-16. 



liraABTTANTS OF LAKE PRASTAS. 



185 



upon tall piles stand in tlie middle of the lake, whicli nre ai> 
jiroftched from the land by a single narrow bridge,* At the first, 
the pile^ which bear np the platforms were fixed in tlieir jjlaces 
by the whole body of the citizens, bat sim^e that time the custom 
which Ims prevailed about fixing them ia this :— they are brought 
from a hill called Orb^loSj" and every man drives in three for 
each wife that he marries* Now the men have all many wives 
apiece ; and this is the way in whicli they live. Each has his own 



^■iibtral 

I 



I 



* Recent di9coYerie» m the lakM df 
Ltral Europe^ portictikrlj tlioM of 
land, h&re confirmed in the 
tuoflt remu'k&ble way tlik whole de- 
RcriptioQ of H^rodotUi' It appears 
^idit At on anciBDt data, probablj antie- 
ricir to that of the ixomigration of the 
Celt*, th^re Uved on most of tbeee lakea 
raoe or raoes, who formed for them- 
selves habil&^oiu almost exactly like 
tlicAe wbkh Herodotus here deactibea. 
At • short distance from the RhorG, rows 
^ ^roodeii (lilee were drivels into the 
^lldllj bottom^ generally diapofted in 
Vamm p«nill«l to the bank^ but not at 
i«gmlAr iatertnlB, upon which tbera can 
hm no dotibt that pmtfomis were plnced 
md ImbitAtionfi raised. Witbin the area 
Qooapied by the pilmt and over the 
ip«oe iaunediately ndjoLniog, are found 
■S the bottoTa, ofteu occupying a depth 
of Mrrefml feet, objecta of humaji iiidua^ 
tiy* cooaisting of rude potter)' and 
imriouB implementa in alone^ bone, and 
fafoa&ei. ETefTthing msrka the high 
mtiqiiitj of these remaina. The pot- 
ttrf ia coarse in character and ahaped 
by tlie hand; It baa scarcely a trace of 
enuinent. The implemeots in atoue 
aSfd bone indicate a oatioo la the moat 
pfiutitiYe condition* The complete, or 
almost complete, abeence of iron^ is 
most elgiufieiiiit. Also* it must be ob- 
Mx^edt that there is in most placets a 
4^»oalt of mud, the growth of c«titu* 
CMB^ eovenng the remuios^ in the whole 
#f which there are no implemoDta. 
of animals, which had nppareatly 
killed for foodt appear throughout 
whole stratum of mud in which the 
f]ii|»lsmefits are found. In one case at 
m remnant of the bridge has been dia- 
by which the inhabitanta cotn- 
fDintic^ed with the land. (See a letter 
Urom M. Fred. Troy on to M, Pictect, in 

ISfiT, and an elaborate article in 
tilt Mitihfiiurif^fn dct Anfifpnttiachfri 

GmeibcA^ft m ZhH*^, for 18U, by Dr. 
F«7diiuuid KeUcr* Compare alao Ifvi 



PfdAihiifi-Attrtth^mer row Moansced'^f im 
K^mtati Bent, by iDI. Tahu and Uhl- 
manti* publiidied in 18570 

Antiquoriea seem fuUy agreed that 
these ure among the most primitiTe 
remaina in Europe » belonging either to 
the eaj ly Celtic, or perhaps mora pro* 
bably, to a pr^-Celtic period* It is a 
reasonable c(>njecture that they come 
down to u» from that Finnish (Tura^ 
nian) racet which (aH has beea observed, 
vol. i. p, 5iM), Rote *) seem^ to have 
peopled the whole of Europe in pri* 
meval times. We may suspect that this 
people occupied the lakea for security 
at the iimo when the Cclta began to 
press upon them- but that they failed 
to maiotain themselves, and gradually 
yielded and were absorbed in the immi- 
grants. In aome plact^a it ia evident 
from the depoaita that the platforms 
were finally destroyed by fire (Lettie 
de M. Troyoo, p. 7), abundance of 
charred wood being found above all the 
rest at the remeuns. 

The ethnic character of the PaK^niana 
has Always appeared difficult to deter* 
mine* They lay intemosed between 
the IllyriAna and the Thradans, evi- 
dently a difltinct race &om both, and 
much weaker than either^ The account 
of their physical qualities (supraj ch< 
12)^ if we could depend upoo it, would 
mai'k them for iTido-Europeans. But 
it may dow be suspected th&t they were 
in reality a Turanian race. 

A aimjlur mode of life to that here 
dcacribcil by Herodotus, and apparently 
praotLsed by the early inhabitants of 
Switzerland, is found amoug the Papons 
of New Guinea (see the MMoirt of 
Dumont d'Urville^ tom* iv* p. 607 ). 

* The position of Orb4lus ia Exed by 
the pssaage of Arrian* where Alt^xander 
is said to have had Philippi and Mount 
Orbdlua on kii (eft aa he marched Irom 
Amphipolis towards the Neatus (Eitped* 
Alex. ]» 1)* Strabo aeems to have ex- 
tended the name to the more central 
range of ijcomius (vii. p. 47 8j* 




186 



PERSIAN EMBASSY TO MACEDONIA. 



Book! 



liiit, wherein he dwells, upon one of 4he platfonns, and eachhtf 
also a trap-door giving access to the lalce beneath ; and their 
wont is to tie their baby children by the foot with a string, to 
save them from rolling into tlie water. They feed their isxsss 
and tlieir other beasts upon fish, which abound in the lake to such 
a degree that a man has only to o})en his trap-door and to letdown 
a basket by a rope into the water, and then to wait a very short 
time, when he draws it up quite full of them.^ The fish are of 
two kinds, which they call the paprax and the tilon.' 

17. The Pseonians^ therefore — at least such of them as had 
been conquered — ^Avere led away into Asia. As for MegaltfU 
he had no sooner brought the Po^onians under, than he sent into 
Macedonia an embassy of Persians, choosing for the purpose thtf 
seven men of most note in all the army after himsel£ These 
persons were to go to Amyntas, and require him to give earth 
and water to King Darius. Now there is a very short cut fto* 
the lake Prasias across to Macedonia. Quite close to the lake it 
the mine which yielded afterwards a tcdent of silver a day to 



^ The following doBcriptioii of the 
huso -fishing on the Wolga may serve to 
illustrate this passage of our author : — 
''The huso enters the rivers to spawn 
earlier than the sturgeon, generally 
about mid- winter, when they are still 
covered with ice. At this time the 
natives construct dikes across the river 
in certain pai-ts, formed with piles, 
leaving no interval that the huso can 
pass through; in the centre of the dike 
id an angle opening to the current, which 
consequently is an entering angle to the 
fish ascending the stream; at the sum- 
mit of this angle is an opening, which 
leads into a kind of chamber formed 
with cord or osier hurdles, according to 
the season of the year. Above the 
opening is a kind of scaffold , and a little 
cabin, where the fishermen can retire 
and warm themselves or repose, w^hen 
they are not wanted abroad. No sooner 
is the huso entei*ed into the chamber, 
which is known by the motion of the 
water, than the fishermen on the scaf- 
fold let fall a door, which prevents its 
return to seaward ; they then, by means 
of ropes and pulleys, lift the moveable 
bottom of the chimiber, and easily 
secure the fish." (Kirby's Bridgewater 
Treatise, vol. i. p. 108.) 

2 These names are untranslatable. 
Ko other ancient writer mentions the 
Faprax^ and only Aristotle in a single 
passage the Tiloi\* (^Hist. Animal, viii. 



20, § 12.). At the present day tlisi^ 
principally caught in the lake an eB?i 
tench, and eels. (Leake, ilL p. l^i) 

> PiBonia in ancient times appm*^ 
have consisted of two distinct tii^ 
One, commencing at the souroei of »* I 
Strymon, the country of the AgriiD^ 
extended down that river to the g"* 
lake near its mouth, being bounded^ 
the east by the mountain ridgs ^ 
Orbelus, and to the south by tint » 
Pangffium. On the west it is not djjj 
how far these Pseonians extended, b^ 
probably they held both banks d v* 
Strymon firom its source to the co^ 
mencement of the Strymonic lake. Tj* 
other Paionic territory was upon ^ 
Axius. It commenced at some diBt>«^ 
inland, and in its upper part w»» * 
broadish tract, separated by the nw*^ 
tain-range of Ceroine frova the wos^ 
of the M«di and Sinti (Thucyd. ^ 
98), which lay west and Bouth-wort Jv 
the Strymon; but lower down it ^ 
confined to a very narrow strip slo^ 
the course of the river Axius to the ^ 
(Thuc. ii. 99.) This Utter tract h#^ 
been conquered by the Kacedoniail 
before the commencement of the Pelcr 
ponnesian war (ibid.), but at what timi 
is uncertain. The upper Axian regio 
continued Pseonian till a much later &b 
Herodotus seems to have known on! 
of the Strj'mouic Pffionia. 



[■AS FEASTS THE AMBASSABOBS. 

Llojm.oder ; aod from this mine you have only to qtobb the 
lonntaiii called Dysormn to find yourself in the Macedonian 

enntory,* 
X^p So the Persians sent upon this en^and, when they readied 
lO roiirt, and were hronght iut^ the presence of Amyntas, re- 
Hired liim to giye earth and water to King Daritis. And Amyntaa 
t only gave them what they agked, but also invited them to 
some and feast with him ; after which be matle ready the board 
fitU great magnificencej and entertained the Persians in right 
iciaiidly fashion* Now when the meal was over, and they were 
Ul set to the drinking, the Persians said — 

*' Dear Macedonian* we Persians have a custom when we make 
% gre^it fea^t to bring with iis to the board our wives and eon- 
tuhbe^, and make them sit beside us.^ Now then, as tliou hast 
t^ceived ns so kindly, and feasted us ?o handsomely, and givest 
Moreover earth and water to King Darius, do also after our cus- 
tottin this matter." 

Ttea Amyntas answered — **0, Persians [ w© have no sneh 
*^t>ni as this; but with us men and women are kept apart. 
Nevertheless, since you, who are our lords, wish it, this also shall 
be granted to you*" 

When Amyntas had thus spoken, he bade some go and fetch 
the women* And the women came at his call and took their 
*eats in a row over against the Persians. Then, when the Persians 
^w that the women were iair and comely, they spoke again to 
Ajnyntas and said, that ^ what had been done was not wise ; for it 
1^ been better for the women not to have come at aU, than to 
^^^^ in thi.^ way, and not sit by their sideSj but remain over 
^&mt them, the torment of their eyes/ So Amyntas was 
feed to bid the women sit side by side with the Persians, 



* %Bdrum 10 probably the monntain- 
JiJI^ between Lake Bolbe and Lake 
*^*i«i. H«r*«3otUJ9, ID making thia 
^JjRB tha boundeiry btitw«©ii Pfleonia 
y« Macddonk, is tUlnkliig of the MBce* 
^^ of his. own day, whioh lutd been 
'^^'iMe^l bj the conquosts of Ferdiccaa 
ffot ban, to the neigbboiirbo&d of the 
**^B«a, (See Leakey ui- P- 21*2.) 
^Hie whole of thin region obonnda 
^tb piiaKj < infra, vi. 33 and 4G; vii, 
112^ Thucyd, iv, 105; Appian, BelL 
^^» iv. p, 1041), Some, as those of 
Ali*ro*fjpM, are aiiU worked, (L<5akei 
i^' p, Itfl,) Stiver is the ore chklSy 
^bUuiitd, It mmy be regiarded aa a con> 
of tht iliitement in tho te^t, 



that silver coins (totradracbtas) of Al«x- 
andtir L ai'e found among the earliest 
specimeaa In the Mocedoui&D aeri^. 

^ The ambaasAdors, if this i>ortioti 
of tha tale be true, muat hare pre- 
sumed greatly upon the Greek iguorimce 
of PersUn cu^tomi. The seeluAloM of 
the women was as much pr&ctieed by 
the P«niuifl ss by sn^r other OrieoUla. 
Th^s meSHage to Vashti [Ksther h 1 1 ) ia 
an act of royal watitotiiiesi<, and her 
refusal arises from bor un willingness to 
outrage the established uaagea of 
Bociety. (See Joseph. Ant, Jud* ad, Hj 
atid ctAinp^re on the anbject generally, 
Briflstm, de RegD, Pers. 11. pp. 27a-*276, 
and Bahr ad loc) 



188 MISCONDUCT OF THE PERSIANS. Book*^ 

The women did as lie ordered ; and then the Persians, whohi^ 
drunk more than they ought, began to put their hands on tkia* 
and one even tried to give the woman next him a kiss. 

19. King Amyntas saw, but he kept silence, although sorely 
grieved, for he greatly feared the power of the Persians. Alex- 
ander, however, Amyntas' son, who was likewise there and 
witnessed the whole, being a young man and unacquainted vitb 
suffering, could not any longer restrain himselt He therefiiie, 
full of wrath, spake thus to Amyntas : — " Dear father, thou art 
old and shouldest spare thyselt Kise up fix)m table and go take 
thy rest ; do not stay out the drinking. I will remain with the 
guests and give them all that is fitting.** 

Amyntas, who guessed that Alexander would play some w 
prank, made answer : — " Dear son, thy words sound to dW as 
those of one who is well nigh on fire, and I perceive thou sendeat 
me away that thou may est do some wild deed. I beseech thea 
make no commotion about these men, lest thou bring us all to 
ruin, but bear to look calmly on what they do. For myedi A 
will e'en withdraw as thou biddest me." 

20. Amyntas, when he had thus besought his son, wentflrt; 
and Alexander said to the Persians, " Look on these ladiea aa 
your own, dear strangers, all or any of them — only tell us Jftwr 
wishes. But how, as the evening wears, and I see you have all 
had wine enough, let them, if you please, retire, and when theT 
have bathed they shall come back again." To this the Persians 
a*j:roed, and Alexander, having got the women away, sent them 
ofl' to tlie harem, and made ready in their room an equal number 
of bcfirdless youths, whom he dressed in the garments of the 
women, and then, arming them >vith daggers, brought them in j 
to the Persians, saying as he introduced them, " Methinks, dear | 
l^ersians, that your entertainment has fallen short in nothing* 
We have set before you all that we had ourselves in store, and 
all that we could anywhere find to give to you — and now, tocro^ 
the whole, we make over to you our sisters and our motheft 
that you may perceive yourselves to be entirely honoured bynS) 
even as you deserve to be — and also that you may take back 
word to the king who sent you here, that there was one man, a 
Greek, the satrap ® of Macedonia, by whom you were both feasted 

* The word used in the text is not 113; &c.) He intends to mark herein 

aarpdmis, but Jhrapxos. This latter has, admission on the part of Alexander, 

however, nearly the same force in Hero- that his father only held Macedonia ti 

dotus, who does not use the former, a fief under the Persian crown. 
(See iii. 128; iv. 166; v. 25; vii. 6; ix. 



Crap. 18^22. 



THEIR DEATH. 



189 



and lodged handsomely*" So speakingf Alexander set by the 
mde of each Persian one of those whom he had called Jlace- 

H doDian women, bnt who were in truth men. And these men, 

™ ^hen the Persians began to be rude> despatched them with their 
daggers^ 

21. So the ambassadors perished by this death, both they and 
als<.> their followers, For the Persians had brought a great train 
with them, carriages, and attendants, and twiggage of every kind 
— all of which thsappeared at the same time as the men them* 
6el%"es« ISot yery long afterwards the Persians made strict search 
for their lost embassy ; but Alexander, with much wisdom, hushed 
up the business, bribing those sent on the errand, partly with 
money, and partly with the gift of his own sister Gygaea/ whom 
he gare in marriage to Buharea, * a Persian, the chief leader of 
the espedititjn which came in search of the lost men» Thus 
the death of these Persians was hushed np, and no more was said 

k of it. 

"^ 22. Now that the men of this family are Greeks, sprung from 
^erdiccaSj as they themselves affirm, is a thing which I can 
declare of my own knowledge, and which I will hereafter make 
plainly evident* ^^ That they are so has been already adjudged 
l>y tbt^e who manage the Pan-IIeUenic contest at Olympia. 
For when Alexander \\iahed to contend in the games, and had 
oome to Olympia with no other view, the Greeks who were about 



^ SimUnr «tone« uro told by Pau§ania« 
Ctv, 4^ g ->) of tbe MesBBDianB and Lace- 
•^'iioijJAtiH ; by Polymiiiit (L iiU,§ 2i, of 
l^r^ ^ibexiiatis usd MegfiriaiLs; and by 
^~#<iO|ibon (HelL v, 4. §§ 2-6), of cer- 
^** Tbeban exllee wbo thus ulew the 
T^'^^^HiAfcha, The *^rep«etitioQ of a 
J^^ting itory, in reference to diff^erent 
2^^ple Bud tiinesj haa" (aa Mr. Grotd 
j^y^ Id ref@refice to another tale, vol, iv. 
J^ ^Tii^ f* iDfluy parallel J m aocient hia* 
^'TF'-** Vide anpPft^ cb. lij note ', and 

V ^•^l* ^- p. 441, note ^ 
j^^^Vid© infra, Tiii, 136, where it iip- 
^^SS^^ that Bnbdrea bad a uon by tbu 
^^^^^■^"iaffft^ whom he named AmyutofE. 
^^^^P^ AmjntM waa made govettiar of 
^^^^**audfc by Xerxes. 
Il tiubftrae was the son of MegnbaEUfl. 
^^^^ mfterwardii overxeer of the work- 
^*^ «& Athou (infm, vu. 22;. 

•^VWe infm. tiu, 137. Mr, rxrote 
L lEJf^** without t'€«erve the Hrlleuic 
t ^***:«nt of the royal Macedonian family 
H ^^^\ i¥* |>p. 31**25). He instance*, jl? 
^^ *^Ur, Xhe aiH« vt MHtiiidcA i^HeitHi. 



vi. 34), and refers abo to the CR«e« of 
Phormio ainoDg the Acaroaniaus, and 
SertoHuB among the Ibedaoji, us illutt' 
trationa of the probability of »uch a 
aubmieaion on the part of uuciviliied 
tribes. We may readity grant the pofl- 
aibility of euch an ocQunf^cice. But la 
it not more likely tbat the Macedonian 
re^l line, liko that of the Lyncestv 
(Strab. vii. p. 41 '.i\, tmd ihut of tha 
Molossi of EpimH^ belonged to the elftfia 
of *' H«U€nji***d nativeft pretending to 
Greek blood "T The character of the 
race, so far aa it can be made out, i» 
barbarian^ not Greek. And the Hel^ 
lanodicfi^ would not bo very strict io 
their exjuniuation^ when the cluitaant 
was R kiDg. Thucydides, it ia truep 
agrees with Herod otui (li. 99; t, ^0); 
but Demosthenes may be quoted on 
the other ude of the controversy . His 
words are excesfiively atrong. — ♦jAf«ir«pv 
. . * ^ ov fiSifov avx ^'E.XhTjvoi 6rrof 

'EXAijffiv, iXX* .... &KiBffov MoKf- 
UvQi, tt.r,K. (Fhilipp. iii 4U, p. liltj). 



190 MEGABAZUS AND HISTL£n& BooiT. 

to run against him would have excluded him from theoontest- 
saying that Greeks only were allowed to contend, and not btt" 
barians. But Alexander proved himself to be an Argi?e,ind 
was distinctly adjudged a Greek; after which he entered the 
listfiT for the foot-race, and was drawn to run in the first pifc 
Thus was this matter settled. 

23. Megabazus, having reached the HeUespont with the 
Faeonians, crossed it, and went up to Sardia He had becone 
aware while in Europe that Histiaeus the Milesian was raising » 
wall at Myrcinus — the town upon the Strymon which he hi 
obtained from King Darius as his guerdon for keeping the biidgSi 
No sooner therefore did he reach Sardis with the Ffleonians tbm 
he said to Darius, *^ What mad thing is this tliat thou hast doa^ 
sire, to let a Greek, a wise man and a shrewd, get hold of atom 
in Thrace, a place too where there is abundance of timber fit te 
shipbuilding, and oars in plenty, and mines of silver,^ and iM 
which are many dwellers both Greek and barbarian, ready enon^ 
to take him for their chief, and by day and night to do hislJi" 
ding I ^ I pray thee make this man cease his work, if tbA 
wouldest not be entangled in a war with thine own folloinA 
Stop him, but with a gentle message, only bidding him to ooB^ 
to thee. Then when thou once hast him in thy power, be sn* 
thou take good care that he never get back to Greece again." 

24. With these words Megabazus easily persuaded Darhtf. 
who thought he had shown true foresight in this matter. Dario* 
therefore sent a messenger to Myrcinus, who said, " These be 
the words of the king to thee, O Histia^us ! I have looked to 
find a man well affectioned towards me and towards my gre*** 
ness ; and I have found none whom I can trust like thee. Thy 
deeds, and not thy words only, have proved thy love for m^ 
Now then, since I have a mighty enterprise in hand, I prayth«® 
come to me, that I may show thee what I purpose ! " 

Histio^us, when he heard this, put faith in the words of th^ 

^ Histiscus 8howe<l excellent judg- iu later times of Philippi. It ii ^' 

ment in selecting this site. The vici- tolled abundantly by writers bo* 

nity of the rich and extensive Stry- ancient and modem. ^Thucyd. iv. \^\ 

monic plain, the abundance of timber, Liv. xlv. M); Appian, de Bell. Civ. i*; 

the neighbourhood of gold and silver p. 1041; Boue, Voyage en Tuiquie, »• 

mines (v. s. note * on ch. 17), the ready pp. 19t;-199; Clarke, iv. pp. 4u24i.*i 

access to the sea, were all points of the Leake, iii. pp. 19u-2()l.) 
utmost importance to a new settlement. - Compare the Behistun inscriptioft* 

The value set upon the site iu later where obedience is thus describe<l:- 

times lA indicated by the struggles for *'That which has been said to them by 

its possession (Thucyd. iv. 102). The me, both by night and by day it hi 

excellence of tlje position caused the been done by them." (Col. i. par. T 

bubset^uent greatness of Amphipoiis, and end.; See also Thucyd. i. I:!9. 



ARTAPHERNE3 AND OTANES. 



messenger ; and, as it seemed to him a grand thing to be the 
ting's counsellor, he straightway went up to Sardis* Tlien 
Darius, when he was come, gaid to him, ** Dear Histianis, hear 
-wliy I have sent for thee. No sooner did I return from Seythia, 
find lose thee out of my sight, than I longed, as I have never 
loDged for aught else, to behold thee onee more, and to inter- 
change speech with thee* Right sure I am there is nothing in 
fill the world so precious as a friend who is at once wise and 
^nie : both which thou art, m I have had good praof in what 
^bou hast ah"eady done for me. Now then *tis weU thou art 
oome ; for loctk^ I have an offer to make to thee. Let go Miletus 
wHkd thy newly-fouuded town in Thrace, and come with me up 
^tx> Susa ; ehoro all that I have ; live with me, and be my coun- 
sellor.^ 

25, When Darius had thus spoken he made Artaphcmes, his 
l^rother by the father's side, govenior of Sardis, and taking His- 
t:ia^*us with him, went up to fciJuga, He left as general of all the 
-troops up3n the sea-coast * Otanes, son of Sisamnes/ whose father 
liing Carabyses slew and flayed,^ because that he., being of 
^lie number of the royal judges, had taken money to give an 
-UJirighteous sentence. Therefore Cambyses slew and flayed 
^^bfimues, and cutting hi^ skin into Btrii)S, stretched them acrass 
*lie seat of the throne whereon he had been wont to sit when 
li « heard causes, Havinp; so done Cambyses appointed the son 
^^<=>^Sisamnes to be judge in his father's room^ and bade him uever 
"^^et in what way his seat was cushioned. 

2fj, Accordingly this Otanes, who had occupied so strange a 
*"^*Jtjiie, became the successor of Megabazus in his command, and 
^-^^ok first of all Byssantium and Chalcedon,"' then Antandrus ^ in 



^ Ooznps^re for thl» DrientiU practice, 
^ ^**ii, ii. 7, 11; lix. 'i3 ; 1 KiDgH iL 
W^^^tc* And for the uie of it by the 
^J***iaoa, Xenoph, Anab. i, 8, § 25, imd 
^*f«^ iii. i:i2. 

»^ Otftnes aod Artapbem«i do not hold 
^? t^lati¥B poBitiaaa of OrtKtea and 
S»^^^l>at«fl (iii. liitJ), TissftphttiUBB and 
^^'M^j(tb9<u» jTbuc. viii.) ; but Arta- 
^^•^iMs ifl «a.trap, i\ f. bfts the civil ed* 
^^J*^tr*tion, whilfl Otuiefl \m a laeru 
^^^i*ismder of tioopfl ieupra, vaL ii. 
^^ ' » note *), He i* e«p<cially ajipomted 
^''^icce^d M^RbiusuH in hm coiunmnd, 
fc^^^ ^Vbt the conspimtor,, who wm Oduies, 
^^ of I^h^inaaj^i (iii. 6S l 
i^^ lu Iftter tinoe* tbe Periiiiii i«em to 
^ llAjed their cniumali oitw* Mjia«i, 



tbe heretii^ suffered tbit death (Suidta, 
ID Toc,)i which woa known ai "tho 
PeTBion punlabtnent" (Tb«bdoi«t. ady. 
User. L 26; Cyril, Cateeb.'rii,}. Megabates 
too ia said to have h«ea flajed alive by 
Piatymtis. (Pint. Arfcaienc.) Flaying 
was alflo an Assyrian pmctioe. (S«o 
Bottaa Monumeiis de Ninive, voL ii.i 
pL L20f aod Layard'B J|ounmeQt« nf 
Nineveh, 2nd Sema^ pL 47.) 

'^ Vide iiipm» iv. 144. 

* AtitonriruB lay on the eea-HCoait of 
th« gulf of AdramffUf & abort diistaiice 
weat of Adramyttium ( ScyL Peripl, p, 
«7; Strah. xiii. p. 87^; infrn, vii* 42). 
The name remt^lus in the Anftindro at 
the preeeofc day (Ut. 39" 3>\ loog, 2tj* 
4t^';. It is called by Eerodt^tua a 



192 



CONQUESTS OF OTANES. 



BookT. 



the Troas, and next Lamponium.' ITiis done, he borrowed 
ships of the Lesbians, and took Lemnos and Imbros, which woe 
still inhabited by Pelasgians.^ 

27. Now the Lemnians stood on their defence, and foa^ 
gallantly ; but they were brought low in course of time. SnA 
as outlived the struggle were placed by the Persians under tie 
government of Lycaretus, the brother of that Maeandrins'i^ 
was tyrant of Samos. (This Lycaretus died afterwards in lA 
government.) The cause which Otanes alleged for coDqneriog 
and enslaving all these nations was, that some had refused to 
join the king's army against Scythia, while others had mdMed 
the host on its return. Such were the exploits which OtaneT^ 
performed in his command. 

28. Afterwards, but for no long time,^ there was a respite fro« 
suffering. Then from Naxos and Miletus troubles gathered 
anew about Ionia. Now Naxos at this time surpassed all tke 
other islands in prosperity ;* and Miletus had reached the hogbt 



Pelasgio town (vii. 42), and by Alcseus a 
city of the Leleges (ap. Strab. 1. 8. c). 
Its foundation must therefore bie 
ascribed to a period prior to the first 
Greek colonies upon the coast. The 
occupation of Antandrus for a hunrlred 
years by the Cimmerians has been 
already noticed (vol. i. p. 300, note *, 
and supra, p. 151, note ®). 

* This was an unimportant place on 
the same coast, the exact site of which 
cannot be fixed. It is said to have been 
an .f^olian colony (Strab. xiii. p. 877). 
Hecatftius and Hellanicus both men- 
tioned it (Steph. Byz. ad voc. Aofiirw- 
vfia) ; but it is omitted by Scylax. 

* Vide supni, iv. 145. 
2 Supra, iu. 14-2-U8. 

* The chronology of the events in the 
reign of Darius depends almost entirely 
on the question of what we are to un- 
derstand by this expression. If we 
regard the battle of Marathon as fixed 
by the concuiTent voice of all the Greek 
chrouologists and historians to the 
Olympic year, 7J, 3 'ji.c. 49"). we can, 
from Herodotus alone, determine the 
dates of the various events in the reign 
of Darius up to the Naxian revolt, 
iiitnost with certaintj/. But the earlier 
events, as the Thraciau an<l the Scy- 
thian campaigns, de[>end for their date 
upon the length of the interval here 
described as *' no long time " {ov iroWhv 
Xp6voy). Perhaps Clinton is not far 
wrong in reckoning it "a tranquillity 



of two years." (F. H. toI. ii. fit '^ 
App. p. 314.) 

Mr. Grote's proposed punetoite 
fitriL Bk oh voXXhif xp^vov, iwtns f'^ 
i(y, appears to me to give no seoseitilL 

* Naxoe (now Axia^ Roas's lofdnii^ 
vol. iii. Pref. p. x.), the UrgMt rftk* 
Cyclades, when we last heard of it. vii 
said to have been delivered by Pi* 
tratus into the hands of his follo*(fi 
Lygdamis (i. 64). It would seem tW 
an oligarchy had succeeded to hit ^ 
ranny (infrsC ch. 3o), as was usual in «• 
Greek states. (See Hermaim's P* 
Ant. § 65.) According to the VteadO" 
Plutarch the Lacedsemonians haddriTtt 
Lygdamis from his post. (De IbligB' 
Herod, vol. ii. p. 859.) This is (par 
tioued by Mr. Grote (vol. iv. p. 3T^ 
note ; ; but it is in accordance with tU 
general statements both of Herodotui 
and Thucydidej (^Herod. v. 92; Thucyi 
i. 18, 122, &c.). 

The fertility of Naxos was proTerW"! 
in ancient times. Agathemer says tkift 
it was called on this account "littk 
Sicily" (i. 5, p. 194). M. de TourDfr 
fort gives an agreeable description of iti 
productiveness. (^Travels, Letter v. Tci 
i. pp. 16G, 107, E. T.) Ross says (Inad- 
reise, vol. i. p. 42), '* Ja, Vater HerodA 
hat reclit ; Naxos ist schon jetzt die M" 
ligste der Inseln ; und was konute o^ 
voUends durch sorgsamen Anbau wer 
den!" 



tAF, 26-30. 



FKKSH TROUBLES Bf IONIA, 



of her power,* and was the glory of Ionia. But previously for 
two generations the Milesians had suffered grievously from 
c*ivil disorderSj which were composed by the Fariaue, whom the 
>[ilesiaiis ohose before all the rest of the Greeks to rearrange 
their government,^ 

29- Now the way in which the Parians healed their differences 
%%'a?^ the following, A number of the chief Pariafis came to 
^liletns, and when they saw in how mined a condition ,tha 
3Iile9iau8 were, they said that they would like fir^ to go over 
t Lit?ir country. So they went through all Milesia, and on their 
^*^ay, whenever they saw in the waste and desolate country any 
l^nd that was well farmed, they took down the names of the 
t^^ruers in their tablets; and having thus gone through the 
^%*" hole region, and obtained after all hut few names, they called 
^he people together on their return to Miletus, and made procla* 
^xintion tliat they gave the government into the hands of those 
J>^rsons whose lands tliey had found well farmed ; for they 
H|^l30Ugbt it likely (they said) that the same persons who had 
'Xix&naged their own affaiiia well would likewise conduct aright the 
l>tittiies8 of the state. The other Milesians, who in time pa^t had 
t-»^en at variance, they placed under the rule of these men. Thus 
^^as the MUesiao government set in order by the Parians. 

80. It was, however, from the two cities above mentioned that 
tTujubles began now to gather again about Ionia \ and this is the 
'^^ay iu which they arose. Certain of the rich men had been 
l>a.iiished from Naxos by the commonalty, and, upon their banish- 
1^*3. cnt^ had fled to Miletus* Aristagoras, son of Molpagoras,^ the 
*^<^phew tmd likewke the son-in-law of Histia^us, son of Lysagoras, 
'^'lie was still kept by Darius at 8usa, happened to be regent of 
^Mil^jtus at the time of their coming. For the kingly power 
^^^ionged to llistiieus ; but he was at Susa whan the Nasians 
*^«^«afi* Now these Naatians had in times past been bond-friends 
^^ Hktia^^us ; and so on their arrival at Miletus they addressed 
^eiust*lves to Aristagoras and begged him to lend them such 



Tkfi iiAjoifffoicpatia of MOetus Wm 

^"•**i by the chrouologejn v«ry macii 

^'*T, i r. nbout 8x. 76U-7au lof. Euaeb, 

i. 3% aiid ii p. 32 1 i. And 

ja Plin. U. N. V. 29 J a«^m 

"uirtf ui'iMii 4.'tiiefly sent out in the 7tb 

* Cciijcctfimg the practice of etdlttig 
k tt^iguttr^ lA ftettle tbti dameitii: dif- 
tiicem of A ftUtOi Tide xupra, iv, l(jL 

VOL. 111. 



Aooordicig to M. Toumefort, the FAriiLiia 
retiiined th« ehKnu:ti;r of persons of good 
neam Iq hU day, atid " the Qreekfl of tUu 
tiei^hbuuring tMl&tids oftea made tiitfUt 
lu'bitrators of thbtr disputes/' (TniTela, 
vol. Lp. 1"(9, E. To 

* A Molpogorafl is mentioned by PSu- 
tiircb a« ^ oouiemponiry Aud friend of 
Tiiaie«* iConv* Sap. vol. ii p. 147* j 
Tbii tfkiy httiVe beon the ialLher of AtIa- 

O 



194 



AKISTAGOEAS APPLIES TO ARTAPEERJfES, 



Book V. 



aid as his ability allowed, in hopes thereby to reooTer their 
country. Then Aristngoras, considering ^vith himself tliat^ if 
the Kfodans should be restored by his help, he would be lord 
of Naxoe, put forward the fiiendship with Bistia&us to cloak his 
views, and spoke as follows : — 

" I cannot engage to furnish you with such a power as were 
needfid to force you, against their will, upon the Naxians who 
hold the city ; for I know they can bring into the field eight 
thousand * l>ucklerg, and have also a vast numlH^r of ships of war* 
But I mW do all that hes in tny power to get you some aid, aod 
I think I can manage it in this way Artaphemes hapfn-iii? to 
be my friend. Now he is a son of Hystasj^es, and brother to ^ 
King Darius, AH the sea-coast of Asia is under him,* and he-: 
ha3 a numerous army and numerous sliips- I think I can p] 
vail on him to do what we require/' 

\^^len the Naxians heard this, they empowered Aristagoras im^^^o 
manage the matter for them as well as he could , and told him totr^^-*^ 
promise gifts and pay for the soldierSj which (they said) tliey- 



jme 



would readily furnish, since they hod great hope tliat tlie Naxians*^ ^^*^H 
so soon as they saw them returned, wotdd render them ol^dienre-^ -^^ ^^ 
and like^\ise the other islanders,^"* For at that time not one oCi^^*^^ 
the Cyclades was subject to King Darius, 

31, So Aristagoras went to Sardis and told Artaphernes tha^ 
Naxos was an island of no great size, but a fair land and fertile, ^ 
lying near lonia,^ and containing much tn-asure and s 
number of slaves, " Make war then upon this land (he sai^ 



* In the la«it century the whole popw- 
latioD of the Uliiiid was eati mated nt 
till* ati]f>unt. ^Toumeforl, toI. i, p» 
17t.) If KaxoA could really at this 
time bring into the field au ortjjj of 
such « »iz&, «he muut hnve t>eeu one of 
the tuofit powerful of the Greek jttj^tes. 
8[t&rtii m Aoid (viL ^34) to hiive been 
a dty of 3CH.J0 men, " und Atheiu!, in the 
Ptilopoiiiiesiah ynuc, eoukl t^end into tho 
fleltl tio more thun 1h3,U0O heavy-armed* 
(Tiiucyd. ii. 13.) 

" Thia la evidently fin cEnggeration. 
A* the command of ArtaphemcB did 
not extend ou the «outb coaat beyond 
pAmphyliAi so northwTirdB it probably 
«lopped at AdramyttiuTiij where tlie 

^•airapf of Dnscyleium beg^n. It iiiita 
the purpose of ArtAl^ora^ to over-mte 
the power of his friend. 

^^ NoxoB would ap[>ear by tbre to bare 
exetmaed a ejieciea of ^ovtsneignty over 

I some of the other Cyclade». A SaAoffiro* 
n^aria was ascribed to hf:r, ubich was 




aaid to haire IbM^ 10 years, Mnd whic^ 
la reckotu^d apparently from B.C. hK* ^^ 
B.C. 5U0, thua covering the tO yeai^t ~ 
mediately preceding thia war (df. Ei 
Chron. Can. i, p. M, and ii. p, 336 

^ Pliny eatimatea the ctreum feres 
af Naxot at 75 Roman milcA i H. X. ^ 
12) ; Toumefort nt a hundred 'vol. i 
167), It ii oonsiderBbly lAn*cr 
Jersey^ but not more than I, '' "' -=* 

of the Isle of Wight. Its ft i -'^^ 

it to be called not only **1i".l.. '■■■-■j^^^Si 
(nee uoto ■•. ch. 28>, but alao Uionvi ^ 
("k vineftrum fertiJitate " )« and Vaj^^: 
polii. (Plm, H. N. I, a. c) It i« ec:=- ^ 
famoufl for ite Tineyarda, iU citi^ff^^"* 
and Its otunge^groTtt. (Eoas, vol. i. M^' 
38t and p, 41.) 

^ Kaxofl Ie diatant from the loni^i'' 
eooat at leaat 8U mil^. From Samcii'* 
however^ which whs now in the posiC^ 
sion of the PerfiiuiB, It i« not more thuii 
O/i milea, and m clear weather u vm'mi, 
(^Touraefurt, voL i. p> 175.} 




.*J* 



CH^e, :jo-32* 



AID GIVEN EIM, 



195 



iiu<l roiijstate the exiles ; for if tliou wilt do tlus, first of all, I 
liave very rieh gifts in store for tliee {ijesidea the cost of the 
armament, which it is fair that we who are the aothora of the 
war should pay) ; and, secondly, thou wilt bring under the power 
uf tlie king not only Naxos but the other islaiidg which depend 
OB it,^ as Paroa, Androfl, and all the rest of the Cycladea And 
when thon hast frained these, thou mayest. easily go on against 
Eul^a^a, wliich is a large and wealthy island not le^ in size than 
Cyprus/ and verj" easy to bring under. A hundred ships were 
quite enough to buMuo the whole," The other answered — "Truly 
thou art the author of a plan whi<'h may much advantage the 
lioQse of the king ; and thy eounsel is g*i*xl in all points except 
"the number of the ships. Instead of a hundred, two hundred 
^haU be at thy disposal when the spring conies* But the king 
fcimself must first approve the imdertakiug," 

32» When Aristagoms he^ird this he was greatly rejoiced, and 

"Went home in good heart to Miletus, And Artaphemes, after he 

bad aent a megsenger to Susa to lay the plans of Aristagoras 

^>fore the king, and received his approval of the undertalDag, 

triade ready a fleet of two hundred triremes and a vast army ol 

^orgians and their eonfedeTates. The command of these he gave 

^^ a Persian named Megabates, who belonged to the house of the 

-A^olnnemenids, being nephew both to himself and to King Dariua 

*^ Was to a daughter of this man that Pausaniai^ the Lat^ediumo- 

'^**«-i:i, tho son of Cleombrotus (if at legist there be uiiy truth in 

^^^^ tale^X ^^"^ aflianced many years aft^mvards, %vhen he con- 

•"^i^-^ed the desire of becoming tyrant of Greece, Artaphernes 

^^'^s having named Megabates to the conmian J^ aent forwariltho 

***^tiament to Aristagoraa 

de^ea) tbe knger of the two. Flinj, 
aooordtng to tm» mewuremetii of Cy-- 
pnm, brought tbem ue&rl}^ to i^i equi^ 
lity, (Compare iv. 12 f p* 2K% with T. 
:il, p. 302) TUe error (iroae from (inder- 
esBtimtitlng the pjjse of Cyprus, not &Offli 
over-eatiEiintiDg that of Eubcjea. 

* For the tnie account of these pro- 
ceedings of FausaultM, cf. Thueyd. i, 
128-i:^u. By the documents tfa«t« 
brought forward — whichj however, Tbu- 
cydides abowa hy a ca^uid pbnue (6r 
fitrrtpov kvtupiBii) Dot to hftve become 
known to the Oreblcj tUl notae time 
ofterwardii, and which^ thoreforo, Hflfo* 
do tun loay very weH never bute iwstJii — 
it appeUiTS tbiit the mmring^ which P^u- 
Sfvniae desired to contmct wfuti in reality, 
with unc of the daughters of Xerxes, 

o 2 



^^^ X,^rcher (ad loc.) understands thia 
-^ ^^«iiti, not that the other Cycludea 
^ ^T^ generally subject to NoitoBt but 
^^^^y t£»t, &A tney lay eo near it, the «ip- 
^kT* of Nnio» might probnbl^f leatl to 
^l^^of the r«flt. But iomething wore 
^^**fc« to be intended . Compu^ note *** 
"*»•,«*.. 30. 

|t C^pruft la reany moro than twice 

^^•lae of Enbc^a (iV^f/ro/w*^). Tbe 

^^^**titii, however, in general, regarded 

tJ**>» «j nearly equnL Scylnx plAced 

^**ft togetberj, assigning a mere pret'er- 

*J^ to Cynmj!. ^PeripJ. p- KU/) 

^■Uiesmer allowed a griter interval 

1^ %, p, 253), but even he eadmated the 

'*W?tli af Euboea to eiceed eoiuiiderably 

th»l f,f Cj|>ruji It. 5i p. 195), whereas 

( tpnii is in reality mueh (nearly half a 



196 ARISTAGORAS QUARRELS WITH MEGABATES. BookT. 

33. Megabates set sail, and, touching at Miletus, took on board 
Aristagoras mth the Ionian troops and the Naxians ; after which he 
steered, as he gave out, for the Hellespont ; but when he reached 
Chios, he brought the fleet to anchor off Caucasa,* being minded 
to wait there for a north wind,^ and then sail straight to NaxoS' 
The Naxians however were not to perish at this time; and w 
the following events were brought about . As Megabates went 
his rounds to visit the watches on board the ships, he found a 
Myndian ^ vessel upon which there was none set. Full of anger 
at such carelessness, he bade his guards to seek out the captaioi 
one Scylax * by name, and thrusting him through one rf the 
holes in the ship's side,^° to fasten him there in such a way that 
his head might show outside the vessel, while his body remained 
within. When Scylax was thus fastened, one went and informed 
Aristagoras that Megabates had bound his Myndian fneod and 
was entreatmg him shamefully. So he came and asked liepr 
bates to let the man off ; but the Persian refused him ; where- 
upon Aristagoras went himself and set Scylax free. When 
Megabates heard this he was still more angry than before, and 
spoke hotly to Aristagoras. Then the latter said to him— 

" What hast thou to do with these matters ? Wert thou not 
sent here by Artaphernes to obey me, aUd to sail whithereoever I 
ordered ? Why dost meddle so ? " 

Thus spake Aristagoras. The other, in high dudgeon at sncn 
language, waited till the night, and then despatched a boat to 
Naxos, to warn the Naxians of the coming danger. . 

34. Now the Naxians up to this time had not had any suspicw^ 
that the armament was directed against them ; as soon, thereforf» 
as the message reached them, forthwith they brought within theif 
walls all that they had in the open field, and made themseW^ 
ready against a siege by provisioning their town both with food 

* Thifl place does not appear to be • Scylax is known to us altogether •* 

mentioned by any other ancient writer, a Carian appellative. The most fitfo^^ 

Strabo omits it, though he gives a care- of the name was the navigator ii^^' 

ful description'of the coast (xiv.p. 9-*4), tioned iv. 44. He was of Cary»n^*'* 

' Such a wind might be looked for city a little north of Myndus ■Str**'' 

with confidence, as the Iltcsian gales 1. s. c). Another well-known Sc)}'**' 

blew during the greater part of the the friend of Panaotius, was of Haii'-'*'* 

summer months from this quarter, nassus, on the southern side of ^ 

(Vide supra, ii. 20.) peninsula. 

8 MynduM was a town in Caria (Hecat. '<> The ** holes in the side " of a Ore<* 

Fr. 2U9). It lay u^on the coast, be- vessel were, of course, for the oar*, 

twecn Halicarnassus and Bargylia (Scy- The term used by Herodotus ,9aXa^' 

lac. Peripl. p. 91; Strab. xiv. p. 941*), is literally ''the hole for the oar o(» 

and is probably identified with the 0a\afxlrriiy' the tfoXa/u/rcu being vb« 

ruins at G*tmLsJtlu, nearly at the extreme rowei^i on the third or lowest beuoieB o 

west of the Halicamassian peninsula the tru-eme. 
(Leake's Asia Minor, p. 228;. 



Chap. S3^5, 



THE MESSAGE OF HISTI^US. 



197 



and flriiik. Thus waa Naxos pkced in a postnre of defence ; and 
the Persians, when they crossed the sea from Chios* found the 
Naxlans iiiUv prepared for them. However they eat down before 
the pl&ee, and besieged it for fonr whole months. When at length 
all the sfcoreg which they had brought with them w^re exhaust ed^ 
and Aristagoras had likewise spent upon the siege no small sum 
from liis private means, and more was still iieedc^d to insure suc- 
cess, tlie Pemians gave up the attempt, and first building certain 
fort^, wherein tliey left the banished Naxians,^ withdrew to the 
mainJand, having utterly failed in their undertaking. 

35* And now Arista'^^oras found himself quite unable to make 

Ijood his promises to Artaphemes ; uay^ he was even hard pressed 

t{j meet the claims whereto he was liable for the pay of the troops ; 

«nd at the same time his fear was great, lest, owing to the faOure 

^f the expedition and his own quarrel with Megabates, he should 

fce ousted from the government of Miletus. These manifold 

*»la»rms had already causetl him to contemplate raising a rebellion, 

^^'hen the man with the marked head ^ came from Susa, bringing 

ill til instructions on the part of Histiaeus to revolt from the king, 

I'^OT Histiieus, when he was anxious to give Aristagoras orders to 

^<^^volt, could find but one stife way, as the roads were guarded, of 

Lting his wishes known ; which was by taking the trustiest of 

pis slaves, shaving all the hair from off his head, and then prick- 

^^^^ letters upon the skin, and waiting till the hair grew again, 

J^'l:i.^is accordingly he did ; and as soon as ever the hair was 

iS'^^cr^wD, he despatched the man to Miletus, giving him no other 

*^tt«2te^age than this — ** \Mien thou art: come to Miletus, bid Aris- 

^*-^^«ras shave thv head, and look thereon." Now the marks on 

^'^^ head, as I have already mentionedj were a command to revolt* 

_:^7"-U- this Histifeus did because it irked him greatly to he kept at 

***^ta, and because he had strong hopes that, if troubles broke out, 

would be sent down to the coast to quell them, whereas, if 

^til etus made no movement, he did not see a chance of his ever 

Lin returning tliither. 




Thii wa^ the commoti practSco in 

^*!^1* c&ae^ fcL Tbucyd. iii. 85, iv, h2j 

**• ^■;]< Tbu ©idles expected ehhmt by 

^**TEietuAl warfci*© to force aa acommo- 

'^l^'icjn^ or to find ah opparti^nitj of 

^JJ^in^ tbe towu. Doea tbe at*iry told 

Y. ItoJieaiiiB (Erotic, 19^, ftffcer An- 

^^^^^Ttt, i^Atfl to thi« wsrr 

Herodotui introduces this clreum- 

^'^^ce M lyue weU known to hi a hearers. 

t^« tftJe is reUted by GtsUiuft (Noct. 

Mt, iTii. 9), PoljaJtiu* (l^tnit. i. 24)i 

•M TMfttei (ChiL iii. bVl), the two 



former of whom appear t* derive their 
facts from some other writer besides 
Herodotus* Aocordiag to OeUiuB, the 
nldve^ft head wis shATed. aod punctured^ 
ostetidbl J on mediciJ ^cowamt so that 
he himeelf WRB uotuwiire that he carried 
any meaiiag^* 

^ Poljicnua prof<s0se« to giTe the 
exact words of thi» message. *' Uis- 
tiffiui to AriBt^oma — raise reTolt in 
louin/* ('lifTta^ij ^ApurrayS^ — ^Imviaw 



198 



A COUNCIL HELD. 



BookI 



36. Such, then, were the views which led Histiseus todespat(?2i 
his messenger ; and it so chanced that all these seYeral motiyes 
to revolt were brought to bear upon Aristagoras at one and thie 
same time. 

Accordingly, at this conjuncture Aristagoras held a council of 
his trusty friends, and laid the business before them, telling them 
both what he had himself purposed, and what message had been 
sent him by Histia3us. At this council all his friends were d 
the same way of thinking, and recommended revolt^ except only 
Hecataeus the historian.* He, first of all, advised them by all 
means to avoid engaging in war with the king of the Persians, 
whose might he set forth, and whose subject nations he enu- 
merated. As however he could not induce them to listen to thi 
counsel, he next advised that they shoidd do all that lay in their 
power to make themselves masters of the sea. " There was one 
only way,'* he said, " so far as he coidd see, of their succeeding 
in this. Jliletus was, he knew, a weak state— but if the treasnre 
in the temple at Branchida),^ wliich Croesus the Lydian gave to 
it,® were seized, he had strong hopes that the mastery of the 8* 



* Vide Bupra, ii. 143, note ^ 
' A general description of the Temple 
of Apollo at Braucbida3 has been given 
in the foot-notes to Book i. (ch. 157, 
note *). In addition to what was there 
stated, it may be obser\ed that the 
building was probably of great anti- 
quity, fiome of itfl accessories having a 
peculiarly archaic chariicter. A straight 
road led from the sea to the temple, 
** bortlei-ed on either side with statues 
'on chaii*B, of a single block of stone, 
with the feet close together and the 
hands on the knees — an exact imitation 
of the avenues of the temples in Egypt." 
(Leake's Asia Minor, p. '2;i9, note. Com- 
pare the representation of an Egyptian 
temple, supi-a, vol. ii, p. '20-i.) On oue 
of these statues (some of which ai'e now 
in the British Museum) an inscription 
was found by Sir W. Gell, also very 
archaic in type. It was written 6<j»/- 
iitrophcdon, and the forms of the letters 
marked an extremely early period. It 
is read, a little doubtfully, thus — 
[^Ep]ixri<ridva^ T]ixia^ kwidnKiv [B]parvK]/- 
8cw T^J *ir6KKwvi. On another of the 
statues — now in the British Museum — 
are two inscriptions, both evidently 
very ancient, wliich seem to show that 
the practice of scribbling one's name in 
a conspicuous place can boast a respect- 
able antiquity. One of these inscrip- 
tions, written from right to left, may 
be read thus — X^i tifjd 6 K\4<rios, 



i 



TctxM^0^f *PX«»' Th« apchiie &!• 
Hpxos ift interesting. Tccxu^f *Jf 
Tcix<o^0r0^f — TeichiusBa being » *•"* 
known place in the Mileaian tenito^' 
(Thucyd. viii. 26, 28 ; Athen. Deipn-T*- 
p. .StU ; Steph. Byz. ad voc.) Anotbff 
curious inscription may be seen on * 
lion brought from the same temple. (Se» 
vol. iv. Appendix to Book ix. N'ote H 
The earliest historical notice wh^ 
attaches to the building is that contois** 
in Hei*od. ii. 159, which shows thectjj* 
brity of the shrine at the close of «* 
7th century. The original temple ,■?" 
peare to have been burnt by the ?a^ 
on putting down this revolt •i"^'*' J 
19). A second temple was then bau*' 
which was plundered and destroyed oj 
Xerxes (^Strab. xiv. p. 910). Fin«Uy»* 
third temple (that of which the pi*" ** 
given, vol. i. p. 236) was erected by^ 
Milesians; but the avenue of sU*^* 
undoubtedly belongs to the first teflsp'** 
Strabo speaks of the third temple •* 
still very magnificent in his own o*? 
(1. s. c). 

^ The name Branchidsd, aa the vfiOfi 
of a placff is curious. The term V"^ 
perly applied to the priestly famih ^ 
which was committed the superintend* 
ence of the oracle, and may be compared 
with such names as Eumolpidfe, lamidft, 
&c. Hence even Herodotus has in one 
place ol Bpayx^^^ (supra, i. 1.S8; of. 
Strab. xiv. p. 910). According to the 



.K m, 37- 



SEIZUBE OF THE TYRANTS. 



199 



^■lii^^ht l>e thereby gaineil ; at least it ^ould give them money to 

^Bfc>o*^iu the war, and would save the treasures from falling itito the 

Ix^xiEds of the enemy." ^ Now these treasures were of very great 

^^^1 «je, EM I showed in the first part of my History »® The asf^embly, 

^br^^^^ever, rejected the eouns.el of Hecat^ensj while, nevertheless, 

tili^y resolved ui>oii a revolti One of their number, it was agreed, 

^^liomld soil to Myus,* where the fleet had been lying since its 

^■'^^vuTi from Naxos, and endeavour to seize the captains who had 

Bo^iie there with the vessels, 

37p latragoras accordmgly was despatched on this errand, and 
^^ took witli guile Oliatus the son of Ibanolis the Mylassianj^ and 
Hijstiffius the son of T}TuneB^ the Termerean,^ — Goes likewise, 
^*^^ son of Erxander, to whom Darin s gave Mjiil^ne,* and Aris- 
t«^c3ra3 the son of HeraeHdes the Cymiean, and also many others* 
^^Tzi^ng Aristagoras revolted openly from Darius ; and now he set to 
'^Oi^k to scheme agauist him in every possible way. First of aHt 



N 



•?**2^1 tradition they wen defceoded trja, where Alexander found and pun- 
w<»X]3. Brftnchiu, a ThMsalkn, or ft(^Ootd' iabed them. (^Strab, id. p. 753, 754, and 
^^^ to otbtira a Delphian, tlie origiiud xit. p. 910. CI Quint. Curt, 'v^ 5.) 
^*^^JJider Hud priest of the templci of Ths atatue of ApoUo wu c&med gW at 
^^«>ai a legend waa told dmilfir to that the same time with the trBB^unifi. and 
^* Htacinthtia fStrab. ii. p^ 611; xiv» p. 
2*'^ s'Metrodor. Fr. 7a; AmtHg. Miles. 
*^ 11). 

* 3Ub>p Thirl wall mgardj tbis advic« 
*• ^Xie beft that could bo given, and re- 
l*'^^*><««het the lonJAni with their fbllj la 
J*^el^eting it. Mr, Qrote sees, that 
^^^ Attizure of the treasures would 
be^n insafporiahle fo thi*. piom fed- 
«/ the pmple^ and would thuB have 
- - ed ojore injurloujt than beueficiaL" 
^^''^i • k, p, 382. J May we not eay , with- 
^^*Jt ^aLiDg too high a view of the Greek 
^^^^oa, that it would have been a reiil 
_**' Tjf eocrilege* uulefta done in the Inat 
^t «^d tben with the iuteution of 
tfttion? f Com pare the unescep- 
■i^Is ftdi^icte of Ferid^, Thucvd. 

. ^upra, i* 03, They were (atJcucding 

^i-ir author) of the itatne weight and 

^^1.6 i« the oS«ruigH made bj Croesua 

^^^%lphi ' cf. L h% 51), We Imrti frora 

j^^tiOt thtit the treoaurea at BrancLida^ 

*** in fact fall a prey to the PersiauBj 
f *J^ buwervcr, according to Eimi tUl 

™i~ the return of Xerxet to Alia from 
^^J^^oe, atid even then witli the oon* 
llj^ifice of the pneats. A&aid of the 

Wlgnation wbiab tbeir uicnlege would 

•^'^te, they oeconiimnied him to hii 

_£jJrt, aad wens settled bj him in Bac- 



the eatne time with the treaaurefi, and 
waa fouod at Aghafcana, whence Seleucua 
sent it back to Miletus (Pauaan. riii. 
46, § 2). 

" MyuD waa one of the twelve cities 
of Ionia (supra, i. 142). It lay on the 
M meander, not far from Miletua. Ori- 
ginalljr on the const, m Stmbo'a time it 
M'aa three or four milea up the atream of 
the Mieauder (Strab. xiy* p. 01iJ), and ia 
BOW still further inland. Ita site 
api>ean^ to have be^sn correctly deter- 
mined by C^umdler, (TraveUj i. p. 213.) 
Vide supra, i. 142, note '. 

^ Mylftsa or Mylaasa waa an inland 
town of Caria (Strat. liv* p. 942). It ia 
still a larige place^ and ia caUiHl Mdn&so 
(Chandler, ^oL i, p. 234; Leake'a Asia 
Minorj p. 230), Its famous temple to 
the Carian Jupiter baa been mentionjed 
already (i. 171), 

' This Hiatia^a afterwarda accom* 
panied the expedition of Kerxea (infra, 
vii. 98> 

* Termera^ like Mylasa, was a CaHan 
dty (infi-B, vii. m ; PHny, H. K, v. *1% 
p, 292). It lay on the coast, a little 
west of Halieamii^aus, oppoaite to tbo 
inland of Cos (Strab* xiv. p. 94U). 
Stephen of Byzantiuia has confiused the 
name witlj the Bati%'e appellation of the 
Xi^oinna, Tr^mil©, or TermiUw* 

** Supra, oh. 1 1. 



200 HISTORY OF SPARTA — ANAXANDRIDAS. BooiV. 

in order to induce the Milesians to join heartily in the reTolt,hfl 
gave out, tliat he laid down his own lordship over Miletus, and 
in lieu thereof established a commonwealth : aiter which, throngb' 
out all Ionia he did the like ; for from some of the cities hediote 
out their tyrants, and to others, whose goodwill he hoped thewl)y 
to gain, he handed theirs over, thus giving up all themenwhoo 
he had seized at the Naxian fleet, each to the city whereto to 
belonged, 

38. Now the Mytileneans had no sooner got Goes into their 
power, than they led him forth from the city and stoned hiniJ 
the Cymceans, on the other hand, allowed their tyrant to go free; 
as likewise did most of the others. And so this form of govenh 
ment ceased throughout all the cities. Aristagoras the Mileriam 
after he had in this way put down the tyrants, and bidden the 
cities choose themselves captains * in their room, sailed awaj 
himself on board a trireme to Laceda3mon ; for he had greatneei 
of obtaining the aid of some powerful ally. 

39. At Sparta, Anaxandridas the son of Leo was no longff 
king : ® he had died, and his son Cleomenes had mounted tb 
throne, not however by right of merit, but of birtL Anaxah 
dridas took to wife his own sister's daughter,^ and was tendeijf 
attached to her; but no children came from the mania^ 
Hereupon the Ephors ® called him before them, and said—"" 
thou hast no care for thine own self, nevertheless we cannot aIl(W 
this, nor suffer the race of Eurysthenes to die out from among tf- 
Come then, as thy present wife bears thee no children, put to 
away, and wed another. So wilt thou do what is well-pleasbg 
to the Spartans." Anaxandridas however refused to do as tby 
required, and said it was no good advice the Ephors gave, to M 
him put away his wife when she had done no wrong, and taketo 
himself another. He therefore declined to obey them. 

40. Then the Ephors and Elders ^ took counsel together, ind 



* This is the literal renderiDg of the Gorgo (infra, \u. 239); Archidamuswi 

Greek word; but, no doubt, as Larcher aunt, Lampito (^infra, vi. 71). 

and Bdhr observe, the persons so called ^ Concerning the Ephors at Spictii 

were, like the ffrparriyol of Athens vide supra, i. 65. This passage is ^ 

(infra, vi. 103), civil magistrates no less important, as marking their power <SfX 

than military commanders. They had the kings. (Compare infra, ch. 40,'i. 

limited powers, and were elected, most 82, ix. 9, 10, and Thucyd. i, 131-13+) 



ACCESSION OF CLEOMENES. 



201 



iposal before the king : — " Since tlion art so fond, as 
to be, of thy present wife, do what we now advise, 
us notj lest the Spartans make some unwonted decree 
thee- We ask thee not now to put away thy wife to 
art married — give her still the sumelove and honour 
it take thee another wife beside^ who may bear tiee 



J heard this offer, ilnaxandridas gave way — and 
le lived with two wives in two separate houses, quite 

Ipartan custom,^ 

short time, the wife whom he haxi last married bore 
rho received the name of Cleotnenes ; and m the heir 
3 was brought into the world by her. After tliis, the 
Oj who in time past had been barren, by some strange 
Bived, and came to be with child. Then the friends 
i wife, wlien they heard a rumour of the truth, made 
and said it was a false kiast, and she meant, they 
i bring forward as her own a supposititious child. So 
an outcry against her ; and therefore, when her full 
ime, the Ephors, who were themselves incredulous^ 

B.bed, and kept a strict watch on the labour.^ At 
rghe bore Dorieu.s, and after him, quickly, LeonidaSj 
a, again quickly, Cleombrotus, Some even say that 
i Cleombrotus were twins. On the other hand, the 
the mother of Cleomenes ^who was a daughter of 
he son of Demarmenus), never gave birth to a second 



[eomenes, it is said, was not right in his mind ; 
rged upon madness ; while Porieus surpassed all his 

d looked confidently to receiving the kingdom on 



1^ (ui. 3, § T) tbsfc ihu 
Bd to uty other ^artan. 
^aicfSmfxovlitv fiAroT yv- 

ti« account m Herod. \i, 
:xioflkt with tbeae atafce- 

Mure thinkja (Lit. of 
p. b42)f ainoe Ariston m 
t bfid two wive* at one 
ne, (See the Introduo- 
i*p. 87, notfl^.) 
itk tbif , the prwctioe in 
fj of •ummomug the 
r ilate to ibe queen's 
he birth of a prince or 

the Spartatia there was 
ve Kt wprk, in Btiditioa 



to ibe political one which alone ohtains 
with ouraelTea^ It waa necesaarj for 
tbem, in a religiouH point of view, to 
preserve the pwnty of the bloud of 
Hercules* Mr. Grote juatlj obiervea of 
the Spartan klug»;^ — 

''Above all, tbair root WAi deep ^n 
tbe religioufi feelings of the people. 
Their ffr***"^i^®^t liiaeogo connected 
the itate wHli n divine paternity. Nay, 
the chief* of the Heracleids were tbe 
special gnuiteefi of the soil of Sparta 
froni the gods^ — ^tba oocanotion of the 
Dorians being only aanotin«d and bleat 
by Zeus for the purpose of eitablialiing 
the childrun of Herculea in the valley 
of the EurotiiB/' (Vol. ii. p. 476.) 



k. 



202 



ADVENTURES OP DORIEUS. 



BooiV. 



the score of merit. When, therefore, after the death of Anaianr 
dridas, the Spartans kept to the law, and made Cleomenes, hii 
eldest son, king in his room, Dorieus, who had imagined that be 
should be chosen, and who could not bear the thought of having 
such a man as Cleomenes to rule over him, asked the Spartans to 
give him a body of men, and left Sparta with them in order to 
found a colony. However, he neither took counsel of theonde 
at Delphi as to the place whereto he should go,' nor obeerred 
any of the customary usages ; * but left Sparta in dudgeon, and 
sailed away to Libya, under the guidance of certain men uta 
were Theraeans.* These men brought him to Cinype, where be 
colonised a spot, which has not its equal in all Libya, on ^ 
banks of a river : ® but fh)m this place he was driven in the thiri 
year by the Macians,^ the Libyans,^ and the CarihaginiaDS. 

43. Dorieus returned to the Peloponnese ; whereupon Anth 
chares the Eleonian* gave him a counsel (which he got from th 
oracles of Laius ^), to " found the city of Heraclea in Sicily; ^ 
whole country of Eryx ^ belonged," he said, " to the HeracleA 
since Hercules himself conquered it" On receiving thisadvie* 
Dorieus went to Delphi to inquire of the oracle whether he woiU 



' Vide supra, iv. 159, note, and 
compare Miiller's Dorians (iii. p. 282, 
E. T.)» aiid Hermann's Political An- 
tiquities of Greece (§ 75, note 4). The 
sanction of some oracle or other was 
required for every colony ; the "sanction 
of the oracle at Delphi, when the colony 
was Dorian. The passage in Cicero (De 
Div. II. i. § 3) is important: " Quam 
vero Gnccia coloniam misit in ^oliam, 
loniam, Asiam, Siciliam, Italiam, sine 
Pythio aut DodonaDO aut Hammonis ora- 
culoT* 

* The taking of fire from the Pry- 
taneum of the parent city was one 
of these. (Hermann, § 74, note 1.) 
Compare note • on Booki. ch. 14G. 

* Thera, as a Spartan colony (supra, 
iv. 147), would be likely to keep up a 
connexion with the mother country. 
Again, the connexion of Thera with 
Cyrene (iv. 150-159) would explain the 
choice of Cinyps as a settlement. 

* This place, which Herodotus re- 
garded as the most fertile spot in Africa, 
has been already described (iv. 198; 
compare ch. 175). Scylaz only calls it 
Xopiov Ka\6y (Peripl. p. 112). Peren- 
nial streams are so rare in this pai*t of 
Africa, that the highest praise was 
contained in the words, "on the banks 
of a river." 



' CinypB was in the countiyoftt* 
Madans fiv. 175 ; Scyl. Peripl. 1. 1^ 
who would therefore be likely to «■» 
the settlement. 

• That is, "the other libyana." ^ 
Macians were Libyans (iv. 168, 1<^ 
197). 

• Eleon was a village in the tsfr 
tory of Tanagra (Strabo, ix. pp. ^'' . 
637). 

» Proposals have been made to dinf* 
the name here either to lamus («•• 
-tioned Pind. OL vi. 74), or to Ba(M 
native of Eleon (Schol, AristophJPi^ 
1071) ; as we do not hear of any pwpj* 
Lai'us. But no change is needeiljj* 
may understand, with Larcher, ** <**^ 
given to Laiius." (Of. Soph, (Ei ^* 
898, Adtov iraXaia Oiff^wra,) 

2 Eryx is said by Thucydides to ^ 
been a Trojan settlement (vL 2). » 
lay at the western point of the island* 
little to the north of Drepanum, ^ 
modem Trajyam. (See Pliu. H. U.& 
8 ; Strab. vi. p. 393.) Ite site is fixsd by 
the remarkable moimtain, the "moBl 
Eryx" of antiquity, which can only^ 
the modem Mount St. Julian. "Hi 
conquest of this district by Hercnlfl 
is related at length by Diodonu iv 
22). 



0».a^. 42^5. HE AIDS CROTONA AGAINST STBARIS, 



203 




t«i.li:e the place to which he was alxiut to go. The Pythoness pro 
pliedied that lie would ; wliereuiioa Dorieus went back to Libya^ 
tciok up the meu who had sailetl with him at the first, and pro- 
ceeded upon bis way along tlie shores of Italy. 

44. Just at this time, the Sybarites ^ say, they and their king 
T^lys were about to make war upon Crotflna,* and the Crotoniats, 
gTeittly alamietl, besought Durieua to lend them aid» Dorieus 
^'tfcs prevailed upon, bore part in the war against Sybaris, and 
^^sd a share in taking the town. Sneh is tlie accoujit wliieb the 
^ c>ybarites give of what was done by Dorieus and his companions. 
^he Crutoniatjs, on the other hand, maintain that no foreigner 
l*^ivt them aid in their war against the Sybarites, save and except 
^alUas the Elean,^ a sootlisayer of the race of the lamidse ; * and 
I ^^ oidy forsook Telys the Sybaritic king, and deserted to their 
|«^de» when he found on sacrificing that the victims were not 
[*^\oumble to an attack on Crot6na< Sucli is the aceuunt w^hich 
Ct party gives of these matters, 

13, Both parties likewise addnce testimonies to the truth of 
^^hat ihey say. The Sybarites show a temple and sacred precinct 
^^ar the dry stream of the Crastis/ which they declare that 
"oriens, after taking their city, dedicated to Minerv^a Crastias. 
Ajid further^ they bring forward the death of Dorieus as the 




^ Sjbiirk waa one of the most mi~ 

pQttaai towiu of Magna Onccia, Ac* 

^pudjujtO Strabo, it woa founded by tbe 

^A^dUMut (tL p. 378), probably about 

"m. (Clinton'a F. H,, vol. i, pp. 

. 174.) The coloniMtion was moat 

iljr coanected with the gradual cou* 

^i of the PeloponnesQ hy tbe Dorian 

J ^- J«ti, Its sit« U raarked by the 

j25«tiMi of tbe Cnithi* {Cfaii) with the 

^Bjbftrii floumhed 210 yeaiia {Seym, 
S*** I 36WJ. lis wana were 50 Btodla In 
^^n&reneg ; it had twenty-five subject 
f*^% iod rtiied over four neighbour- 
ly *ribit. la tbe ^TK^t WIT with Cro- 
^^f it 11 tsdd to hav« brcnight into the 
^W m\m)ii mon (Sirab, 1. §. c). lu 
^^iif« luiui'jr la proverbial (vide 
J^ ti, 1 27 J, It woa taieu (b.C 5J0} 
^^ * *iege of 7u days by the Croto« 
?•*»; who turned the river upon the 
^*^ md in thii way destroyed it 
^'^b. ut supra). 

^ >B(Mnfl Sybam arose upon tbe 
■^ of tbje fir&t, but it never fiou- 
^^^t tod was hualiy merged in tbe 
AjbttiW colony of Thurii (B.C. 44a), 
iw wai btult on a Apot in the neigh* 



botLrbodd. Herodotuji wa« one of tile 
coloniflts (Suidas,. In this pkG« by 
** Sybniitea *' hti prijlaJjly stH^EUia the 
inhabitants of ham and Scidrua, plaeea 
to which the Sybarite* retired wbeu the 
Crotonmta took their city (infi^a^ vi. 

* Supra, lit laS, note '•, 

* Supra, iii, 132^ note *. 

^ The laniidiB were one of tbe aacred 
familiea which ministered in the temple 
of Jupiter at Olympia. (Miiller's Dt^ 
rifin«, vol. i* p, 281, E, T.) Pindftr 
Ofdl) tbem woX^kKhtov ksS' ^EAAavar 
ytm (01. vi. I JO), They were mythi- 
cally descended from lamuB the son 
of Apollo. Pau&aniafi niaket frequent 
mention of them (iii. xi. 6, xii. 7 i vi. 
ii. 4, iv, 3; VI ti. X. 4). 

^ It bas been proposed to read 
^'Cmthia" here for " Crnatk," and 
'' Crathioa " for *' Craatiaa.'* But tbe 
MSS, are without variatiou. There 
aoeme to h« no doubt that the atreom 
comnpouly oalled tbe Crathis taupra, 
i. t4i> ; Strab.. vi. p, 378 1 is Intended^ 
but CroS'tifl may have beeu the Italian 
form of the nanje. The ** dry stream ** 
ia probably an old bed. 



.^^^il 



204 COMPANIONS OP DORIEUS, BooiT. 

surest proof; since he fell, they say, because he disobeyed tb 
oracle. For had he in nothing varied from the directions giT« 
liira, but confined himself to the business on which he wm Beit, 
he would assuredly have conquered the Erycian territory, and 
kept possession of it, instead of perishing with all his foBowcft 
The Crotoniats, on the other hand, point to the numerous alkt' 
ments within their borders which were assigned to CalliM 4« 
Elean by their countrymen, and which to my day remained it 
the possession of his family ; while Dorieus and his descendanli 
(they remark) possess nothing. Yet if Dorieus had really hdpd 
them in the Sybaritic war, he would have received very mui 
more than Callias. Such are the testimonies which are addncrf 
on either side ; it is open to every man to adopt whicheyer fief 
he deems the best® 

46. Certain Spartans accompanied Dorieus on his voyage n 
co-founders, to wit, Thessalus, Parsebates, Celeas, and Eaiy!e(* 
These men and all the troops under their command lesiAfi 
Sicily ; but there they fcU in a battle wherein they were defeato^ 
by the Egesteans ' and Phoenicians, only one, Euryleon,8iuTiiiig 
the disaster. He then, collecting the remnants of the bert« 
army, made himself master of Minoa, the Selinusian colony/ 
and helped the Selinusians to throw oflf the yoke of their tyi«>* 
Peithagoras. Having upset Peithagoras, he sought to becoBft 
tji-ant in his room, and he even reigned at Selinus for a W 

® This chapter is clearly the writing with them from their former connW 

of Herodotus the Thw-ian. (Arist. Rhet. (Thucyd. iii. 51). Min6a was afterwtt* 

iii. 9.) Other specimens of the same called Heraclea. It is uncertain wli« 

intimate knowledge of the cities of this change was made — ^perhaps <A iM 

Magna Grsecia occur, iii. 131, 13t>-138, occupation by Euryleon. SomftiB* 

iv. 15; infra, chs. 46, 47, vii. 170, &c. both names were used CHpeucXtl^^ 

^ Egesta, or Segesta (the native name, Mtvc^av, Polyb. i. 25 ; of. 1a^. xn** 35)i 

113 api)ear8 from the coins) was a sister but commonly we find only Hend** 

settlement of Eryx (Thuc. vi. 2;. It The town lay at the mouth of^ 

was situated at some little distance Halycus {PUitani)^ where some iBp* j 

from the sea, and had a port known as ruins still remain (Smyth's Sicilyt ?• 

Emporium Segestanum. (Strab. vi. p. 216). Heraclea is mentioned by TaiicA* 

393; Ptol. Geograph. iii. 4; Plin. H. N. writers, among them by Ptolemy (G«^ 

iii. 8.) The latter seems to have oc- graph, iii. 4), Stephen (ad voc), »»* 

cupied the site of the modern CasUll-a- Cicero (adv. Verr. ii, 50). 

iruue (lat. 38° 2' long. 12° 52'). A Selinus was founded from M«g«» 

temple and theatre mark the site of the Hybliea, about B.C. 630 (Thucyd. ^ 

former, about six miles inland from 4). It was a place of great importaiM 

OisteU-ii-inare, until its destruction by Hannibal l^Dioi. 

* Miuda was said to have derived Sic. xiii. 59). From that time it Wl 

its nauje from Minos (Heracl. Pont, into decay (Strab. \*i. p. 394). Vti) 

Fr. xxix.), who was reported by tra- extensive ruin» mark the site, whk^ v 

dition to have visited Sicily (infra, vii. in the Terra dci Pu/ci between the rivw 

170;. But it seems more probable that Madiuna and Belici (Smyth's Sicily, pj 

the Megarians, who colonised Selinus 219, 220). 
(Thucyd. vi. 4), brought the name 



Ce^^ji, 45-49- 



ARlSTAaORAS AT SPARTA. 



205 



^l>«i.c^— but after a wliile the SeliQUsiaua rose up in revolt against 
J^iiu, and tliongh he fled to the altar of Jupiter Agoraeus,^ they 
tiotwithstanding put him to death. 

47. Another man who accompanied Dorieus, and died with 
«^ TQ, waE Philip the son of Butacidas, a man of CTOtdna ; who, 
^-f^ he had been betrothed to a daughter of Telys the Sybarite, 
^^"«Ja bauished from Crotoiia, w^hereupon his marriage came to 
^^ziught; and he iu liia disap}x>intment t*X)k wliip and sailed to 
C^^jT^ue, From tlieuce he became a follower of Dorieus, fur- 
■^*-^j*hing to the fleet a trireme of hin own, the crew of which he 

ipported at lus own charge. This Philip was an Olympian victor, 
i-xad the handsomest Greek of his day. Hia beauty gained him 
i^ODouis at the hands of the Egesta^ans which they never accorded 
I any one else ; for tliey raised a hero-temple over liia grare, 
c^-siil they still worship him with aacrifiees*^ « 

48. Such then was the end of Dorieus, who if he had brooked 

itlae rule of Cleomenes, and remained in Sparta, would have beea 

i^ing of Lacediemon ; since Cleomenes, after reigning no great 

l-^E* ngih of time, died without male offspring, leaving behind him 

^i3a only daughter, by name Gorgo/ 

49. Cleotnenes, however, waa still king when AristagoraSi 

^3rraut of Miletus, reached Sparta. At their interview. Arista- 

gotasj according to tlie report of the LacedBemonians, produced 

«^ Wonze tablet, wheranpon the whole circuit of the earth was 

engtftved, with all ite seas and rivers.^ Discourse began between 

"tlif.* two; and Aristagoras addressed the Spartan king in these 

^^i'rJa following \^ — *' Think it not strange, King Cleomenes, 

tlutt I have been at the pains to sail hither ; for the posture of 

%m, which I \sill now recomit unto thee, made it tit ting. 

mt and grief is it indeed to none so much as to us, that the 

■^Mto q! the lonians should have lost their freedom, and come to 

*^ the slaves of others ; but yet it touches you likewise, 

^pttftans, beyond the rest of tlie Greeks, inasmuch as the pre- 



iTsftt U, the altar of Jupitor, Pro- 
^JJf of the Forum 'kyof^d,. It pro- 
^ly ktood in the murket-]ilaOe. 
^ l£iiitA.tiiiuH reporta the tame (ad 
^^' fl* L); but he d«rivea hia know- 
^^|B iTDBO Uer^dotut, 
. Sta bc^niiie tb* wife of Leotiidiis, 
*• UfM)le. ncourdiDg tu a uiual Spar* 
**> ctitldiQ (mfra, viu 239; c^-mpare 
Wi'oii Qh. m of this BtM>k>. The 
v^ cliw*eter of Uoi^o ii evideoc^d 
ttjUifl tnacdotd fvUt«d bolow ^cb, hi). 



and bj the praiaea of Plutarcb (ii. p. 
145). Hor aquteuesa ^ippeiim, vii. 2'>\f. 

^ Ma.p«} accurdiug tu Strabo aud 
otbera i^trab. i, p. 10 1 Agiathi^ni^ i. I ; 
Diog. Laert. ii, l)^ w«ro mv«titi^ abuut 
thla time by Auaxitiiaiider. Hecatceua 
appears to bavia madt! uae of tb^ui. 
(Utimpare W. 36, and note ^ on the 
paAsiigtj.) Tho ijjiip of Ariitagoraa wa» 
probiibly the first wblcb bad li««ti iava 



206 



HIS MAP AND SPEECH* 



Ik>ai: 



erainencp OTer all Greece appertains to you* We beseech yc 
therefore, by tlie eommoii gotls of the Grecians, deliver IT 
lonianSj who are your own kinsmen, fi-om glavery* Truly L 
task is not difficult ; for the barbarians are an un warlike peopl - 
and you are the best and bravest warriors in the whole worl 
Their mode of fighting i^ the following : — they um bows a' 
arrows and a short spear ; they Avear trousers in the field, az. 
cover their heads with turbans.* So easy are tliey to vanquii^ 
Know too that the dwellers in these parts have more good tldnr 
than all the rest of the world put together — gold, and silver, dm 
brasst and embroidered gannents, beasts of burthen^ and hcua 
servants — all which, if yon only wish it, you may soon have 
your own. The nations border on one anotlier, in the onm 
which 1 will now explain. Next to these looians '' (here 
pointed with his finger to the map of the world which ^ 
engraved upon the tablet that he had brought with him) **tlfc^ ^ 
Ljdians dwell ; their soil is fertile,' and few people are &o ric!^^ ^^ 
silver.^ Next to them/' he continued, " come the-st? Phn^gi*^*-^^' 
who have more flocks and herds than any race that I know,* ^:*ii^ 
more plentiful harvests. On them l)order the Cappadocii«»i ^'' 
whom we Greeks know by the name of Syrians: ^ they ^^^ 
neighbours to the .Clliciansj who extend all the way to this ^^*i 
where Cyprus (the island which you see here) lies. The Ciliei -^^ 
pay the king a yearly tribute of five hundred talents.^ Nex'^fc ^^ 
them come the Armeniaus, who live here — they too have nu*^^^ 
rous flocks and herds,^ After them come the Matieni,^ i m m " ^ 
biting this country ; tlien Cissia, this province, where you see ^^ 

* Vide infifaf Tii- 61. A rcprcscn- 
^taon of the ordiuar^ Persian dress 
baa been already gi'ven, vol. i. p. 221. 
Their wtir costume wiU be aeeii by re- 
ferenoa to tbc notoi on Book \\i. ch. 61. 

' Tbe^alleje of tbe Hermus^ Cnystor, 
CaitJUB, and EvenuB, are all of extrenia 
fertiUty* (Fellowa^B Asia Minor, pp. 21, 
2fi, 278; Leake'B Tour, pp. 2h^, 265.) 
The iDtertnedii^te cotintn' b mountain- 
ous and barrel] » e&peDially the dijrtriet 
cidled (Jatalcectuimeod. (Hainilton*s A&ia 
Minor, i. pp. 132-141;) 

' Mount TuioluB^ t§Batjj.ov £pos, lis 
Strabo callB it (xiii, p. 897), \a soid to 
bave produced gold id abitodanceT bi:it 
not eilver, to far aa I iim aware. Waa 
the silver the product of those mines 
between Perg&mus and Atameus, to 
which some writers aecribed the im- 
mense riches of Gjgit!6| AljatteSj and 
Cfeeeuji ? ^Strab* xIt, p, &<>i^) 



-le; 
mid. 
miii 
mad 
sh! 

mod 
rid- 
(br 



* The high table^JAnd of Phryr-^:^ 

eapecklly adapted for poetunge, Fl ^_ 
and berdsj e^'en under tlu) ppffi^^*^' 
miserable Byatem of gOTemment» *? 

numerouB (Leake, pp. ly, 3*j; H^^**°^'|' 
ton J. pp. 4 1 5-4 1 « ; ii . pp, 2 1 B-'I2 1 , -^f J^ 
Tim Angora wool haa a worid- — ""* 
reputation . The land is in many p- ^^ 
Tery rich, but i& wretchedly cuJtiWf^-«*W 
(Lefike, p. B4). 

^ Vide supmi L 72, and infm^ ^^ 
72. 

3 Supra, iii. ftO, 

* ArmeniA la, even more tbmi r*^- 
gia, a patture oouutrj. Pbiygi» ^^^ 
many wide pltune, capuble of Ifeiu^f 
ample borveats ; but Arnieoia i^ «^' 
mountain and valle j (cf, voL i* 1:^/ 
is. § H>). 

^*Not tbe Matieni of Asia Minfr, 
but thoae of tbe Kurdisb hilla, [Oyio^ 
pare i 72, im, 202, dtc; 



208 



ARISTAGORAS' SPEECH. 



river Choaspes marked, and likewise the town Susa upon it* 
banks, where the Great King holds his court,* and where the 



' That Susa had by this time certainly 
become the Persian capital, haa been 
already admitted (supra, iii. 30, note '). 
It was the ancient capital of Elam or 
Siisiana, the country between Mount 
ZagroH and the lower llgris. It was 
situated on the edge of the gi*eat 
Mesopotamian plain, 25 or 30 miles 
from the mountains, in a luxuriant re- 
gion abimdantly watered, and famous 
for its beautiful herbage. The city does 
not now lie directly upon the Choaspes 
iKerkhah), but upon a small stream, 
called the Shapfwr, which rises about 10 
miles to the north of the ruins, and 
flows into the Karun near Ahwaz. The 
Choaspes is at present a mile and a half 
to the west of the town (Journal of 
Geograph. Society, vol. ix. part i. p. 71; 
compare Herod, v. 52, and Strab. xv. p. 
1032), and the Kanm or river of Dizful, 
about six miles to the east. It is 
thought, however, that anciently the 
Choaspes bifurcated a little above the 
ruins of Badaca, and flowed in part east 
of Susa (supra, vol. i. p. 467, note *.) 
The citadel, so often noticed ^ supra, iii. 
68; Polyb. v. xlviii. § 14; Strab. xv. p. 
1031; Arrian. iii. 16; Plin. H. N. vi. 
27, p. 362), lay at the western extre- 
mity of the place, close to the Shnpurf 
and opposite to the modem "tomb of 
Daniel." It occupied the highest part 
of the great mound, which is even now 
120 feet above the level of the Shapm: 
The town extended from this point in 
an easterly direction; it was of an ob- 
long shape, and 'had a circuit w^hich we 
find differently estimated at 2u0 and 120 
stades fcf. Strab. 1. s. c, jmd Polyclit. 
ap. Strab. xv. p 1032 ). Tlie ruins seem 
at present to be confined within a cir- 
cumference of 7 miles or about 6(^ stades 
(Geograph. Joum. 1. s. c.;. They extend 
cousidembly beyond the limits of the 
accompanying plan. 

The material used in the construction 
of the city was baked and sun-dried 
brick, like the Babylonian. It was pro- 
bably built originally by tlie Seythic 
peoj)le whose language is found on all 
the most ancient of it« remaina ; but it 
was no doubt enlarged and beautified 
when Darius tmnsferred to it the seat of 
empire (cf. Plin. H. X. vi. 27, p. :I61). 
The magnificent ])alace which had so 
pi'cat a fame in anti(inity infra, ch. 53; 
Ar. de Muu«l. p. :;i*>^ ; Strab. 1. h. c. ; 
Diod. Sic. xvii. 63; C'adsiodoius, vii. Ej). 



15), and of which the best aoconntiito 
be found in the book of Esther (L 5,6 , 
occupied the northern portion of ^ 
great mound (supra, ilL 6B, note '> ib 
irregular rectangle, two aides of itok 
measure 1200 feet, while the rtmasi^ 
two fall somewhat short of lOOO. Itbtf 
been recently exhumed in a great dbI' 
sure by Sir W. WilUams and Mr. Loftoi. 
and is found to have couBiated of agreit 
hall of stone pillars, of the ttma sB 
and on the same plan as that of lend 
at Persepolis (Ker Porter, vol. L PIH 
and compare PI. 45), and of a number 
of inferior buildings behind the hall, ^ 
material of which is brick. The piQin 
are arranged into a central group of 3^ 
standing in six rovn of six each,aoaiio 
form an exact square, 145 feet (nearlj) 
each way; and into three oatlyiK 
groups or porticoes, flunking the oeotm 
group on three sides, the east, the noiik, 
and the west. These porticoes, whick 
are exactly parallel to the sidea of tki 
inner square, ai^ formed of two roviof 
six pillars each, in line with the piUK> 
of the central group, the diatanee bi- 
tween the outermost pillars of the ett- 
tral group and the inner pillan of tkt 
porticoes being 64 feet. The pillan «* 
of two kinds — those of the central gronp 
or phalanx have square bases, whik 
those of the porticoes have round oc 
bell-shaped bases, as given in the woo<l* 
cut (No. 2). Both sorts appear, how- 
ever, to have been surmounted bythi 
same capital, the form of which is repr*" 
sented in the woodcut (No. 1). 1^ 
central group is supposed to have bw> 
covered with a roof, but the space be- 
tween that group and the iwrticoei «>• 
probably only shaded by curtains !«• 
Loftus's Chiildaja, pp. 373-375, andcoiD' 
pare the description in the book « 
Esther, i. 5, 6). It appears by a tnliB* 
gual inscription upon four of the piU*^ 
(1, 2, 3, and 4 in the plan) that th« 
palace was commenced by Darius and 
finished by Artaxerxes Mnemon. 

The town Is said to have been un- 
walled (Polyclit. ap. Stnib. 1. a. c. .and 
cei-tainly appears as an o^>en place in 
the wars of the successors of Alexander 
(Polyb. 1. s. c. ;. It is unfortunate lUt 
we have no description of ancient Sua 
from an eyo-vvitnes.s. since it d«»ubt>i* 
'exceeded in niagni licence both Perse- 
poli:* and Ecbatima. 

With regard to the residence of the 



SUSA, THE GREAT TREASURE-CITY. 



203 



are in wMcli his wealth is stored.* Once masters of 
ou may be bold to vie with Jove himeelf for riches. 
I which ye wage with your rivtils of Mc^euia^' with 
gos likewise and of Arcadia^ about paltry boundaries 
of land not m remarkably good^* ye contend with 
:iave no gold, nor silver eveiij which often gire men 
ijl and die. Mnst ye wage such wars, and when ye 
Wkf be lords of Asia, will ye decide otherwise ?" Thus 
tagoras ; and Cleomenes replied to him, — ^* Milesian 
iree days hence I will give thee an answer,'* 
bey proceeded no further at that time. When, how- 
ay appointed for the answer came, and the two once 
Cleomenes asked Aristagoras, ''how many days' 
was from the sea of the lonians to the King's read- 
Hereupon Axistagoras, who had managed the rest ao 



It Sujia, tliere are conflicts 
XenophoQ war the ^mt 

the kiiiga of Persia had 
rfc, but divided the year 
flan, Suaa, And Edbatona 
vi. § 22 ; comptuie Anab. 

From him the statement 
, witJi variatimw, by Ifl^ter 
lophcm aBsigned the three 
iriDg to StiBa, the two of 
Sebiitiina, and the rent t^ 
Bibyloti, Plutarch (de 
H) followed this account 

^iurafi in tta detaik (^iiu 
AtheiMcufl (lii. p. 513, F.) 

chauge, for which it may 
t if he bad adj authoritj, 
pkii€f to Sum, the gummar 
the sprrng to Babylon, and 
Farxcpittis, From him ap- 
in derived the notion^ very 
I who knowg the localities} 

the summer and Ecbatan^ 
e«jdexic(5 of the PersjtfD 
It, Animal, x. 6), It may 
liether there is more than 
I of truth even in Xeno- 
Dt, Suaa appears in i^* 
[erodotu^ aa in S<iripturo, 
pdiiuiry residence of the 
pdeed tbere is abundaDt 
' 1bi«jpM&t from Tdrioui 

Exe, F«n. p«fiBim ; Strab. 
^s«a. Ut. IX. § 3 ; Joseph. 
b. xi. h). It ifi impoaj^ibk 
believe the statement of 
wi it wa* only occupied for 
I out of the twelve, Pro- 

Ihe ordinary court resi- 
for thf* two or iliree hottest 



laonthB ID the summer, when there 
was a removal to the mountains, perhaps 
commoulj to Echat^iDa,, hut no doubt 
Hometimea to Persepolia, where Dariua 
and XencBB both built palaces. , Yiaits 
to Babylon would (jccasionally be paid, 
especiaUy in the winter, but Ecbii^tana 
and SuBH would eoDatitute, as Aristotle 
Beems to hare been aware (d« Mundo. 
1* B. qA, tho only regular fltationa of the 
court, the one in the height of summer, 
the other during the remainder of the 
year, 

(For a representation of Susa^ as it 
now appeal^ Bee the woodout, Bk, ilL 
oh. 68, not© *0 

* Aooording to Strabo, the prineipal 
treaBtmsB were in Peraepolie aafl P»aar- 
gadic, which were regarded as places of 
greater stretigth th&n Susa (xv» p, 1032) ; 
and it h certain that Alexander found 
coneiderable wealth at P^ar|ad«& (Ar- 
Han, Exp. AloJt. iii. 18). Still the jjrtfof 
treasury ap}>earB even at that time to 
imve been at Susa, where the silver cap* 
tured amounted to 30,000 talent«, tn: 
more than twelve mil Hans sterling 
( Arrian, iii. 1 6), Ecbatana had its own 
small treaBury, from which Darius 
carried away 7000 talents (ih, c. 19 ). 

7 This is the only diitinct reference 
in Herodotus to the two early Messe* 
nian warst of which so full an account 
hfta been left us by Pauftaniaa (tv. 
iT.-x:xil.). He alludea to what is called 
the third war, ix. Ji5, 

« Cf, i. 06-68, aod 82. Therre ioemB 
to be a apeciaJ alluaion to tha disputed 
rlistrict of Cynuria. 



k 



210 ARISTAGORAS TRIES THE POWER OF GOLD. Booi^. 

cleverly, and succeeded in deceiving the king, tripped in to 
speech and blundered ; for instead of concealing the tmth, asl» 
ought to have done if he wanted to induce the Spartans to c«* 
into Asia, he said plainly that it was a journey of three moDil* 
Cleomenes caught at liie words, and, preventing Aiisfcagoi* 
from finishing what ,he had begun to say concerning the ioi4 
addressed him thus : — " Milesian stranger, quit Sparta brf»* 
sunset This is no good proposal that thou makest to the 
Lacedaemonians, to conduct them a distance of three monili/ 
journey fix)m the sea." When he had thus spoken, Cleomenfl 
went to his home. 

51. But Aristagoras took an oUve-bough in his hand,flDi 
hastened to the king's house, where he was admitted by reasoi 
of his suppliant's guise. Grorgo, the daughter of deomenefl^ vi 
his only child, a girl of about eight or nine years of ag^ 
happened to be there, standing by her father's side. Aristagw* 
seeing her, requested Cleomenes to send her out of the nxH 
before he began to speak with him ; but Cleomenes told him to 
say on, and not mind the child. So Aristagoras began ^* 
promise of ten talents • if the king would grant him his requA 
and when Cleomenes shook his head, continued to raise his dSx 
tiU it reached fifty talents ; whereupon the child spoke :- 
" Father," she said, " get up and go, or the stranger will cc^ 
tainly corrupt thee." Then Cleomenes, pleased at the warning 
of his child, withdrew and went into another room. Aristagoitf 
quitted Sparta for good, not being able to discourse any more 
concerning the road which led up to the King. 

52. Now the true account of the road in question is the it' 
lowing : — Koyal stations ^ exist along its whole length, and ex- 

' On the readiness of the Spartans to straight line, towards the nortb, > 

yield to bribery, vide supra, iii. 148, order to avoid the vast arid titct^ 

note *. tween the Upper Tigris and Upj* 

1 By * ' royal stations *' are to be un- Euphrates, the Qreat Desert of Saj'^» 
derstood the abodes of the king's It also, by this deviation, is aWe *• 
couriers (i77op77toi), who conveyed de- take in the Armenian capital, DitAakr* 
spatches from their own station to the It passes by Sort (Sardis), Allah Sk^ 
next, and then returned (infra, viii. 98), (Philadelphia), Afiorn Kara Htsaar^ i** 
The route described is probably at once ShehrtKaisariychfOurotm^Maiatiyekyl^ 
the post-route and the caravan-route bekir, Jczirch, Mosul (iTineveh), ^ \ 
between the two capitals. If Herodotus (Arbela), and Kirkuk. There are *«• J 
visited Babylon, he would have tra- other great roads, or rather routes, ooB- ^j 
veiled along this road, at least as far as necting Asia Minor with Persia : tha 
the Qyndes, where this groat highway Erzeroum route, which leads, howswCi 
was crossed by the route leading from into what was rather Upper Media, da- 
Babylon to Agbatana (cf. i. 189). The bouching upon Tabriz and Teheran; 
road is nearly that which would now be and the Aleppo route, by far the mort 
followed by travellers between Smvma direct line, but which runs mainly 
and Baghdad. It bears away out of the through the Syrian and Arabian deaeiti^ 



E-. 50-52, THE ROYAL ROAD FROM SARDIS TO SU8A. 211 



BEt caravanserais ; and throughout^ it traTeraee an inhabited 
t, and is free iVora danger* In Lydia and Phrygia there are 
ity stations within a distance of 94^ parasanga. On leaving 
ygia the Halys has to be crossed ; and here are gates through 
3h you must needs pafes ere you can traverse the stream, A 
ng force guards this post, WTien you have made the pas- 
a, and are come into Cappadocia, 28 stations and 104 para- 
ge bring you to the borders of Cilicia, where the road pa^es 
:mgh two sets of gates, at each of which there is a guard 
itei Leaving these behind, you go on through Ciliciaj where 
I find three stations in a cHetance of 15i parasangs. The 
mdary between Cilicia^ and Armenia is the river Euphrates, 

tit is necessary to cross in boats. In Armenia the resting- 
&Te 15 in number, atid the distance is 56i^ parasangs* 
m is one place where a guard is posted. Four lai'ge streams 
BEseet this district^^ all of wliich have to be crossed by means 
boats. The first of these is the Tigris ; the second and the 
fi have both of them the same name/ though they are not 
ly different rivers, but do not even run from the same place.* 
f the one which I have called the first of the two has its 
lice in Armenia, while the other flow^s afterwards out of the 
mtry of the Matienians, The fourth of the streams is called 
J Gyndea, and this is the river which Gjvm dispersed by 
5fing for it three huncfred and sixty channels.* Leaving 
mettia and entering the Matienian country, you have four 



i m mutt D.t ail tintea haYs boen totj 
hfe, on account of the Arab plun- 

*^. 

' Tbk description giv«9 CHick an ex- 

U^a iowardfi th^ nortb, which no 

k« writer aUows to ii* I have en» 

■Wfluied to exprew tbi« in the Map of 

k SttmpiciB wbich accompaniea the 

"•at rolume. 

'Armenia m here gtT^i an extra- 

Iffili; extension to the Aouth, imd no 

Idito molude 1% krgo tract ordinarily 

ix^JMd either to Asajria or Media. 

' Uodowbtedlj the two Ziiba, the 

•I4«r md the Leuecr. The^e rivers, 

^fXTo th« appellation of Adiiibepe 

lltf^on watered hj tbem (AmnnaD . 

R, xsiii^ 6 ; Bochart, Sac. Geog. 
pv ^^^;t Beam to hare rotaio^ 
met tinohanged from the earliest 
Ci to tks prosent. The Gr^at^r Zab, 
mj rnkte, appears ^mder that title in 
AmjTVin Jnaicnptiona (pamm) ; it 
daubtedljr, th^ 'ZabatUB of 




Xenophon (Anab. n, v. 5, and ni. ill* 
6), and the Diava or Diuba of Ammi- 
anoB (1, B. c.}. The Lefiaer Zab is a lees 
famous fltream; but it« continuity of 
name appears ^m thk passagej com- 
bined with tho nifiDtton of it by Am- 
mianuB aa the Adiava or AdLiba, and 
with the fact of ita present appellation. 
The word Zab, Diab, or Bmv fWl^lj, 
according t^ Boehart (1. b. c, j^ aigtiifies 
** a wolf'' in Cbaldee. Hence the 
Greater Zab U called A^kos (Lye us) in 
Strabo^ Ammionus, and Pliny, and 
Awviths (by mlHtoke) in Ptolemy (Geogr. 

^ What Herodotni here statea \& «x- 
actly tm© of the twn Zaba. The Greater 
Zab haa ite source in Armenia between 
the lakes of Van and Urtnolyeh — the 
LeM«r rises in the Koordish mountains 
(bii HabieBl\n hiUs) at a dlst&nce of 
neorly two degrees to the S.S,E. 

* Vid& «upm, i. 189, note ^^ where the 
Gyndea is Idontilied with the Dvjukh. 

f 2 



212 



THE ROYAL ROAD. 



Book 




f 



atatioiiB ; them passed you find yourself in Cissda, where ele 
stations and 42 J parasan^ briug you to another narigal 
stream, the dicmspes, on the Imnks of which the city of Susa 
built. Thus the entire number of the gtations is raised to c^ 
hundred and eleven ; and m many are in fact the resting-pl 
that one fi oda between Sardis and Susa* 

53, If theu the royal road be measured aright, and the 
sang equals, as it does, thirty furlongs/ the whole distaim 
fiiom Sardis to the palace of Memnon (as it is ealled)^ amount i 
thus to 450 parasangs, would be 13,500 fLirlougs,"* Travelli^r^^g 
then at the rate of 150 furlongs a day^® one will take ^tac^^JT 
ninety days to perform the journey, 

54, Thus when Aristagoras the Milesian told Cleomenes time 
Laceda&raonian that it was a three months' journey from the iLi«3li 
up to the king, he said no more than the truth. The e3Ci«»-^ 
distance (if any one desires still greater accuracy) is somewlx-i^f 
more ; for the journey from Ephesua to Sardis must be added *^ 
the foregoing account ; and this will make the whole distA-o.^^^^ 
between the Greek Sea and Susa (or the city of Mejunon, as ^^| 
IB called ^) 14,040 fuilongs ; since Ephesus is distant from Sard^^ ' 



' Supi-a^ ii* 6. This wm the ordmary 
eitimate of iliu Oreoka, (S«6 Xen, 
Anftbp ii* 2^ § B ; Suidas mroc, Heaych. 
ID voc.^ St^,) Stmbo, howerer, tella tia 
that it wa« not imiversftUj agreed upoii. 
ffljicfli Uiere were aome who couaidered 
the p&r&Bong to equal 40, and othors 6(i 
st&deu {si. p. 7^4). The truth ia^ that 
ih& imcient parasAugt like tii^ moderti 
farsAkh, was otigindly m meoiure of 
tune (an hour). Dot a meainire of dis- 
tance. In paeaiDg from the one meauiug 
ta the otber^ it came to mark a diifefeot 
kn|^ in diSer^ot placea, according to 
the nature of the country traversed. 
The modem fanakh Toriea al^o, but not 
BO much BB the paraaang^ if we oan trust 
Strabo« It u eatimAted «t from 3^ to 
4 miles^ or from 30 to 35 stades. 

* Ab u«ual, there is n diecrepancy Id 
the numbera. The sUtiona^ accordiiig to 
the previone etnaH anme, are &t iujstead 
of 1 ] 1 , and the par&»ange or ^irsddia, 
'MB Instead of 450, as will be seen by 
reference to the subjoined table : — 

In Lydift and Pluyglfc .. ao ,* U4l 
III Cappeidod« .. *. *. ^e ** 104 
InCilida .. .. .. ,. 3 .. IH 

In Annenk ,, ,. ^. IS ** Mi 
lii iiie MAiktiiui ooMitiy .. 4 {ta^) JA 
iDCtsda .. .. .. ., n .. 431 

Tvtsl .. .> u sam 



The subsequent at^umenti of H^rO' 
dotuja are based upon hiB totali ; ^^ 
must conclude, therefotie, that evTo^ 
have crept into some of the Btn^^^ 
Btima. Tho distance &om Sardi* ^ 
Sua^ii by the Armenian route doMi- ^ 
seem to be over-estimated at 1 3,5^' 
Btodea (betweeo l&OO and 1600 mile*)- 
' Herodotus takefl here the n^t^ ^ 
which an army would h& likely to m^^ 
Elsewhete (Iv, 101) he reckons ^*** 
journey of the ordmary pedevlriiff ^ 
t^OOatiides (about 2cl miJes*). Iti|>pP>'5 
by the account which Xenofi^oi *5*J 
left of the expedition of C^ruf ^*'^. 



yoiiDger (Anab* iX that a _ — ,-^ 
longer dixy's maren was tutiaL (^^^ 
average is about 6 fknAUui er 1^^ 
stodea.) But thu rate^ mpparwrt U^y 
cannot be continued without wrti^^^, 
the army, at interyole, for aeYenJ ^"f^^^ 
at a time, If the ^ys during whk^^^l 
the army of Qyrus rested be oounttd^^^ 
the real rate of motion is redne^d ( ^ 
the estimate of our author. 

' The fable of Memnon is one id % 
in which it is difficult to difiOQW mm 
gemu of truth. Menmonj th« mo m 
Titht^ons^ and Eds (Dawn ij or HA&Mca 
(Dii.y), ia^ according to most accoujilt^ aa 
Etbiopian king. Hie £athor Tithonoi^ 
however, reigns at Sua% and he Kiii^^ 



i^it^ 




k 



ARISTAG0EA8 GOES TO ATHENS, 



218 



This would add three days to the three months' 



ben Amtagoras left Sparta he hastened to Athens, 
^ got quit of its tyranta in the way that I will now 

Alter the death of Hipparchus (the son of Pisi stratus, 
per of the tyrant Hippias)/ who, in spite of the elear 
lie had received concerning his fate in a dream, waa 
Harmodius and Arix^togeiton (men both of the race of 
peeana), the oppression of the Athenians continued by 
f of four years ; * and they gained nothings but wete 
^ than before. 

br the dream of Hipparchus waa the followmg : — The 
((Pe the ranathenaic festival, he thought he saw in his 
ft and be^mtiful man, who stood oyer him, and read him 

ag riddle ; — 

bon uub&ikrabk woea with tha aJUbeariog kdart of a lion ; 

^ b* iu»p sball wrong-doer esc^qie the rewvjpd of wrong-doing." 



army of SuAianlatis 
tQ the aAiiitiaoe of hift 
iHT, Prkm, king of Trt>y 
W. p. 1031 ; FauaaD, x. Jtxxi. 
k h. 22 \ iv* 7ij > We aeem 
I BotluDg but thfl wildest 
^of pure romn.Bt:ere. 
ikes very ilij^bt and poadtig 
iMotniKm (Od. i?* 1^8; xi, 
eaila him king of ihe 
eogon. 984). So Plndai- 

le flmt fwm of the legend, 

■11 meotioQ of Suaa was 

le ^ylii^st author who ia 

comiQcted Memnon with 

']ufl, who mndo hii» mother* 

fStrab. Lfl-c,> It id 

that by the time of He* 

ry ttmt be built 8ub% or 

. , w«fl generftllj accepted 

|firlup« the adoptloii of thm 

Elbe regRTded fts IndlcAting 
Wk^ of tbe ffihnk conuejdoti 
iffted between Ethiopia 
Beo ToL L p. 366, a&d 
igmphy of WeslertL Amtk^ 
^ that this ifl " len than the 
pe," which he Aittimfttefl at 
(or about 52 EDgliah) 
t we reckon the atade nt it^ 
' 606 feet 9 inehea ( Eug- 
ace given wiU be rnther 
l^imlea (Engliih), bo tbat a 
' Qut 10 mites will be lU- 
ii defleetioim of the route. 



^ It has been commonly supposed that 
there b an opposition betweeci Herodo- 
tus and Thucydides with respect to the 
rtjlative age of the two brothcra, and 
to the fact icTolved in their relatiTO 
age, whether Hipparchus was king at 
the time of hia aauuaiDation. But if 
the narratiTe of Herodotna be care^iUy^ 
examined j it will be foynd that he conr- 
tirrrtSj Inete^ of opposmg, the wen- 
known view of Thucydidea^ that Hippiaa 
waa the elder of the two. Not only ia 
Hipparqhiifl Dsver called king, but here 
at his lir^t iDtroduction he ia brought 
forward aa ** bi-athcr uf tlus ij^imt Hip- 
piaa." 

With respect to the fiw^, which ia dis- 
puted by Larcher, I agree with Thirl- 
wall, that ** the authority of Thucydidflfl 
LB more convincing than hla reaaona" 
(Hiat, of Greece, vol, ii. p, J5; of. 
Thucyd. vi. 55 )« Hi a authonty, backed 
as it ia by Herodottis, seeme to me df* 
cmre. Plato (if it be ha), the only eai-lj 
writer on the other aide (Hipparch.)j aa 
a historical authority^ is yaluelesa. Cli- 
todemua, who baa been quoted agaiJEjat 
Thucydidea by Meursiua uid othera, M 
reality t^e« the same view (FVag^ Hiat. 
Gr., voL i. p. 3«4). Aa for Heracltdes 
Ponticua and Biodorus Siculua, on such 
a matter they are writora of no Accouut. 
* From B.C. 514 toB-C. 510. Compare 
Thucyd. vi. 59; Pint. Hipparch* The 
fourth year waa not quite complete 
(Cliutou's F. H. ii. p. 18j. 



214 PHCENICIAN ORIGIN OF THE GEPHYHfiL BooiV. 

As soon as day dawned he sent and submitted his dieamtotbd 
interpreters, after which he offered the averting sacrifioeB, and 
then went and led the procession in which he perished.* 

57. The family of the Gephyraeans,* to which the mmdaefl 
of Hipparchus belonged, according to their own accomit^ cane 
originally from Eretria. My inquiries, however, have made it 
clear to me that they are in reality Phoenicians, descendaniaot 
those who came with Cadmus ^ into the country now caDfld 
Boeotia. Here they received for their portion the district rf 
Tanagra, in which they afterwards dwelt On their expolaks 
from this country by the Boeotians (which happened some toie 
after that of the Cadmeians from the same parts by the A^ 
gives®) they took refuge at Athens. The Adienians receifrf 
them among their citizens upon set terms, whereby they weie 
excluded from a number of privileges which are not woi4 
mentioning. 

58. Now the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and to 
whom the Gephyrsei belonged, introduced into Greece np» 
their arrival a great variety of arts, among the rest that i 
writing,* whereof the Greeks till then had, as I think, heel 
ignorant And originally they shaped their letters exactly fib 

• Full details of this whole tranBaction p. 586 ; Steph. Bya. ad voc. ^ftf^i 
are given by Thucydides (vi. 54-58; Etym. Magn. ad eaiid.). The oripn* 
compare Ar. Pol. v. 8 and 9). The time the name was the bridge thers o^ Jj 
of the Panathenaic festival was chosen Asdpus. Qephyrsean Ceres meuA if 
because the citizens might then appear nagrsean Ceres, or Ceres whose wonoip 
in arms. was introduced into Attica from TtfJ" 

• Bochart (Geog. Sacr. i. xxi.) believes gra (Etym. Magn. ad voc. *Axati ; Stap 
the Gephyraei to have got their name Byz. 1. s. c; and infra, ch. 61). 
from the fact that they were settled at ' On the reality of this immignto* 
the bridge (y4<pvpa) over the Ceptussus, see note * on Bk. ii. ch. 49, and d. ^ 
on the road fix)m Athens to EUeusis. It chart's Geog. Sac. (i. xvi.-xxi.). ^. 
seems to be certain that there vras a ^ Herodotus alludes here to the l^S^ 
village there called Gephyrls, and a of the Epigoni. Ten years after the fijj 
temple of Ceres, thence said to have unsuccess^l attack upon Thebee, vf 
been called G^phyraean Ceres (cf . Etym. sons of the seven chiefs succeeded ^ 
Mag. ad voc. Tc^vpcTs, and Strab. ix. p. taking the city and *v6°g^.*^ 
581). But it may be questioned whether fathers (ApoUod. iii. vii. 2). ™^ 
the Gephyrseans did not rather bring shortly before the Trojan war (HoDL »*• 
their name with them into Attica. No iv. 405). The great invasion of the B*^ 
ancient writer connects the Grephyra^an otians was sixty years after that e^ 
family with the bridge, or with the vil- (Thuc. i. 12). It was this which cnH"* 
lage of Gephyris. Nor could the temple the Gephyrscans to quit their counttT 
of Ceres near Gephyris have been (as Bo- (vide supra, i. 146; iv. 147). 

chart supposes) their temple of Achsean * Homer (II. vi. 168) shows ihiij<^ 

Ceres (mentioned below, ch. 61); for that his time the Greeks wrote on fbldfflS 

was in Athens. On the other hand it ap- wooden tablets. On the introdaetiflft 

pears that Tanagra, the city from which of letters into Greece from PhoeiuQ>i 

the Gephynsans came to Athens, was see end of Ch. v. in the Appendix W 

anciently called Gephyra, and its inha- Book ii., and on Cadmus, n. on Bk. Q* 

bitants generally Gephyrasans (Strab. ix. ch. 44.--[G. W.] 



0KEEK LETTERS FROM PH(EJ^ICIA. 



215 



t odmr PluBQicians, but afterwards, in course of time, they 
f&i by degieeB their laagiiage, and together with it the form 
fise of their characters.^ Now the Greeks who dwelt about 

parts at that time were chiefly the lonians. The Phoe- 
Q letters were accordingly adopted by them, but with some 
tion in the shape of a few, and so they arrived at the 
nt use, still codling the letters Phoenician,^ as jnstiee re* 
dj after the name of those who were the first to introduce 

into Greece. Paper rolls also were called from of old 
fchments " by the lonians, becauBe formerly when pai>er 
icarce ^ they used, instead, the skins of sheep and goatsr— 
bich material many of the barbarians are even now wont to 



I 



the Qreeka denied their letters 
y frQED the Fhoenicmna Im probable 
ay grouitdA: — 1. A glance at the 
pren in the Appendix to Bk. il, 
. p»26S, App,) wUl fthow the close 
iimst, almost i^motintbg to iden- 
tetween the Greek alphabet (espe- 
LQ itfl archaic form) and tbe Fhaj^ 

It ia evident that one ie copied 
ht other- % The Dames of the 
I which ore all lignificatlre ia 
t tooguea of the objects which 
fre origiiiBUj intended to repre- 



aent, but have lao meanings in Gbeekp 
prove that the Seimtcft tre th e inreutora, 
the Greeks the copyista. 3. Thedropp^ 
letters of the early Greek alphabet 
prove the same. These are found, very 
distinctly, in the nutnorala, where they 
have the place which belooga to them 
in Phconician and liebrew* 4, The tra- 
diti'owii late invention of tlioio lettera, 
whkb the Greeks poseessed bnjODd the 
Phosniciaiu, is an additional aigument* 
These polnta wUl receive illuatration 
from the aiibjoined compajrative table :— 



i 



trtiU 



B 

bets 



belli 
lent 



r 

ganuna 



gtmfl 



A 
ddta 



daletn 
di3or 



£ 

be 
wladow 



F 
ban?) 



bMk 



yqd 



bu}b 

hfrUow 
of 



A 



■tlck> 



1^ 



M 

mil 



WAter 
40 



60 



O 



eye 

in 



n 

pi 

pcb 
moutb 



9 
kflpi* 



tAtl 



«kfW ffvidenoe to the fru:t» 
keon Oreeoe got its alphabet 
um the Phoenicians. Otherwise, 
t io great a similarity between 
PUB alphabets of Western Asia 
Lthem Europe (tke Lyciao, Pliry- 
niscAD, Umbrirui, &c,), that it 
le difficult to prove more than 
aon origin £ix»m a iingle type. 




which mifjht be oqo anterior to the Phoe- 
nictaii. 

* That is, before the eatabliabment of 
a regular commeroe with Egypt, which 
waa perhaps scarcely earlier than the 
reign of Amaaia, 

* ThiH 13 a remarkable statement* 
Amoug the *• barbarians'* alluded to, 
w@ muf bssuma tho Penkiia to ba 



21ff 



OADKEIAIT CHARACTERS. 



E(K)K 



59. I myself saw Cadmeian characters ^ en grayed upon son 
tripocb ill the temple of Apollo Iflmenias*' iii Boeotian' Thel 
most of them shaped like the Ionian, One of the tripods 

the inscription following : — 

"Mi3 did Aiiiphitryoti plaoo, from tlw far TeleboiwiB • oomi»g * 



inoludedf on tlic» nuthotitj of Cteataa, 
^bo dijclikred tUnt ha drew hia Persian 
hktory *' from the roynl pe,rchmenta "^ 
(im rmv QafftMKaiif Btn^Sfpiifv, dp* Diod. 
Sic, ii. S2). But we have (I belioy©) 
no diatinct evidence of parchment being 
tiaad vt thtfi enrlj date bj usj other 
'' barbaroua*' nHtiati. Stone and clay 
VB^m. to havehoen the common ma teri id 
m Aaayria lind Biibjh>Di& ; wood, lea- 
therj and paper in Egypt ; the bark of 
ttfe^a and lioen in Italy ; atone, wi>od, 
oad metal among tbe Jews. Parchm«Db 
teemi never to hi^ve Wen much ua«tl^ 
«yen by the Gree^, till the time of 
Kimietied II. (B.C. 197^159), to whom 
the im>entiQn was OAcribad by V&rro 
(Plin. H. N. mi. 2t). 

* The old Greek letters, like the Phco* 
QiniaQ^ were written from right to left, 
Uid were ne^irer in ahnp^ to tho^e of the 
parent alphabet, (Sea the table in p. 
;j63j Oh, y. of the App. to Bk. ii. i ^^d 
n, ch. '^0^ Bk. ii.) Tbey cofitinuod to 
be BO written till a late time on vases ; 
but this appears to have b€«n then 
merely the imitation of an old fashion ■ 
for already^ in the age of PsammeLichufl, 
tbo 7tb century b,c.t inaeriptions were 
written from left to rights and the 
double lettera ♦* X, W, were introduced, 
AA well QB the germ of the long vowels^ 
H, n« a century before Simomdea. The 
boustrophedon style eucceeded to that 
firotn right to left, wbon the Hues were 
written alternately one way and the 
other, like the ploughing of oien — 
when<^ the name ; and at last the 
method followed to the present day, 
from left to right, was adopte^l. And 
whEe the Pbcenician method la common 
to all the Semitic mvtaons, it is curioua 
that the later Qnsek should have be- 
come theaama u the Sanacnt method, 
— >the Graek being of the Sanscrit, and 
not of the Semitic family of languages t 
see n. p. 2^7, in App. to Bk. ii. Of the 
0ge of Greek Taiiea nothing m certain ; 
ao that they lead to no eicact crmolu- 
flion reepect^g the use of Greek lettera, 
especially aa the old form of tUem can* 
tinned to be imitated m later timee. 

In MilUngena monumeuta (Aucient 
Unedit«d Mounmeuta, plate 1) U a vei'y 





andent bai^teUef. bearing aome 

blance in the Btyle of %ha lettera U ■' 

iuflcription at Aboo«imbeU but witl^ < 

any double letteri, atid rather 

archaic in character, which ho only * 

aiders somewhat anterior to the ^^ 

Olympiad, h^O. 50O ; there ia 

prize vaaej, framita inscription aiipp 

to date before 5@2 n.c.^ of which 

letters are very similar to thoe^ 

Abooslmbelj though they are wri ^ " 

frum right to left. (MUlingeu^ f»J 

U Vaaea.) If the Psammeticbus 

Abooslmbel were the third, thia *i^ 

would agree very well with ^^2 

but he wria probuhly the first vhb at^ 

in n. ch. 30, Bk» ii.)- The mmtip^* 

of Menaorsbtea at Corfu h iuppeae*^ J~ 

bo about 600 b*c,, written fr<jm rigUt *' 

left, witb the aspirate and digaiui^^*' 

and old form of letters. The intro^3»^*" 

tion of the double lettera «nd l^^ 

voweU was earlier in aome phicea yf^B 

Aaia Minor) than in otheri. At fir^^ 

was uaed for ct. and o for m las o * 

for H in ancient Italy) ; 9 was a hard 

uaed in Corinth, Hoistor, and ^^ 

name?, and afterwardfl replaced h>^ 

It was the Latin Q. The a»pir«t«» f 

(uid the dlgamma F are both foata^ ^'^ 

archaic jnaeriptionB, the latter an*^*"**^ 

iiig to the Latin / tn many Etni^*^*° 

names; the former a aoA aspi*"***' 

The X was a harder A, like the Ar*^^*^ 

^. but not (^ttuml like the j^, ir^^ 

is proved by its modem Ronmic P*^' 
nun cia tion r und by the fact of the CX>P** 

being obliged to make a new lctt«^ ^? 

for the guttural M.— £0. W.] 

« Cf. i. 52. 

^ Bimtitm Thebes la heiedi 
from Egiipimn, ^ 

* Strabo identifies the Teleba«i»**- 
the Taphiana^ who were ■^^m'^B0 ^^ 
most ancient inhabitants of Ac*!"^*!?^ 
(vii. p. 4BG), Ho moatioiui the »*ij^3i 
tion of Amphitryon (i« titH, 673 i^ ''SS 
is likewite spaken of by Pherfl*^2^ 
(Frag. Hist, Or. i. p. 77) and Ap **** 
dorua (ii. Iv. U, 7). 




among z^ I 



IP.S?I^2. 



PHffiNTCO^GBEEK IXSCTrFTTONS. 



217 



This would be about the age of Laius, the son of LabdaouB, the 
mm of Polydonis, the son of Cadmus** 
60, Another of the tripods haa this legend in the he^xameter 

** I to fiir-8ho<iting Pboebus wits oflfored by Bemm the boxerj 
When he had won at the gnmN— a woudrouB beautiful Qffering/* 

This might be Scteus, the son of Hippocoon j * and the tripodj if 
dedicated by him, and not by another of tlie same name, would 
belong lo the time of GEdipus, the son of Laius, 

81. The third tripod has also an inscription iu hexameters, 
*luch runs thus : — 

•* Kitig tiOodaiQafl gave thifl tripod to fAT-seeing FbcebuB, 
Wbeo he wm set on tho throne — a woDdroua beautifiLl offering." 

It was in the reign of this LaodamaB, the son of Eteocles, that 
tile Cadmeians were driven by the Argives out of their country,^ 
^"^i found a shelter with the Encheleans/ The Gephyneana at 
tlial time remained in the country, but afterwards they retired 
f^fore the BcBotians,* and took refuge at Athens, where they 
we a number of temples for tlieir Beparate uaa, which the 
*^4er Athenians are nof allowed to enter — among the rest, one 
^ Ach^an Ceresj^* in whose honour they likewise celebrate 
special oigiea 

^iX Having thus related the dreaTu which Hipparchus saw, 
*^'d triced the descent of the Gephyrai'ans, the family whereto 



. It mhy be doubted whether thia 
^"^ belangod reftlly to ao early an 
S" iittj WWa Prolegomena, p. It.)- 
?*• toaoriptiijn, at any rate, tnust have 
•"•a liter, and can at beat only have 
^t^«««4 tbe belief of the prieata aa to 
Jj* pitioa who dedicated the tripod. 
*°* i«iie renuirk will apply to th© two 
''^^ iuacriptioDA. 

_, flipjioooon waa the brother of 
^i^dttTQua and IcoHisii, Aealsted by 
Jj* twelve Bona, he drove bid two 
J^^^en from Lacec^^mon, Afterwardu 
H«ri3u]j*6 a lew him and hia sona, and 
f»toEtd Tjndareuis. One of hia Bona 
n$ mtned Qcmut ( ApoUod. itL x. 5). 

^ Vide tnpra, oh. d7, note ". lid* 
^xuiM iiuooeeded bis father Eteoclea 
Upon the tbrooe of Thebes. Aocording 
111 the Je^ud, be reigned ten yeara, Asd 
by the Epigoni (ApoUod* ni- 

l^iffiielawTiw were on Ulymn 
ThiBj dwelt on the cooat above 
am (Scylftx, PeripL p, 19; 



Stcph* Byi. ad TOO, I Hecatsiw, Fr. 73), 
There waa a legend that Cadmn* aa- 
Biated them agninert the other Illyriaxis 
(ApoLlod. HI, V* 43* Uenoe perhaps it 
waa thought Mkoly that tbe CAdmeiAiis 
would take refuge with them. 

• Thucyd. i. I- ; supm, oh. 57. 

* Bochart belie vea that the ^t&m- 
ciana introduced the worahip of Cerea 
Into Greece (Geog. Sao. i* xii*), »i>d 
etippoaee the Gephyrseana to hiive bean 
the firvt by whom the woriblp waa 
brought into Attica > ib. oh. xxi.). Cer- 
tainly tbe Eleqamian myateriea appear 
to have been tboiH>ughly OneDtiU in 
their cbanwter. 

It ia diffieult to explain the epithet 
''Achaean'' here. Tbe graioniariftna 
say that it has no connexion with the 
ivell-kno^vn Helleuic tribe, but ja 
foruiecl either from ^xo* I ^ef) or ^x^ 
(souud^ b«4jauBe Ceres grieved for the 
loea of ProBerpine, or becamfie of the 
eymbiila uaed in her wofdup (Etyui, 
Ma^. ad voc. \^)cmdy 




218 TYRANNY OP HIPHAS. BooiV. 

his murderers belonged, I must proceed with the matter ivheieof 
I was intending before to speak ; to wit, the way in wbich ^ 
Athenians got quit of their tyrants. Upon the death of Hip- 
parehus, Hippias, who was king, grew harsh towards the Athe- 
nians;^ and the AlcmfieonidsB,^ an Athenian family which had 
been banished by the Pisistratidae,® joined the other exilea, and 
endeavoured to procure their own return, and to free Athens, 1^ 
force. They seized and fortified Leipsydrium • aboTO Paeoniii* 
and tried to gain their object by arms ; but great disasters befifl 
them,^ and their purpose remained unaccolnplishecL They 
therefore resolved to shrink from no contrivance that mi^ 
bring them success ; and accordingly they contracted with the 
Amphictyons ^ to build the temple which now stands at DelfU, 
but which in those days did not exist^ Having done this, iiej 
proceeded, being men of great wealth and members d ^ 
ancient and distinguished family, to build the temple muii 
more magnificently than the plan obliged them. Besides othff 
improvements, instead of the coarse stone whereof by the con- 
tract the temple was to have been constructed, they made the 
facings of Parian marble.* 

63. These same men, if we may believe the Athenians, dnnnj 



* The great change in the character name of the Pseonida (ncuorfSoi) |> 
of the government after the murder of Menidhi, and the site of Leipeydriuin* 
Hipparchua is noticed again, vi. 123, as the monastery of St. Nicholas (Dend^ 
it was before in ch. 55. Thucydides Attica, p. 08). 

confirms thb (vi. 59). He commends If this view be taken, the site "a** 

the virtue and wisdom of the family up the right bank of a remarkable torrtO^ 

to this time (vi. 54). Compare Plat, which descends directly from the loi** 

Hipp. p. 229, B. and Heraclid. Pont. i. 6. mit of the mountain and flows iloog J 

7 Vide infra, vi. 125-131, where the broad gravelly bed to the Cephuioj» 
earlier history of the AlcmseonidiB is will favour the derivation of the ii** 
given : and see note on ch. 131. Leipsydrium from Xc(i3w, not Aeiw (»- 

8 That is by Pisistratus himself, who Cyrill. Lex. ined. sub voc., and the no** 
is included among the Pisistratidse (vide to Albert's Hesychius). 

supra, i. 64). • Hence the famous Scolium ^ 

* This was no doubt an 4iriT€ixi(rfi6st Athenaeus, xv. 15, p. 695, and Sai** 
like that of Agis at Decelea (^Thuc. vii. ad voc. A(i}\f69ptov) : — 

19), which was in the same neighbour- ^^ ^, Aet,^piovVpo«..«nf«upar, 

hood. olovf avSpa^ dviuAe<raf, fMixciHhu 

^ This is the reading of all the MSS. ayaBov^ n km, cvrarp^f , 

Some have proposed to change Psconia **' ™^' **'*^**'' **""*•' '~^P-^«»»- 

into Pames ; but without necessity. • Vide infra, vii. 200, note. 
There was probably a region called * The old temple had been bufl* 

Psconia in Attica, the abode of the (vide supra, ii. 180) ; according J* 

Pseonida) mentioned by Harpocration some, by the machinations of the PiB** 

(sub voc. ncuovteTs), and Pausanias (11. tratid» (Philochor. Fr. H. G. vol.if 

xviii. 7). Leipsydrium was above this, 395). 

and on the flanks of Pames (Schol. * The Alcmsconida; had already w* 

Aiistoph. Lysist. GG5 ; Hesych. tirice^ ad ceived the praise of Pindar for this pi«oe 

voc. Aet\|^u8piov, and ad voc. Ai^vZpiov). of munificence (Pyth. vii. oi rtlp « 
Colonel Leake recognises the abode and Z6fiov nvOwyi ii^ Oarjrhv ir tv^af)* 



Ah 63. SPARTA gEEKS TO EXPEL THE PISISTRATID^. 219 



m stay at Delphi persuaded the Pytljoness by a bribe * to 
1 the Spartans, whenever any of them came to consult the 
ide, either on their own private afiairs or on the busmess of 

5 state, that they mnist free Athena* So the Lacedsemonians, 
len they found no answer ever returned to them but this, sent 

»b ^chimolinSj the sou of Aster— a man of note among 
citizens — at the head of an army against Athens, with 
ieiB to drive out the Pisistratids^, albeit they were bound to 
Bm by the closest ties of friendship. For they esteemed the 
ings of heaven more highly than the things of men* The 
NJps went by sea and were conveyed in triuisports. Anchi- 

k brought them to au*anchorage at Phalerum;^ and there 
n disembarked. But the Pisistratidae, who had previous 
lowledge of their intentions, had sent to Thessaly, between 
lich country and Athens there was an alliance,* with a re- 
set for aid. The Thessalians, in reply to their entreaties, 
It them by a public vote 1000 horsemen,* under the command 
their king, Cineas, who was a ConiieaiL^ Wlien this help 
file, the Pisistratidse laid their plan accordingly : they cleared 

6 whole plain about Phalerum so as to make it fit for Hie 



' Tiki Delphic oracle Is again bnUed 
Oeosn^efl, infra, Ti. 66. 
FhtleruiD is the raoat ancient, an 
li the moat natural, harbour of 
^^*Ba, It ts nearer than PirsQue to 
' dty (Leake's Demi, | 9, p. 397), 
lite two rive ra (Cephifla us and llifl- 
k between wkicb Atbenj^ is placsd, 
« into it. Tli^ Pinirufl aeema mot to 

* been used as a port until the time 
te:lefl tPauftun, i. ii, 3), 

AiBcDoti& IS fouDd generally on the 
*tift, go Tbe«»ttly appears on the 
itaiaa aide. Mutual j eid o usy of Boio ■ 
Wotild appear to be the chief ground 
^ alliiiijee. It waa broken by the 
■"Um invaflioQ^ renewed B.C. 461^ 
saboitilitiea with Sparta threatened 
^iK, i. 102), iniriDged by the estpedi- 
Sef m.a 45a {Thuc. u 111), renewed 
tisUr before b.c* 431 (ibid, ii 32), 
i fully re-eBtabliabfld in b^ 423 
«[.iT, 132). 

fh» Tbe«fKaliaa8 were still in that 
Mijr stage of eeciety " mentioofld 
iroold, " wheQ the rulmg order or 

• liM fought Ofi horseback, their 
bets or dependente on foot " (Hist. 
fome, vol. I. p. 71). "The cavalry 
ice under thete circunastanceft haa 
I cultiv&ted, that of the jnfantry 

In Thflfiaaly the bulJa of 




the population were held in the cou^ 
ditbn of Hcrfa {-Kt yiffr at)— ths ruling 
claea^ however* was large and warlike. 
Hence we constantly hear of the ex- 
oellei^oe of the TbeaBttlkti horse, while 
it ii seldom that we have any mention 
of their infantry. (Compare Herod, 
vii. 28, 29- Thucyd. i. Ill; Ephor. Fr. 
5; Pauaan. i, i. 2; Polyb. iv, 8; Pint. 
Men. p, TO, A. J Hipp. Maj, p. 284, A.) 

The country was favourable for pas- 
turage ; and TheaaaJLan horsee were of 
special eaccellency (vide infra, tH. 196, 
aiid note ad loo.). 

* Wachemuth proposes to read a. 
^GbaDEBBii'' (rovvtuoy), for a *'ConI- 
aian'' (KnA'tatov) here. And certainly 
there is no known town in Thes&aly, 
from which the word *^ Coniroiin " eould 
bo formed. It is imposaible to under- 
stand, with J^archer, Coaium or Iconium, 
the modem Komtfeh, in Pbrygia. I 
should incline, therefore, to adopt the 
emendation of Waclmmuth. Gonnus, 
or Gonni, is a well-knownL TheaaaliAu 
town (Strab, ix. p. 638 ; Porphyr. Tyr, 
8 ; Sfceph- By a. ad voe. ; Ptol. Geography 
iii, 13 ; Liv. xlii. 54). It Uy north of 
the PeneuBj a Httle above the com- 
mencetnent q£ the pass of Temp4 in 
the modflirn iFialliy of Dereii (Leake's 
Northern GfV^oei, Tol. ilL pp. 381, 332), 



220 FIRST EXPEDITION OF CLEOMENES. Booi 

movements of cavalry, and then charged the enemy's camp m 
their horse, which fell with such fury upon tiie Laced»mo!iiiixw» 
as to kill numbers, among the rest Anchimolius, the gener^y 
and to drive the remainder to their ships. Such was the fate cjf 
the first army sent irom. Lacedaemon, and the tomb of Anchi* 
molius may be seen to this day in Attica ; it is at Alopeoe ' 
( Foxtown ), near the temple of Hercules in Cynosargos.' 

64. Afterwards, the Lacedsemonians despatched a largOT fwco 
against Athens, which they put under the command rf Clao- 
menes, son of Anaxandridas, one of their kings. These troop* 
were not sent by sett, but marched by the mainland. Wlien 
they were come into Attica, their first encounter was with ih^ 
Thessalian horse, which they shortly put to flight, killing atov« 
forty men ; the remainder made good their escape, and fled 
straight to Thessaly. Cleomenes proceeded to the city, and, wid* 
the aid of such of the Athenians as wished for freedom, be- 
sieged the tyrants, who had shut themselves up in the FehsffC 
fortress.* 

65. And now there had been small chance of the Pisistratite 
falling into the hands of the Spartaps, who did not even dedgx^ 
to sit down before the place,* which had moreover been well 
provisioned beforehand with stores both of meat and drink, — 
nay, it is likely that after a few days' blockade the Lwje- 
dajmonians would have quitted Attica altogether, and gone back 
to Sj)arta, — had not an event occurred most unlucky for tW 
besieged, and most advantageous for the besiegers. The children 
of the PisistratidflD were made prisoners, as they were being re- 
moved out of the country. By this calamity all their plaJ*^ 
were deranged, and — as the ransom of their children — they cot^' 
sented to the demands of the Athenians, and agreed witliin fiv^ 
days' time to quit Attica.® Accordingly they soon afterwards 



' It ia curious to find that the According to Clitodemus, all tbut tt* 

Spartans had passed Athens, and pene- Pelasgi did was to level the W*fJ 

tmted to this place, which lay to the of the rock at the summit, and baiW 

north-eaat of the city, at the distance a wall round the space bo obtsin*" 

of about a mile and a half (iEsch. (Frag. 22, ed. Didot.). 
Timarch. p. 119). We may suspect * Aware, apparently, of their iB*' 

that Herodotus has ill -understood the bility to conduct sieges (vide iiifi*» 

Spartan plan of campaign. The site of ix. 70). That the acropolis was'W* 

Alopecflo is marked by the modem at this time very strong appears ftoo 

village of Atnbelokipo (Leake's Demi of the account of its siege by Xerw* 

Attica, p. 31). (viii. 52, 53). It was afterwards fbrti- 

* Vide infra, vi. 116, and not. ad loc. fied by Cimon (Plut. Vit. Cim. c. 13). 

* ffhat is, the Acropolis, which the * All the cliief points of this ntf- 
Pelasgi were said to have fortified for rative are confirmed by Aristotle, who 
the Athenians (see below, vi. 137)! relates the contract of the Alcmao- 



. 63-6G. 



POLICY OF CLISTHENES^ 



221 



left the couDtiy, and withiliew to Sigeum on the Scamanderj^ 
?r reigning thirty-six years over tlie Athenians." By descent 
thej" were Pylians, of the family of the Neleids,^ to whicli 
r^Joilrus and Melanthus likewise belonged, men who in former 
from foreign settlerg hecame kinga of Athens. And hence 
it wae that Ilippocratea ^ came to think of calling his son Vwh- 
iratus : he named him after the Fisistratns who was a Bon of 
Z^Ceistor* Such then wae the mode in which the Athenians got 
mit of their tyrants. What they did and suffered worthy of 
lie from the time when they gained their freedom until the 
STolt of Ionia irom King DariiiB, and the coming of AristogoraB 
"Co Athens with a request that the Atheniane would lend the 
JLooians aid, I shall now proceed to relate. 

66. Tlie power of Athens had been great before ; but, now 
lat the tyrants were gone, it became greater than ever. The 
j^hief authority was lodged with two persons, Clisthenea, of the 
ily of the Alcmffionida, who is said to have been the per- 
ier of the Pji^honesa,^ and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, 
¥ho belonged to a noble house, but whose pedigree I am not 
fcble to trace further. Howbeit his kinsmen ofier sacrifice to 
<Jie Carian Jupiter.^ These two men strove together fijr the 
x:Kia8tety ; and Clisthenea^ finding himBelf the weaker, called to 
Jj^ aid the common people/ Hereupon, instead of the four 



» 



0*Ma to rebuild the Delphian tfltnple, 
^M <i isaportuaity of tUe or*cle in their 
j^»'»&ur, the exp«ditiaii of AnchimoliuB 
^f ••ti, hu defeat* the expeditioii of 
^^^oniMwt '* with a, larger fonse," hia 
"^y^toiy over tlie Thatsftliinip tlie reireftt 
^_ Xzf ippLiks into " th$ PelAigic foitreu^** 
^^^"J ^ tjie cnptiLije of the children aa they 
^S^*^ being conveyed out of the c<juotry 

^ Vid* infra, ch, 94, 95, 
^ %l appears &om Ariitotle (FoUi. 

^ ^^ thai tbtA period ta et^mire ot the 
1^?*^^ fHufled by FiiiBtmtuB in exile after 
^9^ fifvt Beifure of the floveraigDty* 

tkj^*** the beginmn^ of the reign of 
■ «, to the final ejtptilaion of his 
m period of fifty -one years 
,h Ik* 0. ; SchoLLttftt. ap. Arietopb. 
5O0i. PkiftimtuB seised the so- 
4^^«*giity, mx. 564) i died, mc 527, 
*^^^ *^im f«igTied nearly 17 yeati9 out of the 
,rt>> * Aippm* reigned 14 yesTH before the 
fli^^^^ii Of Hlpparohuft (B,e, 514), and four 
i^^^^^'WMrdj^ HewMeipelledB.c,5IO,per' 
^^J*"* In the aame year with the Torciuiijs. 
^^^^7be tale went* that Melaatbii« (the 
^^ m. deacent from the Homeric Nes- 





tor, ton of Neleiui^ and kicig &f IV'^)f 
was king of Meaaeiiia at the time of the 
return of the Hemclidse. Being ex- 
pelledf he sought a refuge in Attioa, 
where he was kindly received^ and even 
planed upon the tbione — ThymcBtes, 
the exlatine monarch, being forced to 
abdicate In bia favour* This will exphuo 
the t&tms '* Py liana," and '* Neleidi *' 
(ct Hellan, Fr, lu, and Demo, Fr. 1, 
ed. Didot.), 
1 Supra, i. 59* 

* Supra, cb. 63. 

3 Tiiat the Cariana were once widely 
spread through the CycladeA^ is wit* 
neaaed both hf Herodotiis (i. 171} and 
TbiieydJdee (L 4). There would be 
nothing surprising, therefore^ in an 
ardent settlement of Ganans upon the 
Attdc penimula, Stnbo notioes deacenta 
of Garisns upcm the ooasts of Attica 
(ix. p. 577), 

* We fieem here to meet again with 
the old triple division of parties— the 
Pediffii, Parali, and Diacrii, of fifty years 
back (supra, i> 59). laagoraa bad* ap- 
parently, reviTed the porty of Ljcnr- 
gus .^the PediiBi% which wia that of the 



222 



CLISTHENES ALTERS THB TRIBES. 



Bottt 



tribes* among Avhich the Atbeiiians had been divided hitherto, 
CUstliehes made ten tribes, and parcelled out the Atieuiaa* 



anment landed ariitoctikjy ; ClUthenes 
hiul t&k&n bis fatlior's plajce at th« head 
of the Puriill, or wealthy middle okfls, 
who were attache^l to the timocriLtiaal 
cooatitiition ot Solou: while the Diocrii, 
or democrats, were without a leader, 
but bad strength aufficbnt to tarn the 
acale either way. ClifltheneSi it »eem&, 
wafl Dtit n democrat by choice, but frcjm 
neceraity. It wna cytily when be found 
blmeelf unable to coDtetid Buccesafuily 
is-ith Isagomaf that he had recourso to 
the democmtical party. (^Tide inti^ 
ch, 69, note K) 

* That isj, tbe GeleonteBi or TeleonteBi 
Hoplf*te», JEgicoreU, and Ai^idei^i the 
micient htrfdititry trlbeB of Attica. Mr* 
Oiote (Hist. i>f Greece^ vol. iii* p. 6&) 
denies that there ie any BufficiBUt ^ound 
for believing that a division Into cafBtea, 
suoh as the natnea of these tribes has 
been thought to indicate, ever prevailed 
in Attica. In this be oppoaes, among 
the ancients^ Pkto, Strabo, and Plu- 
tarch; among the modenu, &kaa«t all 
who have written upon the subject 
(C. F, Hermann, § 9+j Thirlwall, vol. 
ii» p. 7 \ Eoecldi, Corp. Inac, iJSSa ; 
ntgen, p. '38-50 ; Schumann de Com. 
Am, p. 351, &c.)« It ^eemfl incon- 
oeivable that munei, three out of four 
of which read »o clearly Warriora 
(Hopl^tet), Goatberda (jEjjicoreii), and 
ArtiaanjB (Argadeis), osio have been given 
cEcept to classed formed according to 
profeasioUB, at kast at the outset. The 
dijQScuIty and uncertainty that attacbea 
to the fourth namej which appoani under 
three foi-ma — Geleontes, Gedeont^t, nod 
Teleontes — cannot invalidate tha ar- 
gtitncnt derived from tbe otber three, 
Teleontca, wluch reata upon decent au- 
thority (Eurip, Ion. 1379 ; Pollux, viiL 
101+ \ Steph. By 2. ad voc. AtyiH6fffvi)j is 
certainly the form most easy of explana- 
tion » for thia would be etymoiogically 
connected with Tf X^vi rf Aoi, rvXtr^i and 
would give the excellent «ense of Pticata 
orConaij^ratora (cf* Strabo, viii. p. 556). 
Geleoutes, which has far tbe greatCBt 
weight of authorityj alnce it is the form 
of tbe InBcriptiona aa well as that of the 
beat USS, of Hercdotus, may po€»ibly 
only be a variant from this, according 
to the notice which we find in Heay- 
chiuS} that yiK€a waa in uae for r4kea, 
(U<?sycb. ad voc. 7A««). The form 
Gedeontea haa tbe lefwt autbority (Plu- 
tarch only), and may be «afely $et 



aside aa having arisen from iB^^littd 
MSa, in which rEAEONTHI mi^t 
c»ily be mistaken for rEAEOSTEl 

It would seem therefor* tiuA il 
Ath^is in very early timea tbts* wat 
fourcawteB: 1. PrieatB; 2- Warriow; S, 
Herdsmen; and 4, MechMiio. T^ 
may be conaider&d aa tolerably $erti* 
from the appellfltionB themselfo. H* 
a!ao confirmed by aeverial writera li iwr 
name and note. The panagn tn Fill* 
(TinuBUA, ^. S4, A,; Cntiai, fAW^^)* 
where ancient Athena in comfm t» 
Egypt in reapeet of ita msia^ tfi ^ 
known. They are the more raluaii!* 
becauae, ao far as appears^ t^e fad Tt 
corded ia not ba$ed upon the etyiDolfl^ 
of the names of the tribea, or iJi'iw 
connected oonscioualy with the tribes it 
alL Plutarob'a statement ia di-f n. t ^J 
positive (Vit Solon, ch, 2.> 
error in detail — the aub&^r 
husbandmLcn for prieata — aiif£* iP^ 
hb having the false form ^iB^wrei, m 
TtK4ayTfs, Stnibo alao, who ii i**" 
apectable authority, haa no doubt qI^ 
four tHbes having been ciat<* ^ 
account exactly a<^ord£ with tha ^ 
taken above ; for it la of no impirt'W* 
that he uaea the term hv^bandmm {ytnf 
yoi) for goat/ter^ {alyttf9pth}, to W" 
signate the caate which got ita IM 
from the soil 

If we admit the f<tci of the ei»fc«* 
of caitbeB in Attica in the earliest ttm* 
it becomea a matter of impor tnoc* ** 
inquire, whence did these caataafo^'^ 
were they of home growth, or is*'*'*' 
duoed from abroad? They haft bj* 
regudcd aa favouring the noJtiao rf* 
Bpecial connexion of Athena wiUi ^IP 
(Diodor. Sic i. 28; ThirlwaOi wL J; 
p, 67) : and in Pluto they <»*« 
appear in thiB ahape; but it U diffifsj 
to aay whether this ia the true »f^ 
of them, or whether tbe fect ** ^^ 
tliat the aame spirit which premlfii* 
early times in E^gypt and lodiii ^ 
independently sprang up in ^5*^ 
The nature of the apeetal oonniudaiiit|f 
auyi between Egypt and Athefili * 
not agreed on. Plato gives n^ ^ 
count of it • and Phanodemos *» 
Callisthenee, tbe earliest writ eta vhi 
propounded n theory, deriTed Saia fr<«a 
Athens (ap, Procl. Comment* in PW* 
Tim. p. 30). The Egyptian 
Attica aeema to have been 
mention of tha Egyptians 





HIS GRAKDSIRE, CLISTHENES OF SICYON, 



ienL He likewise changed the names of the tribes j for 
Ihey had till now been called after Geleon, ^gicoree, 
and Hoples, the four sons of Ion,® Clisthenea set these 
ide, and called his tribes after certain other heroesj^ all 
irere native, except Ajax. Ajax was associated because, 
la foreigner, he was a neighbour and an ally of Athens.* 
f belief is that in acting thSiB he did but imitate his 
[grandfather, Clisthenea, king of Sicyon." This king^ 
iras at war with Argos, put an end to the contests of the 
Is at Sicyon, because in the Homeric poems Argos and 
|es were so constantly the theme of song. He likewise 
I the wish to drive Adrastus, the son of Talaiis, ont of 
ry,^ seeing that he was an Argive hero. For Adrastus 
pe at Sicyonj which yet stands in the market-place of 
r ChBthenea therefore went to Delphi, and asked the 



prst m Diodoni* (1, a* c*)i 
kwes to Ku^biu« (Cbron. 
iS<Jj, Tzetisee, Suidas, 4c. 
|i, uudoubtedij, n reaem- 
IgioEi BUil art, a& iveU em In 
j^tions, between Athena and 
B ^ti^UTA the notion of some 
|i^onnciion. (See Thieraoh's 
[Bildenden Kumi, p- 2H.) 
plyectkru to the Tiew wlucb 
m the Athenian caatea from 
p factt of which there aeema 
Widencti^ tfant the four tribea 
toiiar to Athena, but common 
piian Greeks, The tradition 
|i Tel eon and his brothers 
tembodiea this fact j and it 
It only by the stat^jmeot of 
^&n^ ch. 69), but ako by 
[Irom tbti Ionian towna of 
({Boeckh, Corp. Ina, 3078, 
I which fihow the eiiatenoa 
mioDia it) them. It la alao 
f dht&rre that remnants of 
Mia md caste prejudices 
Kb Qreece generally, which 
EcAte the entire and urn- 
k^ence of caate in eftrlier 
mis nature ore the h^re- 
Hiooda common to many 
mhb descent of oMcea and 
ifrom fktber to bod, which 
I have prerailed at Sparta 
|i, and of which Herodotna 
I Inatimcea In the next Book 
10, and not, ad loe. ; see 

Pn'a Pol Ant. § 5). It ia 
U> &kI an ajisertion in 
p. vol. 1, p. 54), that of the 



inatitntion of coatee '* there are no 
veatigea in any part of Greece" I 

^ The a&me namea are given, but with 
the reading of Teleon for G^eleon, in 
Euripides (Ion. 1579*1581, ecL Din- 
dorft). In accordance with thf»^ Jullua 
Pollux (Tiii. 9, p. 031), and Stephen of 
Byjeantitim (ad toc, AlyixAptias), give 
the tribtifl oa T^sleontea, Hopletra, jEgi- 
coreia, and Ai-gadeia, The Inscriptions 
of Cyaicus coDtain the full list, but with 
the form Geleontcs. 

' The namoB of the Attic tribea were 
Erecbtheiaf ^geia, Fandionia^ Leontkj 
Acomantia, (Eneifl, Cecropis, Hippo- 
thoontlHt ^antie, and AntiochLs; tbe 
heroea being Erechtheus, ,£geus, Fim- 
dion, Leoss Acamaa, CEoeua, Oeorwpav 
Hippothoun, Ajax, and Antioohua. Tn© 
order given is that obfienred upon the 
tnonumenta* 

' Ajax waa the tutelary hero of 
Salamis (ride Infra, Tiii. 04 and 121), 
According to Homer, hia troops at 
^roy were drawn up next to those of 
Athena. 

11. LL &&7* &fi8. 

' Concerning this king, see below^ 
vi. 126. 

^ AdraatuBf king of Argos» and leader 
of the first (mythic) attack upon Thel^ea 
(Eiirip, Phojniag. ; Apollod, nr. vl. § 
3-7)» waa worshipped as a hero m 
several places: among the rest at Me- 
gara (Fausan. i. xlilL 1) and' AtheXM 
(ibid. t. xxz. 4). 



224 ADRASTUS AND MELANIPPUS. Booi^. 

oracle if he might expel Adrastus. To this the PythoDessisie- 
ported to have answered — " Adrastus is the Sicyonians* king.W 
thou art only a robber." So when the god would not grant Ui 
request, he went home and began to think how he might contnw 
to make Adrastus withdraw of his own accord. After a iflub 
he hit upon a plan which he thought would succeed. He flrtk 
envoys to Thebes in Boeotia, and informed the Thebana that be 
wished to bring Melanippus,^ the son of Astacus, to Sicyon. 1h 
Thebans consenting, Clisthenes carried Melanippus back fiA 
him, assigned him a precinct within the govemment-hoiue, mi 
built him a shrine there in the safest and strongest part Tk 
reason for his so doing (which I must not forb^ to mention) 
was, because Melanippus was Adrastus' great enemy, haTOg 
slain both his brother Mecistes and his son-in-law Tydeus.^ flv* 
thenes, after assigning the precinct to Melanippus, took anf 
from Adrastus the sacrifices and festivals wherewith he badtH 
then been honoured, and transferred them to his adTemj> 
Hitherto the Sicyonians had paid extraordinary hoDOun to 
Adrastus, because the country had belonged to PolybiUi^ vi 
Adrastus was Poly bus' daughter's son ; ^ whence it came to 
pass that Polybus, dying childless, left Adrastus his kingdom 
Besides other ceremonies, it h&d been their wont to hooov 
Adrastus with tragic choruses, which they assigned to Ub 
rather than Bacchus, on account of his calamities.* CUstheaei 
now gave the choruses to Bacchus, transferring to Melanippos 
the rest of the sacred rites. 

68. Such were his doings in the matter of Adrastus. TVi4 
respect to the Dorian tribes, not choosing the Sicyonians tohi^ 
the same tribes as the Argives, he changed all the old names to 
new ones ; and here he took special occasion to mock the SicyO' 
nians, for he drew his new names from the words " pig," V^ 
" ass," adding thereto the usual tribe-endings ; only in the cart 
of his own tribe he did nothing 'of the sort, but gave them ananW 



* A statue of Melanippus is probably ' The Scholiast on Pindar (Nem. t^ 

intended. See below, ch. 80. follows the same tradition. Accori&l 

■ Melanippus, the son of Astacus, to him Talaus married Lysimichc, ti* 

is mentioned among the defenders of daughter of Polybus, and their \0* 

Thebes by Pherecydes (Fr. 51), Apol- was Adrastus. Apollodorus givei * 

lodorus (hi. vi. § 8), and Pausanias different account (i. ix. § liV.. 

(IX. zviii. § 1). He is said to have lost < Besides the destruction of his tfiBT 



his own life at the siege, being slain by and friends in the first expedition i„ 

Amphiaraus (Pherecyd. 1. s. c). Thebes, Adrastus was said to have loit 

* Polybus was king of Corinth, and his son uEgialeus in the second Hd* 

Sicyon was included in his dominions lanicus, Fr. 11; Apollod. in. vii. § 2). 
(ApoUod. ni. V. § 7). 



^ 



C?^^F^ 67-69. MCm:K KAMES OF THE SICYONIAN TRIBES. 225 




{Oneatie. 






1 1 ^'^uiaDnliei. 



<1 ^""^iwu from hia own kingly office* For he called his own tribe 

tta.«3 ArcholftI, or Uulers, while tlie others he named Hyatse, or 

I*i^-folk, OueAt^e^ or Aa^folk, and ChoereatEe, or Swine-foUc' 

-l^i^e Sit*yoiiiaiiB kept these names, not only during the reign of 

CT J isthenes, but even after his death, by the space of sixty years : 

tl:^.^^n, however, they took counsel together, and changed to the 

'^"^^sU-known names of HyUwans, PamphylianB, and Dymanatie," 

^^fc-idng at the same time, as a fourth name, the title of ^]gialeans, 

(^ ''^-jim ^gialeus tlie son of Adrastus.* 

<j1I. Thus bad Clisthenes the Sicyonian done.*" The Athenian 
(^ i-igtiienesj who was graudson by tlie mother's side of the others 
A had l*een named after him^ resolved, from contempt (m I 
3ieve) of the Ionium,^ that his tribes should not be the same bb 

dwellem along the ilio™ " (vij, i. § 1)* 
Comp«r« tte Attic v^pa^m (supm, i, 
5'9 1. It U not unfrequeut to find » 
tribe or tribes of tbe iibftriginal inbiv* 
bitaots aloDg»ide of the UjIIeaf^T Dj- 
luanetj and Pampiiyles^ in a Dorkn 
state. In Argo»^ and perhi^ps in Epi- 
dauriu, the Hjrmithian woa such a 
tribe (Steph. Byse,, ad Yoep« Au^ai' et 
* TpjftBtov). In Corinth there appeal" 
to have baen five such (MtHIer's Do* 
riaQS» vol. ii. p. ."jS, E. T.\ 

^° An intereBting account Is given bj 
Nlcolnfi of D&ma^uir of the mode in 
which Ctiethfluee obtiUJQed the ihrone, 
ClifltbeneB^ was the youngest of three 
brothers^ and hEwi therefore, in the 
tiatur&t course uf things^ little hope of 
the iucc««9ion. Mjron, boweTer, his 
eldest brother, baying been guilty of 
adulter J unth the wife of Isod«iuua the 
second brother, Oistbenes perBuaded 
the latter to roTenge bluuelf by Blaying 
the adulterer. He then repreJ$enied to 
him thftt be could not reign alune^ m It 
wajs impooaible for him to offer tho 
eaeiiticea ; and was admitted ha joint 
king on this accounts Finally, he hod 
Isodemue peraua^led to go into volun* 
tarj exile for a jeaTi in order to pur^ge 
hk poUuiiozi; and during his absence 
tnade tmnjielf sole king {¥t. 6]). 

■ Th^re cftik be no doubt that Clia- 
thenes wa« actuated by a higher motive. 
He aholiahed the oid tribes^ not be- 
cnuise they were louic^ but be<^uee they 
were exclusive : hie inteutioD wai to 
break down au old oligarchical di^tino-' 
tioQj and to admit the more readily to 
the ft-«iichiee &esh classes of the free 
inhabitanta. The old trjbee were bei^e- 
ditary, and with their muchinery of 
phratriea and (slana {yt)^yf\ tended iu 

you in. Q 



The rlyDdsty of the Orthagoridie, to 

^^^^=^*Jch Clisthenet belonged, was uot 

t><:j»jiaii, but Athiaaii. Clis thenes aimed 

* J^ «3epf¥8eing the Doric populatdon, and 

^■'^^'TfatiQg the AcbicanB— hiJ own kina* 

^^*^*^ It* His arrangement of the Sioyonian 

^B|l^^'^"^>» may be ihiis cotupared witb the 

^H»X<:3jef (and later j di^Tsiou— 



IE 
■I 



^ That theae were the three anekiat 
\^m of the Deriiini» is now uniT^r* 
>j icknowled^^d, MiiUer (Bodiffls, 
^^ 1 . ii. pp. 76, 78, E. T.) has collected 
•^^^^ pnncipal testimonies^ The tooat 
»*^»^«ett is tliat of £?tephen of Byzantiura 
foe- Av^ayj; AvfLtiy, if^vKuf A«pt4^v 
8i Tpfif, 'TAAiif, Aral nd^^i/Aoi, 
Aufiatftf* ' Compnre also the words 
^£ same writer, ad. voc, 'ThA*ii>} 
«iCT I H iL 668 ; Od. xix, 177 u He- 
^ ^Fn»g. viL ed- Gdttling), Pindar 
'*^^nL L 61 1, and Epbwrus (Fr. HV), 
Herodotus, couhnn the state- 
^t of Stephen. A multitude of in- 
^^-- ijitiooA from the mine of different 
*i^*i*n towns Uad feo the i*ame condu- 

^_^tV names were traced to Painph jlue 
^^"^ Dynoan, the two actual eon^^ and 
^.^'llui, th« adopted sou, of ^Kgimius, 
r^^^"^ *•* the traditional ting ai Doria 
^ Uie lime of the fijbiht of the Hera- 

11^ ^Sgialeana was the ancient name of 
l^^^primitive lonians of this traict (vide 
^^*l» nL 04; cf ApoUod. II. i, & 1, and 
J^*y«^ riii* p, fiuj)* Panaauias con- 
•j^^%iir», lidth reaaon^ that the term 
"J*** derived from the comtnou word 
VtaArfi, *'cosi*jt/' and signified "the 



226 



ISAGORAS AND CLEOMENEg. 



Bo«V. 



theirs ; and so followed the pattern set him by his namesake ol 
Sicyon. Having brought entirely over to his own side the ooduddb 
people of Athens, whom he had before disdained,' he gave all t)i^ 
tribes new names, and made the number greater than formeily; 
instead of the four phylarchs he established ten ;^ he likefM 
placed ten demes in each of the tribes ;^ and he was, now tint 
the common people took his part, very much more powerful to 
his adversaries. 

70.. Isagoras in his turn lost ground ; and therefore, to connta^ 
plot his enemy, he called in Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian, vh) 
had already, at the time when he was besieging the Pisistn^ 
made a contract of friendship witl^ him. A charge is em 
brought against Cleomenes that he was on terms of too great 
familiarity with Isagoras's wife. At this time the first thing iW 
he did, was to send a herald and require that Clisthenes, and a 
large number of Athenians besides, whom he called ''TheAe* 



confine within very- narrow limits the 
rights of Athenian citizenship. A free 
pUbs had grown up outside the heredi- 
tary tribes at Athens, as it did at 
Rome, and by the same means, except 
that in Rome the element of forced, m 
Athens that of free, settlers prepon- 
derated. Clisthenes resolved to admit 
all free Athenians to the franchise, and 
therefore enrolled the entire free popu- 
lation in local tribes. It would have 
been almost impossible for him to have 
set up fresh hereditary tribes by the 
side of the ancient ones ; for " a tie of 
faith and feeling *' connected these 
together, which could not have been 
"conjured suddenly up as a bond of 
union between comparative strangers." 
Mr. Grote views these transactions in 
their true light (Hist, of Greece, vol. iv. 
pp. 1U9-175). 

* So we were told before, that when 
Clisthenes "found himself the weaker, 
he called to his aid the common people ** 
(ch. 66). On what grounds Mr. Grote 
supposes it **not unreasonable to give 
Clisthenes credit for a more forward 
generous movement than is implied in 
the literal account of Herodotus," does 
not appear. We ttuty certainly do so ; 
but then we reject the authority of the 
writer who is our only guide in the 
matter, and who, as a lover of demo- 
cracy (vide infra, ch. 78, would not 
willingly have spoken evil of one who 
had done so much for it as Clisthenes. 
Are democrats alone of all mankind 



immaculate I 

> Vide supra, ch. 66. By I1i^s<H 
in this place, Herodotus probably bm* 
the iTt/icAifTal tAw ^vAmt, wdo U^ 
the place of the old ^kofimnkAt ■ 
the heads of the tribes. The iMt^ 
proper were, under the Hippardiiil^ 
chief officers of the cavaliy (cf. HflJ 
mann's Pol. Ant. of Greece, §§ lU 1^ 

152). ^ 

* It seems to me quite impowMi 
that this passage can bear the coDlt^l^ 
tion given it by Wachsmuth, i"^ 
adopted by Mr. Qrote (toI. iv. p. 1^ 
note), or indeed admit of any louel'*^ 
that assigned it in the text VHn^ 
Herodotus was mistaken, as HenaiB^ 
(1. s. c.) supposes, or whether, is B^ 
mann contends (De Com. A^. p> ^ 
the number of demee was oiigioillf 
100, and was afterwards increaaod^ 
the 170- mentioned by Polemo (if 
Strab. ix. p. 575), is an open qu€Sti<* " 
Perhaps scarcely sufficient ground btf 
been shown for questioning the itit^ 
ment of Herodotus. 

The fact is quite ascertained, tbi^ 
the demes of which each tribe was co* 
posed, were not locally oontigoo* 
(Leake's Demi of Attica, p. 13; Of^ 
vol. iv. p. 177). It is a happy c«i^ 
ture of Mr. Grote's, that the object is 
view was the avoidance of those loed 
feuds and jealousies of which we havii 
trace in the contentions of the Diaov* 
the Pedia'i, and the Parali (supra, ^ 
66, note, and i. 59). 



C^mii*. 69-71, 




BTOBY OF "THE ACCURSED.*^ 



227 



js^ui^d," should leave Athens,® This raeasage he sent at the 
ion of Isagoras : for Id the afl'air referred to, the blood* 
g'm^iltiness lay ou the Alemfeonidse and their partisans, while he 
id his frienda were quite clear of it. 

7L The way in ivhich " The Accur&ed ** at Athens got then* 
tme, was the following. There was a certain Athenian called 
CTylou, a victor at the Olympic gamea," who aspired to tlie 
©o^ereignty, and aided by a nnmber of his comjiamons, who were 
o^ the same age with himself, made an attempt to seize the 
oi-fcailel.^ But the attack failed ; and Cylon became a suppliant 
^^ tbe image** Hereujxjn the Heads of the Naucraries,* who at 



^ * The aAtne demand wa» made imme» 
^ma^tilj before the breakiog out of the 

^"^«ti it WM direi^ted Against Feriolec, 
^^ t^omu coimdCt«dt through hifi mother, 
^^ i^'^H the Al<*tiiHComd family (infra, yi, 

* Cylon gained the prise for the B/au- 
^^m, or double foot-race (Fnuiaii. i. 

^ Cf Ioii*» enterprise, and the clrcum- 

*^*4M^ which led to it, ha.r^ been better 

•^***d by Bishop Thirlwall than by 

**^. Qrote. The latter doea not appear 

*** *ee any stir of the democratic ele* 

^^^Ht it Atbeoi, until the time imme- 

2^^*«ly preceding the l^^alatioQ of 

^l^ But, aa Dr. Thirl wall well re- 

, the legialatiott of Draco, which 

to limit the authority of the 

'[uiBot have proceeded 0x)m 

vu w^, but muflt have been 

*^tc»rt*d from them by the growing 

^^»eontent of the people (vol, u, p. Itt). 

^ l^opuUir Atir^ therefore, began be- 

'^**^ Dnoo^ legiilatioD--Hi deiuand for 

^^*itteij laws, like that which at Rome 

^^ to the Decemv irate — Draco waa ap- 

f^itlted to Batiafy this demaodj but 

^^*ft«d faia liWB m a mauuer "■ deaignod 

•^ ^nf«mwe and repr^B the popular 

y^MBqnt," which had led to hi» being 

^* MP ae lawgiver. The menrrection 

^r ^}^^ ^^** ^^ natural conaequence 

^' ^£» «£tempi at repreaeion; it was a 

^^Kui«patic iQOTemetit, at leaat it de- 

'J^^d iu chief ttrength from the dis- 

g|*it<iit of the niaeieB ; and this, although 

J^J^a wai a EujsAtrid. Whether Cylou's 

r^^^*»» were RelBis^li or not, we cyiuoot 

1^* He may haT< c&engned what Plate- 

^r^^ut slWwirdt ioooinpU»hed, or he 

^^y ^TH beeit really lb« Spuriits Caa- 

I J,\^* "*" T''*^^^ MftGlius of Ath«nt. His 

* ' ^ ^ Urt left thi» Athetu«Di to pom 



under the weight of a cruel oHgarchy 
for at leaat ei^teen more yeari (from 
B.C. &12 to U.C. 5M. See on this auh- 
ject, Hermann'! PoL Antii^, § 10% and 
the writers there quoted^ Meier, Welcker, 
^id Siebelifl). It ia remarkable that 
Cylou's Htatue waa preserved iu the 
Acropolia to tbe dajg of PauflaDiafl 
(t. xKviii, § l)j a aigQ of the gratitude 
of the people. 

* The account in Thuo^vdidee (i. 126) 
ia much fuller, aiid may xtself be com- 
pleted from Plutarch's Solotit e. 12. 
Accordiug to these writem, Cylon him- 
aelf eacuped, Hi a adherents tc^ok refuge 
in the temple of MiDerra Fohas, and 
when induced, under (froitiiae tvf being 
apared, to surrender, faateued tfaem- 
aelrea with a rope to the Gtatue of the 
goddasB, and so descended into the 
town. Od their way tbe ro|ic broko, or 
waa cut ; and they were iuiiuediately eet 
upon. Many fled for refuge to the 
sanctiuu'y of the Furies, which hap- 
pened to be Dear, but were aiaiu at the 
altars. MegacleB, who waa chief archoti 
at the thsie, directed the proceedings 
(BerBol. P. i. 4h luid heuce the guilt of 
the double eacrilege woe conaidered 
to reat chie^y on him. During the 
rule of Solon, Epimeu ides was employed 
to deTiae an e^piatiou of the crim^e ; 
but the meoBures which ho took (Diog. 
Ltaert, i* 110) failed to satisfy public 
opinion. 

" The Naucrarica were diviaiona of 
the aucient tribea; in each tribe thei« 
were three Trittyea, and in each Triltya;, 
four Kaucrnries. Thus the number of 
these last waa 48. According to aome 
writers, each J*aucr»ry waa bonod to 
fumiah a veseel to the navy* aud thia 
wm the origin of the unuie (imvKp^ia 
j^ffa^TTif 6^a iTiTf ai wmptlx* >^^ *^^^ fiiov, 
4f ' ^sX^mi mif6narrai, Pollux, riii. lUd)» 



228 VISIT OF CLEOMENES TO ATHENS. BoaV. 

that time bore rule in Athens, induced the fngitiyes to remove 
by a promise to spare their lives. Neyertheless they weie all 
slain; and the blame was laid on the Alcmseonids. All lb 
happened before the time of Fisistratus. 

72. When the message of Cleomenes arriyed, requiring Cfr 
thenes and '^ The Accursed *' to quit the city, Clisthenes departel 
of his own accord. Cleomenes, howeyer, notwithstanding his de- 
parture, came to Athens, with a small band of followers ; andonUi 
arrival sent into banishment seven hundred Athenian &iDiliei» 
which were pointed out to him by Isagoras. Succeeding here, he 
next endeavoured to dissolve the council,^ and to put the pyr&t 
ment into the hands o'f three hundred of the partisans of thatleado: 
But the council resisted, and refused to obey his orders ; when- 
upon Cleomenes, Isagoras, and their followers took possesdonef 
the citadel Here they were attacked by the rest of the A&t 
nians, who took the side of the council, and were besieged forth 
space of two days : on the third day they accepted terms, beiaj 
allowed — at least such of them as were Lacedeemonians— to (ft 
the country. And so the word which came to Cleomenes receitei 
its fulfilment For when he first went up into the citadel, mett* 
ing to seize it, just as he was entering the sanctuary of the got* 
dess, in order to question her, the priestess arose fipom her thii^ 
before he had passed the doors, and said — " Stranger fe* 
Lacedcemon, depart hence, and presume not to enter the holT 
place — it is not lawful for a Dorian to set foot thera" But be 
answered, " Oh ! woman, I am not a Dorian, but an Achaean."* 
Slighting this warning, Cleomenes made his attempt^, and so he 
was forced to retire, together with his Lacedaemonians.' Tie 



This derivation, however, is rather of Four Hundred. For the . 

})lausible than probable ; and the ac- tion of this council, see the exeaUc*! 

count of the word which connects it account in the Dictionary of Au^nfl^ 

with ycUuy, and makes the yavKpapos ties 'pp. 155-159). I 

(= yavKKripos) "a householder,*' is on * The HeracUdie were, according* • 

all accounts to be preferred. the unanimous tradition, the old WP ■ 

As Thucydides says that the nine family of the Peloponneee, when it«* 

archona at this time managed affairs, yet Achaean. Expelled thence, ^ 

Bome writers (as Har^)ocration) have had found a refuge in Doris, and be* 

confounded the Heads ( Pry taneis) of adopted by the Dorians into tbeir »»• 

the Naucrariea with the ai'chons. It is tion. Hence in the legend mentionfiA 

better to suppose that they were the above (note * on ch. r>8), Hyllus is*^ 

chief militiWij officers, or that they adopted son of iEgimius (Ephor. I^ 

formed a council or court which assisted 1 0). 

the chief archons in the decision of ■^ The Athenians always cherished* 

criminal causes (Wachsmuth, i. p. 246 ; lively recollection of this triumph oi« 

Thu-lwall, ii. p. 22, note). their great rivals." Even Aristophtt*. 

* The new council of 500, fifty from notwithstAnding his peace policy, t» 

each local tribe, which CliBthenes had not refrain from indulging in the lecot 

recently substituted for Solon's council lection. According to him Cleom«iM> 



l-U. SECOND EXPEDITION OF CLEOMENES. 




229 



t cast into prison by the AtLeaiana, aod condemned to 
ag them Timasitheiis tlie Delphian, of whose prowess 
d courage I have great things which I could tell,* 
T3* So these men tlied in prison.^ The Athenians directly 
terwards recalled Clisthenesj and the seven liundred tamiLiBS 
licli Cleoraenes had driven out ; and, further, they sent envoys 
Sardis, to make an alUauce with the Persians, for they knew 
Bl war would follow witli Cleomenes and the Lacedemonians. 
Ilea the ainbagsadors reached 8artUB and delivered theii- mes- 
ge, Artaphernes, son of Hystaspeg^ who was at that time 
►Temor of the place, inquired of them ** who they Avere, and in 
bt pait of the world they dvvelt,^ that they w^mted to become 
tie« of the Persians ? " The messengers told him ; upon which 
\ answered them shortly — that ** if the Athenianfi chose to give 
Itb and water to Eing Darius, he would conclude an alliance 
ith them ; but if not, they might go home again," After con- 
hing together, the envoys, anxious to form the alliance, accepted 
I terms ; but on their return to Athens, they feU into deep 
Ijpaee on account of their compliance. 

Tt Meanwhile Cleomenes, who considered himself to have 
ea insulted by the Athenians both in word and deed, was draw- 
I a force together from all parts of tlie PeIojx)nnese, without 
fonning any one of his object ; wliich was to revenge himself 
I the Athenians, ami to establish Isagoras, who had escaped with 
to from the citadel,^ as despot of Athens. Accordingly, with a 
fge army, he invaded the district of Eleusis,^ while the 
jBOtians, who had concerted measures with him, took (Enoc ^ and 



itoinrmidtf jm arma, atid to retira 
1 t*ry taiHernble pliglit — ^fAUCffhv 

^m, H 4rmP lAflsrrot (Lysiflt, ^6^}. 
'ihansuAB, referring to this pa^iaag«^ 
ttm tlu& TiniMitlieiis WM 1^ paiicra- 
*, i&d hitd won thi*ee victories at the 
lituuif wad two at the Ulympiaa 
Ni vr ¥m. § 4), Hia Btatue — the 
I «f Ageimlea the Aigive — wm atill 
Idmg at Uijmpk when FauAaui^ 
«• (ibid, i ^}. 

Mr. Bluk«»ley (not. ad loc.) caUx in 
Ptiou tlm MATenty, but {im it u&istiis 
lej without rifiAon. The piti»agta of 
Soboliftit on Ai'uito^uuifl* (L7>i«tr. 
i to whieli h* t«fori« beloogt to a 
I ptiiod of the hiatoty («« note • on 

r A mmll&r lufltAiice of the cowardly 
ftitm of iUliea by the Spartans, H>a 




* Vide iupri, i 153, and infra, ch* 
105. 

^ Didguiitid, probably aa a SparUn. 

** According to the Soholiast on Aria- 
tophatieA (Lyaiflt. L a, e.), Clefituenoa 
took El^uaig ou hia way back from 
AthGus, and waa aided ia ao doing by a 
number of AtheniauB. These traitors 
werQ punished by the conliacatioQ of 
their gooda^ the radng of their hotiaaa 
to the ground (cf. Liv* il 41 ), their own 
coudem nation to death, and the publig 
inscription of their namea as condemned 
fclona on a brazen |;^llar in the Acro< 
polia. 

Eleuala waa the key to Attioa on th& 
south, and its po^eaolon eniibled Cleo- 
menes to invade whenever he chose to 
doio, 

* The (Enod here ipokeo of, ia un- 
doubtedly that tnjar Eleuthersc, which 
bdonjfsd to the tribe Hippothoontia 



230 



FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION. 



BodV. 



Hysise,^ two country-towns npon the frontier; and atthesaiBB 
time the Chalcideans,^ on another side, plundered diveis ]^ 
in Attica. The Athenians, notwithstanding that dangei threil- 
ened them from every quarter, put off all thought of the BceodaiB 
and Cbalcideans till a future time,^ and marched against tbe 
Peloponnesians, who were at Eleusis/ 

75. As the two hosts were about to engage, first of all the Co- 
rinthians, bethinking themselves that they were perpetrating » 
wrong, changed their minds, and drew off from the main amy. 
Then Demaratus, son of Ariston, who was himself king of Spaiti 
and joint-leader of the expedition, and who till now had had no 
sort of quarrel with Cleomenes, followed their example. On 
account of this rupture between the kings, a law was passed it 
Sparta, forbidding both monarchs to go out together withdia 
army, as had been the custom hitherto. The law also providfii 
that, as one of the kings was to be left behind, one of the Tyn* 



(Harpocration ad voc.). Its vicinity to 
Hysiffi is sufficient to prove this; for the 
other (Enoe was close to Marathon, near 
the eastern coast, 30 miles fi:om Hysise 
(Leake's Demes, p. 85\ The exact site 
is not agreed upon. Kiepert places it at 
the modem Palcoo-kastro, which is not 
more than six miles from Eleusis (Atlas 
von Hellas, Blatt X.). Leake regards it 
as identical with Ghyfto-kiistro, which 
lies close under Cithaeron, in a narrow 
valley through which must have passed 
the road from Athens to Plataoa. His 
arguments appear to me conclusive 
(Demi of Attica, pp. 129-131). 

CEnoe was a place of great importance 
in the Pelopounesian war (Thucyd. ii. 
18, 19, viii. 98> It was taken by the 
Boeotians, B.C. 411, but probably soon 
after recovered by Athens. 

' HysisB lay on the north side of Ci- 
thscron, in the plain of the Asopus 
(infra, ix. 15, 25 ; Strab. ix. p. 587), be- 
tween Plataoa and ErythrsD. It belonged 
natiu^lly and commonly to Bocotia. 
Homer mentions it, under the name of 
Hyria, as a Boeotian city. (II. ii. 496. 
Compare Strab. 1. s. c.) It seems to 
have been recaptured by Athens soon 
after this (infra, vi. 108), but to have 
reverted to Thebes before the time of 
the Pelopounesian war (^Thucyd. iii. 24; 
viii. 98). 

2 Chalcis had been one of the most 
important cities in Greece. It was said 
to have been originally a colony from 
Athens (Strab. x. p. t351), but shortly 
acquired complete independence. In a 



war which it had maintuned witk ^ 
tria, some considerable time UAii 
this, all Greece had been conocmdA 
the one side or the other (ThuqriL 
15, and infra, ch. 99). i'ew cttiM f^ 
out so many, or such distant cokoifc 
The whole peninsula ntuatod betvia 
the Thermaic and Strymonie «ilfi|i^ 
quired the name of Chalcidio<f,miDt^ 
number of Chalddean settlementB 'J^ 1 
cyd. passim), Seriphus,PepareUiiii,<i^ < 
others of the Cyclades, were CluJcii"* 
(Sc;rm. Chius, 1. 585). In Italy «» 
Sicily, the colonies of Chalds exceaW 
in nimiber those of any other i*'*^ 
Naxos, Leontini, Gatana, Zuid4,^ 
gium, and Cuma, were among 4* 
(Thucyd. vi. 3, 4 ; Strab. vi p. 370). 

The government of Chalds mty^ 
tocratic (^vide infra, ch. 77). Its ■*• ■ 
fixed by the fact that it lay «xMtlr» 
the narrowest part of the channel ofv* 
Euripus (Strab. x« p. 648). It is th««- 
fore the modem Egripo, or NegrofKf^ 

' Compare the very similar coflflj 
taken by Pericles in the rainr*^* 
B.C. 445 (Thuc. i. 114). 

* The situation of Eleusii is very ^ 
tinctly marked. It lay on the coi^ 
(Scylax, Peripl. p. 47; Strab. ix-P* 
572), opposite Salamis, at the p«i^ 
where the western Cephissus readied 
the sea. (Pausan. i. xxxviii. § 7.) ^^ 
thus commanded the coast route fitoB 
the Peloponnese into Attica. (Leskt'i 
Demi, p. 154). The little village o 
Ltrpsina ('EA-cvaiya) marks the sit^ 



Cbap. 74-77, 



BORIAN INYASrONS Of ATTICA. 



dariclie should also remain nt home f whereas hitlierto both had 
acconifianied the expeditions, as auxiliaries. So when the rest 
^f the allies saw that the Lacedtomonkii kings were not of one 
ttiind, and thut tlie Corinthian troops had quitted their post, they 
Ulcewise drew off and departeds 

76. Thk was the fourth time that the Dorians had invaded 
Atiiea : twice they came as enemies, and twice they came to do 
g^Xwl service to the Athenian people* Their first invasion took 
place at the period when they founded Megara/ and is rightly 
placed in the reign of Cotlnis at Athens ;^ the second and third 
'^^J^^asions were when they came from Sparta to drive out the 
^Wifitratidfe ; the fonrth was the present attack^ when Cleomenes, 
^^ the head of a Pelojwnnesian army, entered at Eleusis* ThuB 
^*^^ Dorians had now fonr times invaded Attica,* 

77, So when the Spartan army had broken up from ita quar* 
***» thua inglorious! y, the Athenians, wishing to revenge them* 
felFe^j marched first against the Chalcideans. The Bceotian% 

^cz^i^evefj advancing to the aid of the latter as far as the Euripust 
.1**^ Athenians thought it best to attack them first A battle was 
^Xight accordingly ; and the Athenians gained a very complete 
^ *^2toryj killing a vast number of the enemyj and taking seven 



^ Bj the T^Ddarid^B are meaot the 
?^^— 3«J miflgi^. <Jr mthfT s^rabola^ of 
J^^'^ti^f ftttd Ponm, which several writers 
w^^ ^-X uj were objects of religions worship 
%ut«. Plutai^h {Do Amor. Frat. 
•#7^, A^j *ayi they were two oblong 
' i of woodf joined tcwDiher by two 
fifM ipare. It would seem tbut it 
, (OMible to eeparate t^em. Ex- 
j^**jMi o{ the supenrtltious reg^trd at- 
[J^^led bf the Gi«ekB to imagea will h& 
'•^^md, iiifra, cha- «0, SU and TiiL 64, 83. 
» tko Above, note ^ on ch. 67. 
^ Aecofding to P&usnniaa (i. xxxix, 
'^>, M«^»r3 existed before the Dorian 
^Btton. a£id wtta at that tirae an Athe- 
i town. Aeccjrdmg to Strabo {ix, p. 
^^ Mid Herodotu«j It wu fint founded^ 
r that iaft^ion, by the Donaiia^ It 
7««d on all banda th&t the traet of 
y, ikfterwards called the Hegaiid, 
thia time belonged to Athena, and 
I ^en from them by the invaderfi* 
*' The Ktory went, that many fugitives 
m the Feloponoese having tied before 
! BoHmi conqnerori, and found a te* 
Jb in Atticfli'^itiiiong the rest Melan^ 
^yii and hia ton CodjfUi, from Pylos 
"^de iiipnif ch. G5}i^tt was thought 
f to make jiq attack upon Attiua 



ffom the Peloponneae (about %*c. 105^), 
Corinth and Meaa«ma were the ehl«f in- 
stigators of the invikslon. It reaulted in 
a battlei wherein Godrtia devoted him- 
self for hie c!Outitry, in cooBcquence of 
an oraole which declared that Athena 
must either be cooquered or lose her 
king. He diaguiaed himaelf, and waa 
alatn, after which victory declared for 
the AtheniAUi, The Peloponnefiianap 
however, retained their hold upon the 
Megarid, which thenceforth bec^m& & 
DoHiua state, (Pauaan. L s. c. : Stmb. 
]. a* c,; Cic. Tn^c. i, 48.) 

* Some commentators, among them 
Mr. Hlakeflley fnote 202 ad loc), have 
made a diihcnlty herCj, which does not 
exiat in the text. The four expeditionai 
two friendly and two hostile, are — 

I* The expedition in the reiga of 
Oodnis^ — ( hostile j> 

2. The attack of Anchimoliu* on the 
Fiaistratidie — ( &jendly ). 

H, The attaidt of Oleomenea on the 
game — (Mondly). 

4. The eiiMidition under Cleomfjnee 
and DemaratuH — ^(houtile)* 

The coming of Ckomeoea to he(p 
Isagoms is simply not counted, un€« it 
waa not a militaiT' expedition. 



232 



DOUBLE VICTORY OF THE ATHENIANS. BooiV. 



hundred of them alive. After this, on the very same day,theT 
crossed into Eubcca, and engaged the Chalcideans with tiielike 
success; whereupon they left four tliousand settlers* upon tW 
lands of the Hippobotae/ — ^which is the name the Chalcideau 
give to their rich men. All the Chalcidean prisoners whom thej 
took were put in irons, and kept for a long time in close coDfioe- 
ment, as likewise were the Bo^tians, until the ransom asked fat 
them was paid ; and this the Athenians fixed at two mios As 
man.^ The chains wherewith they were fettered the AtheniaM 
suspended in their citadel ; where they were still to be seen inny 
day, hanging against the wall scorched by the Median flameBi' 
opposite the chapel which faces the west.* The Athenians iwA 
an offering of the tenth part of the ransom-money : and expeD^ed 
it on the brazen chariot drawn by four steeds,' which stands on 



• Literally, " allotmeiit-holders" (icAtj- 
povxoi)' These allotment-holdera are 
to be carefully dUtingulBhed from the 
ordinaiT colonistB [&iroiKoi), who went 
out to find themselves a home wherever 
they might be able to settle, and who 
retained but a very slight connexion 
with the mother-country. The cleruchs 
were a military garrison planted in a 
conquered territory, the best portions of 
which were given to them. They con- 
tinued Athenian subjects, and retained 
their full rights as Athenian citizens, 
occupying a position closely analogous 
to that of the Koman cohni in the earlier 
times. ( Cf. Bocckh's Economy of Athens, 
vol. ii. p. 17G, E. T.; and Hermann's 
Pol. Ant. § 117.) This is the first 
known instaihce of Athenian cleruchs: 
afterwards they became very numerous. 
(Plutarch, Pericl. c. ii. 34; Thucyd. iii. 
5©; Boeckh's Corp. Ins. i. pp. 150, 297, 
&c.) 

These cleruchs are again mentioned 
by name, infra, vi. 1(>0, and alluded to, 
viii. 1, and ix. 28. Mr. Grote supposes 
the lands they occupied to have been 
situated " in the fertile plain of Lelan- 
tum, between Chalcis and Eretria." 
(Vol. iv. p. 22»3.) This is a very pro- 
bable conjecture. 

* The Chalcidean Hippqbotse, or 
"horse-keepers," were a wealthy aris- 
tocracy (Stnib. X. pp. 051, 052 ;., and cor- 
respond to the knights (Imruf) of most 
Grecian states, and the "equites," or 
'• celeres,'* of the Romans. In early 
timen weiilth is measured by the ability 
to maintain a horse, or horses. Com- 
pare oiKia TtOpiinroTpdipof (infra, vi. 35). 



< From this pftsaage and anotlNrlvL 
79) it has been concladed that thetdt- 
nary ransom among the Greeb w ^ 
this amount. ( WesBelioff and JSkt ^ 
loc") But, on the principle of ** es0i^ 
probat r^gulam/' it may nther be |r 
thered from this passage that the nte* 
two minse was tmnaiuJ, and hcm^ 
other, that it was only a reoek^ tit 
among the Peloponneaiasi. A ff" 
sage of Aristotle (Ethics, v. 7, { Q 
makes it clear that the ordinary nflM 
at least in his day, was one mioa. 

' Infra, viii. 53. 

* It is conjectured that this dMp» 
was the temple of Tellus Curotwpt* 
and Ceres Chloe, mentioned by Pw* 
nias (i. xxii. § 3) as opposite thew«rt«» 
face of the acropolis (Bahr, ad loc.> Or 
again, that it was the temple of TieWT 
without wings (Larcher, ad lot), wbkt 
seems to have intervened between tW 
of Tellus and Ceres, and the wc*** 
wall. (See Colonel Leake*s pUn •* 
the end of his *Demi of Attka,* ^<^^ 
pi. 2.) But I should rather undjr 
stand a chapel within than one witr 
out the acropolis ; and by ** faciiig *^ 
west" I should understand **lookiBS 
westward," and not •* facing the leuWi 
wall of the acropolis** The chapd '» 
tended probably occupied the site oCtki 
later Pandroseium, which abutted t^ 
wards the west on the temple of 1&* 
nerva Polias. The fetters most liblT 
hung on the northern or Pelasgic wtH 

^ Pausauias saw this in the sum 
place. Ka2 Sip/xa k c 7t a t x^^'^^* ^ 
Bays. &irh Boiwrwy ScxcCri}, jcol XoXxi 
8cwK Twy iy Lv$ol(f. (i. xxviii. § 2.) 



77-70, 



I 



ADYANTAGES OF FREEDOM, 



233 



of the 



hand immediately that one enters the gateway ' 
L The inscription runs as followa : — 

»** When Cbakis and BtCutin dared her might, 
Athene Bubdueil their prl<le m valoroui %ht ; 
Gave boudij for iuaiilta \ wad, the ra^aotu paid. 
From the full teutlis thet^ ateedd for P&Ua9 iiuiil«." 

Thus did the Atheaians increase m strength* And it is 
eaoughj not from this instance only^ but tVom many every- 
, that freedom is an excellent thing ; since even the Athe- 
who, while they continued imder the rule of tyrants, wen^ 
whit more valiant than any of their neighbours, no e<x>Der 
ofi* the yoke than they became decidedly the first of alL 

things show that, while undergoing oppression, they let 
elves be beaten, since then f hey worked for a master ; but so 
IS they got their freedomf each maa was eager to do the 
.e conld for himself. So fared it now with the Athenians* 

Meanwhile the TheUans, who longed to be revenged on 
Ltheiiiaus, had sent to the oracle, and been told by the 
©ess that of their own strength they would be unable to 
iplish their wish r ** they must lay the matter," she said, 
tQ the many-voiced, and ask the aid of those nearest them." 
iessengei^j therefore, on their return, called a meeting, and 
le answer of the omcle before the people, who no sooner 
the advice to " ask the aid of those nearest them " than 
fxclaimed, — " What ! are not they who dwell the nearest to 
men of Tanagra, of Corom^a, and Thespi® ? ' Yet these 
ilways fight on our side,^ and have aided na with a good 

BEbn detoriptiou of this gat«- 
IgTWit Froptjima^ tlie moHt iiiflf- 
m tbe workft of Purielefl, aee 
D«mi of Atticft fvol. u pp. 315- 
ffiipare Wo rda w<i rth 's ' GI^eeceJ 
iud the article PROpn^A^ ia 
Diet, of Aiitiq. p. 9G3). It 
) thQ whole weaiem eud of the 
t^ aad thraugh it was tbd only 
I Into the fortiSed encloBure. 
rt of tha oonitructioD wa« 2012 
[ii«arlj half & Million of our 
sad th$ ttm« which it took in 
;fiv« yean* [Harpoorat. ad voc.)^ 
ingH with which it waa regarded 
Lthemiini may bo gathered from 
lUtesCEq. 122e-t22S). Epumi- 
m iftid to have threaten^ thfit 
d Citrry tha whole buildiQg to 
to adorn the Cadmeia there, 
ae P, Leg, p* Tt%, Reiake.) 
stion m& been raised, why 




these threa oiti^^ ahould have been «in- 
gl^ out, a trice, at nuy rate, Cojtjms;^ 
i^ not one of the neoj^t neighbours of 
Thebea, The aiuwer would leem to be, 
thAt they are ouned from oombioing 
importance with neAmeaa of lo<^ity. 
The Erythrneans, H^iartiana, &c,, who 
Uy nearer to Thebes, were too weak ta 
deserve mention in suuh a, coziQeiioa. 

' Here we may discern the hegemony 
of Thebes over the other cities of Bo&o- 
tia, of which there are traces through- 
out Herodotus, but which only appears 
plainly in Thiicydidcs {iv. 91). On 
what the hegemony rested it; not very 
elear. Thebes herself claimed to have 
fmmd^d the other citieB of Besot) a (Thue. 
iii. 61), but probably without any sufifl- 
cient grounde. The original confederacy 
U thought to hAve coutained foHfti^eu 
cities (Hemiann'a Pol. Ant. § 179) r hut 
in the PelopouuMiAn war there eeem ka 



234 



THE THEBANS ASK AED FROM EGINA. 



Bo«V. 



heart all through the war. Of what use is it to ask lliem? 
But maybe this is not the true meaning of the oracle." 

80. As they were thus discoursing one with another, a mtiin 
man, informed of the debate, cried out^ — " Methinks that ITmde^ 
stand what course the oracle would recommend to us. Awptf) 
they say, had two daughters, Thebe and Egina.' The god mem 
that, as these two were sisters, we ought to ask the E^etansto 
lend us aid." As no one was able to hit on any better exi^aiift- 
tion, the Thebans forthwith sent messengers to Egina, and, ac- 
cording to the advice of tlie oracle, asked their aid, as the people 
" nearest to them." In answer to this petition the Eginetutf 
said, that they would give them the .^Bacidse ^ for helpers. 

81. The Thebans now, relying on the assistance of the JSsii&i 
ventured to renew the war ; but they met vrith so rough s re- 
ception, that they resolved to send to the Eginetans agaiii^ 
returning the iEacidsB, and beseeching them to send some uai 
instead. The Eginetans, who were at that time a most flomidt- 
ing people,^ elated with their greatness, and at the same time 
calling to mind their ancient feud with Athens,^ agreed to lend 



have been only ten. The following are 
sufficiently ascertained: Thebes, Tana- 
gra, Coronsca, Thespise, Orchomenus, 
Ualiartus, Copse, Lebadea, Anthedon, 
and Plataea. The other four are thought 
to have been Chscrou(ea, Chalia, Oropus, 
and Eleutherje. (Cf. Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. 
pp. 4^5-487, where the list is given cor- 
rectly, with one exception, viz. the sub- 
stitution of the district Parasopia for the 
town Chalia, For this town cf. Steph. 
Byz. ad voc, and Harm. Oxon. 29, 1. 
p. 67.) 

» So Pmdar (leth. vii. 15-18, ed. 
Dissen.) — 

X/w? 6' iv eirrairvAoiO-i Oij/Sat? rpa^vra 

AtyiVf XotpiTtoy Smtov npovtfJMiv, 

irarpbf ovii«ica SUv/Jnu ytvoyro Bvyarpei *K<Ttar 

^Aorarcu, ic.r.A. 

And compare the allusions in Nem. 
iii. 3-5, and iv. 19-22. Egina is con- 
stantly found as the daughter of Aso- 
pus, Thebd less often. (Cf. Pherecyd. 
Frag. 78 ; Apollod. i. ix. 3 ; iii. xii. 6 ; 
Schol. ap. Pind. Nem. iv. 22 ; Schol. ap. 
Callimach. Hymn, in Del. 78.) A good 
understanding seems in fact to have 
existed between Bcootia and Egina from 
very early times : the ground of it was a 
common jealousy of Athens. 

* The superstitious value attached by 
the Greeks to the images of the j^acids 
(^Peleus and Telamon) appears again 



before the battle of fW1ft>wi«, wba ^ 
same images were exprenly aeot l*i 
and the battle was not fought tilltky I 
arrived (viiL 64, and 83). It is vritt J 
able that Herodotus, with hii w ' 
devout faith, identifies the images*^ 
the Gods themselves. {Ct. Grote, ff. 
p. 229, and supjra, ch. 75, note ».) 

- Eusebius (Chron. Can. I. iff^i 
gives the Eginetans the empire of t^ 
sea [OaXcurtroKparla) for the ten y*J 
immediately preceding the inTadOO oi 
Xerxes, 1. 1\ from b.c. 490 to B.C. 4W. 
Herodotus apparently would ezt^xi A» 
term and make it begin earUer. So bt 
back as the reign of Cambyses they ^ 
made a naval expedition to Crete, ^ 
feated the Samian settlers at Cj<^ 
(supra, iii. 59), and founded a oolooy 
there (Strab. viii. p. 545) ; and it *«■ 
probably their naval power and coo* 
mercial enterprise (supra, iv. 152) lAi* 
had made them obnoxious to the Sf 
mians at a far earlier period (iii ^^' 
They appear to have been the iDXf^ 
enteri>ri8iDg of the Dorians, and in their 
general character, ** oligarchical, wealthy, 
commercial, and powerful at sea, inrt 
more analogous to Corinth than to tfj 
other Dorian state." (Grote iv. p. 2"-^; 
see also M tiller's Eginetans for tne foU 
early history of this people.) 

* Related in the next chapter. 



i^. 79^2. FEUD BETWEEN ECtlKA AKD ATHENS. 



23J 



the Thebana aid, and forthmth went to war with the Athenians, 
vitbout even giving them notice by a herald.* The attention of 
tlie«e latter being engaged by the struggle with the Bceotians, 
tlie Eginetans in their ships of war made descents upon Attica^ 
plvmdered Phalerum/ and ravaged a vast number of the town- 
ships upon the sea-board, whereby the Athenians sixffered very 
griei^oug damage. 

82. The ancient feud between the Eginetans and Athenians 
arose ont of the following circumstancee* Once upon a time the 
kndofEpidaurns would bear no crops ; and the Epidauriaue sent 
to consult the oracle of Delphi eonceniing their affliction. The 
aujs^eT bade them set up the images of Damia and Auxesia,* and 
promised them better fortune when that should be done* ""* Shall 
tie images be made of bronze or stone ? *' the Epiclaurians asked ; 
btit the Pythoness replied ,'* Of neither: but let them be made 
of tLe garden olive/' ' Then the Epidaurians sent to Athens and 
aated leave to cut olive wootl in Attiea, believing the Athenian 
olives to be the holiest ; or, according to others, because there 
tere no olives at that time anywhere else in all the world but 
at AlhenB. * The Athenians answered that they would give them 



* '* Exceptio ptobftt regiUam." In 
^Sttew, fm at Roma (Lit. L 32:, and in 
*>«i?tTi Ktirope, war wbaj by the rulefl 
^ mtemntioDjU law, preceded by a 
^«iM»tion. UiiiftJiiicea occur, Tliuoyd. 
'^ i^; T. 41, ate. J cf. Wachamuthj vol. I 

*Thd port of Athena at the time, 
t^J^* jHipm, eh. 63, note '^.) 

^ DfemiA and Auxeaia are undaubt«dly 

^^* mi Ppoa«rpine, the ' * grent gi>d- 

dtaci," whos« moat eelebrat^d ahrme 

** at Eletiaia. Th© welMoiowti pm- 

^ of PauAamaSi wher^ rcfensuea la 

^ to theue chapter* in Herodotus, 

«»* no doubt upon thU point (ji- 

**** 5^ l&vi^d <fpiiri utttTck t^ avrk, kuB' ll 

% »fll ' EXf i«f *Ki &^t i V vofii^ovtri). What 

^ eiact origin of tbe oamea may b^, 

• nc* quite &o eaay to detencQine. 

-^^U^ik ic^ms cle^ly bo be tbo God- 

3l« !>f lua^ettAe {afl(Ttffis)t that ifi, the 

pd^ who bleitaeA tbe land with in* 

•■Ml whicll wan the office of Froser- 

pfiw when conpled with Cere». (Pan- 

WL viu. iiii 3.) DamJa has b««n 

ti^flght to be Demia, the p^^k'$ god- 

hm (Bihr, ad \o^.), or agiiin, DatJiia, 

liiedkaruHeer (Welckeri Zoitsehiift fUr 

Geachicht d. Eunst, 1. p. VAii)\ but it 

Uppearv rather to be An-^dTa, ** EjLt'th- 

fEM^tikfir/' and so e<^ui?alent to D^mdter^ 



tbe ordiDary Greek nam« of Ceree„ (Cf. 
Macrob. Satui-n. i. xii. p, 245.) The 
name wae in after-times iransf erred %0 
Romej, where Cer^ was known aji ** Da- 
mia,*' and ber priestess na '* Damiatrix/' 
^Feetuu, sub to<», Dafmum,) 

' Statu ea in weed (^iSiu'a) preceded 
those Id stone and bronze. The ma- 
terial suited a ruder state of the arts, 
(See Diet, of Antiq* ad toc, '* Statu- 
ary.") 

* ThiB if, of eourae, not true, for the 
olive had been cultiTated in the ea&t 
from a Yei^ remote antiquity. (Deute> 
ronoicu ii. 11 j viii. 8, Ac.) It In, how- 
ever, very likely that tbe olive may have 
been introduced into Attica from Asia, 
before it was known to the rest of 
Greece. PauBaniae calls the tree in the 
Pandroseium (see tbe next notej '* the 
most ancient in the world** fi, xim. § -), 
and one of those iu the Academy the 
second oldest. The oUve was at all 
times regarded as the apeciBl pdde of 
Attica, wliere (according to Sopljocles) 
it grew epontaneoualy, and attained a 
grenter ftize (ft r^St edxxti ftiynrrtk 
Xf^p^* tEd. Col. 7U0) than olaewhere* 
A 1*313 of oil from the saered olives of 
AcademuB was the priiw given to Victorm 
at the Panatbenaic games (Arintot. Fr^ 
2t}6 *j comp* Piud. Nem, x. @l et «eqq.). 



236 CAUSE OF THE FEUD. BooiV. 

leave, but on condition of their bringing offerings year by yew 
to Minerva Polias and to Erechthens.' The Epidaurians agreed, 
and having obtained what they want^ made the images of 
olive wood, and set them up in their own country. Hencefoitb 
their land bore its crops ; and they duly paid the Athenians ^t 
had been agreed upon. 

83. Anciently, and even down to the time when this took pkc, 
the Eginetans were in all things subject to the Epidaurians,^ and 
had to cross over to Epidaurus for the trial of all suits in which 
they were engaged one with another.^ After this, however, the 
Eginetans built themselves ships, and, growing proud, revolted 
from the Epidaurians. Having thus come to be at enmity with 
them, the Eginetans, who were masters of the sea, ravaged Ep- 
daurus, and even carried off these very images of Damiaafid 
Auxesia, which they set up in their own country, in the intdor, 
at a place called CEa,^ about twenty furlongs ftom their dty. 
Tliis done, they fixed a worship for the images, which consiatod 
in part of sacrifices, in part of female satiric choruses ; * while it 
the same time they appointed certain men to furnish the chonM 
ten for each goddess. These choruses did not abuse men, hrt 
only the women of the country. Holy orgies of a similar kind 
were in use also among the Epidaurians, and likewise anodiff 
sort of holy orgies, whereof it is not lawful to speak. 



* By ** Minerva Polias " we are to 5), but seemB -to have been lea vb^ 

understand the Minerva who presided pendent than most colonies. (HeifltfOB* 

over the city (ircJXtj). Her temple in Pol. Ant. § 73.) 
later times was a portion of the build- 2 Compare the oase of the AthflU* 

lug kno\iii to the Athenians by the subject-allies. (Xen. de Rep. Atii- 1* 

generid name of Erechtheium, which 16-18.) 

stood on the north side of the acropolis, * No sufficient materials exist vt 

nearly opposite the spot afterwards oc- fixing the situation of (Ea, which tf** 

cupie'd by the Parthenon, and was tra- mentioned by any other writer, ft*** 

ditionally regarded as founded by Erech- probably where Kiepert places it, "** 

theus, the tutelar hero of Attica, and as the centre of the islajid, on the site o^^ 

the place of his burial. This building modem Egina. (Chandler, vol. ii-ch*^^* 

contained, towards the west, the Pan- p. 18.) Mhr is certainly wrong in BoP* 

droseium, or temple of Pandrosus ; to- posing it to have been near the teDp 

wai'ds the east, divided only by a party- of Minerva, at the north-eastem com* 

wall, the temple of Minerva Polias. In of the island ; for that is more tbBB 

the former, most probably in the south- double the proper distance from ti* 

em projection, supported by the Gary- capital (45 stades instead of 20). 
atides, was the sacred olive (iufm, viii. ^ Compare the similar customs at tb 

55). In the latter was an altar to Erech- Eleusiuian festival, which gave rise to 

theus, who was identified with Neptune the peculiar meaning of the words y*^ 

at Athens. (See Col. Leake's very judi- plfuv^ 7«4>vpt<rT^y, and to the exprewoa. 

cious remarks in his 'Athens and Demi &(nr€p 4^ afid^ris. (See Bentley upon 

of Attica,* vol. i. pp. 338-345, andiAp- Phalaris, p. 180.) There too we hfltf 

pendix, § 17.) that the women "abused one aw>ther** 

^ Egina had been colonised from Epi- {iKoiB6povy oAX^Xcus. Suid. in rk i\ 

daurus ;infra, viiL 46 ; Paudon. ii. xxix. afia^wy,) 



CHApTsMir 



ATBffiNlA2i^ BT8ASTEH TFT EGTNA. 



■ 84, After the robbery of the images the Epidaurianfl ceased to 
T^ake the stipnlated payments to the Athenians^ wherefore the 
^'^^tllenians sent to Epidaiirus to remonati*ate* But the Epi- 
daurians proved to them that they were not gmlty of any 
'^'T^tig:^ — **\\TiiIe the images continued in their comitry/' they 
s<JJd, ** they had duly paid the offerings according to the agree* 
i»ent ; now that the images had been taken from them, they 
"wef^ no longer under any obligation to pay : the Athenians should 
^^i^e their demand of the EginetanK, in whose posseasion the 
figures now were*" Upon this the Athenians sent to Egina, and 
demanded the images back ; but the Eginetans answered that 
the Athenians bad nothing w^hatever to do with them. 

80, After this the Athenians relate that they sent a trireme to 

^^gina with certain citizens on board, and that these men^ who 

Bpore commission from the state, landed in Egina, and sought to 

B^te the images away, considering them to be their own, inasmuch 

^d they were made of their wood. And first they endeavoured 

*^ Wrench them from their pedestals, and so carry them off ; but 

^^UiHg herein, they in the next place tied ropes to them, and set 

^ Work to try if they could haul them down. In the midst of 

*^ti.eir hauling suddenly there was a thimderclap, and with the 

^tfcHnd^jiclgtp g^xk earthquake; and the crew of the trireme were 

**^^hwith seized with madness, and, like enemies, began to kill 

*^->tie another; until at last there was but one left, who retmmed 

^one to Phalemm/ 

86» Such is the account given by the Athenians, The Egine- 

1^^^^ deny that there was only a single vessel : — " Had there been 
PHly one,'* they say, " or no more than a few, they would easily 
T^^e repulsed the attack, even if they had had no fleet at all ; 
^^*t the Athenians came against them with a large number of 
^^pe, wherefore they gave way, and did not hazard a battle." 
-*/iey do not however explain clearly w^bether it was from a con- 
^ctiou of their own inferiority at sea that they yielded, or whe- 
I r£*^^ it wn^ for the purpose of doing that which in fact they did. 

■ X h^^ aecQunt is that the Athenians, disembarking ^m. their 
P ^^ps^ when they found that no resistance \ybb offered, made for 

^^ statues, and failing to wrench them from their pedestal^j tied 
^iJ^s to them and began to hauL Then, they say* — and some 
^^pla will perhaps believe them, though I for my part do not, — 



^^, &lmikrit«iriM «fe frequent in Pftm- Atbetweus (xy. xii, p* 672 B,)* und the 
*'^* (Swi I. jEvm, 2 1 jji. xtL 6 ; vii» ttory of the praeerTatioa of Ddplii 
^^> 4e«) Compare idao the talo in {intrskj Tiii. 37). 



238 ARGIVE AND EGINETAN BROOCHES. WT. 

' the two statues, as they were being dragged and banled,{ell 
down both upon their knees ; in which attitude they still renuun* 
Such, according to them, was the conduct of the Atiieiuaiis; tiej 
meanwhile, having learnt beforehand what was intended, hai 
prevailed on the Argives to Hold themselves in readiness; 9si 
the Athenians accordingly were but just landed on their ooisti 
when the Argives came to their aid. Secretly and silently thej 
crossed over from Epidaurus, and, before the Athenians wen 
aware, cut off their retreat to their ships, and fell upon them; 
and the thunder came exactly at that moment^ and the esiA- 
quake with it. 

87. The «&.rgives and the Eginetans both agree in ginng 
this account ; and the Athenians themselves acknowledge tU 
but one of their men returned alive to Attica. Aocoiding to 
the Argives, he escaped from the battle in which the rest of tta 
Athenian troops were destroyed by them.' According to tta 
Athenians, it was the god who destroyed their troops; anderei 
this one man did not escape, for he perished in the foUowiBg 
manner. When he came back to Athens, bringing word of tta 
calamity, the wives of those who had been sent out on the ex- 
pedition took it sorely to heart, that he alone should have flo^ 
vived the slaughter of all the rest; — they therefore crofW 
round the man, and struck him with the brooches by which tbA 
dresses were fastened — each, as she struck, asking him, where he 
had left her husband. And the man died in this way. The 
Athenians thought the deed of the women more horrible even 
than the fate of the troops ; as however they did not know how 
else to punish them, they changed their dress and compelled them 
to wear tlie costume of the lonians. Till this time the Athenian 
women had worn a Dorian dress, shaped nearly like that which 
prevails at Corinth. Henceforth they were made to wear the 
linen tunic, which does not require brooches.® 

• The Btatues were still shown in the ® The lai-ge horseshoe brooch ^ 

days of Pausanias, who says he saw which ladies in oiir times occasion^ 

them (II. XXX. 5, thSy rt tA &y6Xfiara, fasten their shawls, closely resemW* 

Kcd llOvffd ff^itrt). He does not, how- the ancient 'K€f>6yri, which was n<i* • 

ever, mention their attitude, wldch was buckle, but "a brooch, consisting of » 

very unusual. pin, and a curved portion, furniritf* 

' Duris of Samos (the pupil of Theo- with a hook." The Dorian tunic wis" 

phraatus) preferred the Argive account, woollen ; it had no sleeves, and «• 

He considered the war to have originated fastened over both the shoulders ^J 

in tlie naval aggressions of Egina upon brooches. It was scanty aud short, 

Athens. His habitual carelessness has sometimes scarcely reaching the knee, 

made him call the Argives Spartans. The Ionic tunic was of linen: it had 

(Cf. Fragm. Hist. Gr. ii. pp. 481 and short loose sleeves, as we see in stat«i 

488.) of the Muses, and so did not n««d 



'C«Aj». g7-89. EOIXA MAKES WAR ON ATHENS. 



239 



ti 



88. In very truth, lioweTer, this dress is not originally Ionian, 
but Carian ;^ for aiioiently the Greek women all wore the costume 
wtich is now called the Dorian, It is said furtlier that the 
ArgiYes and Eginetans made it a custom, on this same account, 
^>r tteir women to wear brooches half as large again as formerly, 
ittd. to offer brooches rather than anything else in the temple of 
mese godde&ses- They also forbade the hringiag of anything 
A.ttic into the temple, were it even a jar of earthen warCj* and 
m^'de a law that none but native drinking vessels should be used 
there in time to come/ From this early age to my own day the 
Argire and Eginetan women have always continued to wear 
tlieir brooches larger than formerly, through hatred of the 
fc^thenians* 
S9, Such then was the origin of the feud which existed between 
tae Eginetans and the Atheuiana. Hence, when the Thebans 
^^^ade their application for succour, the Eginetans, calling to mind 
^^le matter of images, gladly lent their aid to the Bosotiana 
K Xliey ravaged all the sea-coast of Attica ; and the Athenians were 
H &bout to attack them in retm-n, when they were stopped by the 
H coracle of Delphi, which bade them wait till thirty years had 
~ parsed from the time that the Eginetans did the ^v^ong^ and in 
^h«^ thirty-first year, having first set apart a precinct for J^acus, 
^^a to begin the war,^ " So should they succeed to their wish " 
the oracle said ; *' but if they went to war at once, though they 
*<>tild still conquer the island in the end, yet they must go 
^**^ugh much suffering and much exertion before taking it/* On 
'^^iving this warning the Athenians set apart a precinct for 



~tlY- 




I 



it tras ft long and fuU dresa 
tli« form, And reaching down 
jL ^^mlf ta the feet. (Cf, Diet, of Aot., 
'^'**tjclea Fi^Mifi, and Tunica.) 

Tljft poetn frequeatlj r@preMiated the 
f^f**'^ u ixiade lue of to oLind peraoiM. 
Y^r. Soph. CEd. Tjr. 1269 » Etmp. Heo. 
^j"^2; PLtED. 60, 4c) DuTUi said 
^j*^«*c.j tbat the Athenian women on 
r?^ ociasLon first blinded the mem^ and 
^^^Tl alew bim {iitr^pXaiirav, tlra kri* 

Thi» ift aoother proof of the close 
^ti^nn of the Ciuian and Greek rajces. 
ide snpra, voL i* pp. 548^ 549.) 
* Tlie pottery of Atbeua was the most 
I ^J^"**^ i° ancient Greece. One who 1 e 
Pj5*fter of the city waa called Cflranici- 
j ar "The Potlerieii/' Earthenware 
«ih]blted at the Fanatheuaic ft^- 
i3 ; tDd eartheiL voaes were offcen pri a>4 



at the gamea, AtheoB, &oin her eupe-^ 
rior «klll in the art of pottery » v^ 
sometimefl represented u its inventor, 
(Plin, H, N, vii, 57.) 

^ Thia law perhaps amounted to a 
prohibition of the Attic pottery, and 
waa reaUy for the protection of native 
industry, though it may have been pro- 
feflsedly a war ineaaure, like a bbxikade 
or fm embargo^ Ancient protectioniat^, 
liki» modem onea, sought to exclude 
superior mnnufactiires, aome times by a 
high dutyi Bometimefl by abftolute pfo* 
bibitioti^ 

^ Did the Delphian prieata foresee the 
probj;ibility of a Peraian initadonj and 
wish to preTent the two great mari- 
time pQwera from wanting each other^a 
Ktrwngth? Or wiuj it oiJy their wiJih to 
pruteel a Df^km «tate ? 



240 THE SPARTANS RECALL HIPPLiS. Bo«V. 

^acus — ^the same which still remains dedicated to him in tbA 
market-place * — but they could not hear with any patience d 
waiting thirty years, after they had suffered sucli grierooi 
wrong at the hands of the Eginetans. 

90. Accordingly they were making ready to take their rereng* 
wlien a fresh stir on the part of the Lacedaemonians hindered 
their projects. These last had become aware of the trath-lwf 
that the Alcmaeonidse had practised on the Pythoness, and tkft 
Pythoness had schemed against themselves, and against tbe 
Pisistratidse ; and the discovery was a double grief to them,iiK 
while they had driven their own sworn friends into exile^ tbef 
found that they had not gained thereby a particle of good will 
from Athens. They were also moved by certain propbeM 
which declared that many dire calamities should be£edl them it 
the hands of the Athenians. Of these in times past they id 
been ignorant ; but now they had become acquainted with thea 
by means of Cleomenes, who had brought them with him to 
Sparta, having found them in the Athenian citadel, where they 
had been left by the Pisistratidae when they were driven ftoB 
Athens : they were in the temple,* and Cleomenes having d» 
covered them, carried them off. 

91. So when the LacedaBmonians obtained possession of tli6 
prophecies, and saw that the Athenians were growing in 8treng4» 
and had no mind to acknowledge any subjection to their control 
it occurred to them that, if the people of Attica were free, they 
would be likely to be as powerful as themselves, butif theywert 
oppressed by a tyranny, they would be weak and submirivfc 
Under this feeling they sent and recalled Hippias, the son rf 
Pisistratus, from Sigeum upon the Hellespont, where the PisistW" 
tidae had taken shelter.^ Hippias came at their bidding, and tto 
Spartans on his arrival summoned dc{)uties from all their otto 
allies/ and thus addressed tlie assembly : — 

" Friends and brothers in arms, we are free to confess that w« 
did lately a thing whicli was not right. Slisled by counterfeit 



* Tliis would be the ancient oyopA, ' This was, so far as we know, tki 

between the Acropolis and the Areo- commencement of what afterwards ba* 

pagus, where the statues of Harmodius came the regular practice — the esU^ 

and Aristogiton stood (Leake's Athens, blished system on which Sparta treitoi 

p. 2 IT)); not the new one, which was her allies. Mr. Grote has some p«4 

north of the city, towards the church of remarks on the importance of the ooci* 

Mc-;dli Paiihiujii, sion (vol. iv. pp. 231, 232;. The <UfP«^ 

^ The temple of Minerva Polias (vide 8i«>n of the allies at the time of the W 

supra, clis. 72 and 82 . exfiedition (supra, ch. 75) had miAt 

^ Vide supra, ch. 65. the cousultation necessary. 



E.*.!*, 89-92. 



MEETING OF THE SPARTAN AXXIES. 



241 



sles, 



drove from tlieii 



those who were i 



c^tmtry ttiose wno were our sworn 

^ttcl ime friends, and who had, moreover, engaged to keep Athens 

»u cj^pendance upon lis; aud we delivered the government into 

tlie; lands of an nnthaokful peopIe^ — a people who no sooner got 

their Ireedom by our means, and grew in power, than they turned 

Us fuid our king, with every token of insult, out of their eity, 

— Since then they have gone on continually raising their thoughts 

^p^i^lier, as their neighbours of BtBotia and Chalcis have already 

Bdisoovered to their cost, and as others too will presently discover 

Irif they shall oftend them. Having thus erred, we will endeavour 

^ow, with your help, to remedy the evils we have caused, and to 

tootnin vengeance on the Athenians* For this cause we have sent 
for Hippias to come here, and have summoned you likewise irom 
yotir leveral states, that we may all now with heart and hand 
Oiiite to restore liim to Athens^ and thereby give him back that 
^'liieh we took from him formerly." 
■ 92, (§ 1.) Such was the address of the Spartans. The greater 
^titaber of the allies listened without being persuaded* None 
Uowever broke silencej but Sosielea the Corinthian, who es- 
*^laimed— 

** Surely the heaven will soon be below, and the earth above, 
*Uid men w^ill henceforth live in the sea, and fish take their place 
^pon the dry land, since you, Lacedaemonians, propose to put 
down free governments in the cities of Greece, and to set up 
^ytautties in their room,'' There is nothitig in the whole world 
•^ iinjust, nothing s(j bloody, as a tyranny. If, however, it seems 
^ you a desirable Uiing to have tlie cities under despotic rule, 
***gift by putting a tyrant over yourselves, and then establish 
^€«pot8 in the other states. While you continue yourselves, as 
yoi have always been, unacquainted with tyranuyj and take such 
^^icellent care tliat Sparta may not suffer from it, to act as you 
**^ DOW doing is to treat your allies tm worthily, IS you knew 
^liat t)Taimy was as well as ourselves, yon would be better ad- 
^^^ than you now are in regard to it. (§ 2,) The government 
*^ Corinth was once an oligarchy — a single race^ called Bac- 
^Hidffi^ who intermarried only among themselves,* held the 



^ 



II ^ Herm^na r^marka i Pol. Ant, § 32), 

^*^ "it wu chiefly by ov^jirthr owing 

cT*^ tjnuits m the cities of Greece, thit 

**fWji ob^ned her tuperionty over her 

S^ijjbWuis;" wid uiidoubtedly both 

^_^^ Ucydide* (1. 1 i) and Herodotui bear 

^^tiUfBa %Q the tBCt of her haying pur- 

^ja4 thk poUcy. Biit it U difficult to 

^^Vlect many instaDcea imlea* we regafd 

YOL. ni* 



the Iwt in Plutarcb (de Malign. Herod, 
ch* 21) aa authentic. The eipeihtiou 
to put down the tyroony of Poly crates 
m the beat atteated cawj and certamty 
proves that tbey would tnake groat 
e9brtH witb thia object (sapra, iii- 44-56). 
* Compare the case of the Boman 
patdciaiia (Niebnhf** R, H, vol, ii. p- 
280. &c.> 




242 



SPEECH OF SOSIGLES. 



BookT. 



management of affairs.^* Now it happened that Amphion, one 
of these, had a daughter, named Labda,' who was lame, and whom 
therefore none of the Bacchiadaa would consent to marry ; so At 
was taken to wife by Aetion, son of Echecrates, a man of the town- 
ship of Petra, who was, however, by descent of the race of ihs 
Lapithae,^ and of the house of Caeneus. Aetion, as he hsd no 
child, either by this wife or by any other, went to Delphi to 
consult the oracle concerning the matter. Scarcely had k 
entered the temple when the Pythoness saluted him in the» 
words — 

' No one honours thee now, Aetion, worthy of honour ; — 
Labda shall soon be a mother — her ofbpring a rock, that wiU ens dij 
Fall on the kingly race, and right the city of Corinth.' 

By some chance this address of the oracle to Aetion came to 
the ears of the Bacchiadad, who till then had been unable to jp^ 
ceiye the meaning of another earlier prophecy which likeffiB 
bore upon Corinth, and pointed to the same event as AeliiA 
prediction. It was the following : — 

' When mid the rocks * an eagle shall bear a camlTorons lion. 
Mighty and fierce, he shall loosen the limbs of many beneath thflBH^ 
Brood ye well upon this, all ye Corinthian people, 
Te who dwell by fair Peirln^, and beetling Corinth.'* 

(§ 3.) The Bacchiadsd had possessed this orade for scxne time; 
but they were quite at a loss to know what it meant until tkef 



1 The tradition said, that after the 
Dorian conquest of Corinth (ab. b.c. 
1040), the descendants of Aletes, the 
Heracleid conaueror, reigned for ten 
generations, when the monarchy was 
changed into an oligarchy by a process 
somewhat like that which may be traced 
at Athens, annual magistrates (Pryta* 
ueis) being substituted for monarchs, 
but the magistracy being confined to 
the royal family. About half-way in 
the list of kings, which is given by 
Eusebius (Cbron. Can. i. ch. xxxiv.), 
Syncellus (p. 179) and others, occurs 
the name of Bacchis, from whom the 
royal family is considered to have de- 
rived its appellation of Bacchidse, or 
Bacchiadsc. (Ueracl. Pont. v. ; Pausan. 
II. iv. §§ 3, 4 ; Diod. Sic. ap. Sync. 1. s. c.) 
The whole history, previous to the 
annual Prytaneis, must be considered as 
in the highest degree uncertain. Mr. 
Clinton, however, adopts it as authentic 
into his chronology. (Tables, 01. 9, 1, 
and vol. i. p. 129, note".) 

' Labda, according to the Etymolo- 
gicum Hagnum (ad too. fi\tuff6s), is 



the same as Lambda, and is a ni chw* 
given to indicate lameness iV'^ 
because the two legs of the old Gn* 
lambda are of imequal length—/—^ 
at least, seems a better reason than tM 
given in the Etym. — 6 rov* WJw ^ 
rii Iffw Bi€(rrpaiuifi4yos), 

s The mythic antagonists of HflRBl* 
(ApoUod. II. vii. 7), whose kmg Cw* 
is mentioned by Homer (U. L 264{ 
Schol. ad loc.). 

* There is a double pun )^ 
Action's name is glanced at in the iftfi 
aufT6s (eagle), the place of hii abo^ 
Petra, in the expression iw i^rffi 
(among the rocks). 

' The fountain of Peirfin^ is dsicrib* 
by Pausanias (ii. iii. 3) : it was on tkl 
low groimd, at the base of the Acf«^ 
Corinth us. The name, however, 
sometimes applied to a spring of i 
in the citadel, which was supposed H 
commimicate with the lower source ^ftk 
V. 1.) Perhaps in this place the inW 
bitants of the lower town are indioilil 
by the former, those of the upper bf 
the latter part of the hexameter. 



r- 



92, 



HISTORY OF OOHmTH. 



243 



teard the response given to Aetion ; then however they at once 

perceived its meaning, since the two agreed so well together, 

pSferertheless. though the bearing of the first prophecy was now 

dear to them, they remained quiet, being minded to put to death 

fce child which Aetioa was expecting* As soon, therelbre, as 

lia wife was delivered, they sent ten of their number to the 

Hownahip where Aetion lived, with orders to make away with the 

fcftby. So the men eame to Petra, and went into Action's house, 

■nd there asked if they might see the child ; and Labda, who 

Boiew nothing of their purpose, but thought their inquiries arose 

mm a kindly feeling towards her husband, brought the child, and 

aid him in the arms of oufe of them. Now they had agreed by 

le way that whoever first got hold of the child ehould dash it 

igaiust the ground. It happened, however, by a providential 

^uce, that the babe, just as Labda put him into the man*s arms, 

teiiled in his face. The man saw the smile, and was touched 

fritl pity, so that he could not kill it ; he therefore passed it on 

o his nc>xt neighbour, who gave it to a third j and so it went 

4ft>ngh all the ten without anyone choosing to be the murderer. 

le mother received her child back ; and the men went out of 

lie house, and stood near the door, and there blamed and re- 

iioaehed one another * chiefly however accusing the man who 

lad first had the child in his arms, because he had not done as 

Esd been agreed upon. At last, alter much time had been thus 

>ent, they resolved to go into the house again and all take part 

i the murder. (§ 4.) But it was fated that evil should come 

Corinth from the progeny of Aetion ; and so it chanced that 

as she stood near the door, heard all that the men said to 

other, and fearful of their changing their mindj and re- 

to destroy her baby, she cxirried him off and hid him in 

iist seemed to her the most unlikely place to be suspected, viz., 

'cYpeel' or com-bin.^ She knew that if they came back to 

for the child, they would search all her house ; and so indeed 

y did, but not finding the child after looking everywhere, they 

ought it best to go away, and declare to those by whom 'they 

id been sent that they had done their biddrng."^ And thus 

ley reported on their return home. (§ 5.) Action's son grew up. 



PfttisaniaA 8AW a com^biii, said to 
I h0cu ih&% wherein Cjpeelixi was 
m the teaiple of Juno at 
EBpi* f "v* XTii, I 2)* It wai of cedar» 
■tsf uU J cBTTvd, and inlaid with gold 
Jy&JT- Perhftpt the atoty grew up. 



in p&rt out of thk off^rkig, in port out 
of the name^ Cypaelus, 

7 Nicolas of DamaBcus makee the men 
repent of their erraud> warn AL^tioD^ and 
then quit the conntiy (Fr^ 5S)» 

B 2 



244 



SPEECH OF 80SICLES. 



BowT. 



and, in remembrance of the danger from ^hich he had escaped, 
was named Cypselus, after the corn-bin. When he reached to 
man's estate, he went to Delphi^ and on consulting the omck^ 
received a response which was two-sided. It was the fel« 
lowing: — 

' See there comes to my dwelling a man much favour'd of forttme, 
CypaeluB, son of Action, and kmg of the glorious Corinth, — 
He and his children too, but not his children's children.' * 

Such was the oracle ; and Cypselus put so much faith in it tU 
he forthwith made his attempt,* and thereby became master of 
Corinth. Having thus got the tyranny, he showed lumself • 
harsh ruler — many of the Corinthians he drove into baniibmeii 
many he deprived of their fortunes,^ and a still greater numte 
of their lives. (§ 6.) His reign lasted thirty years, and was ji* 
perous to its close ; insomuch that he left the govenune^ fe 
Periander, his son. This prince at the beginning of his reign «• i 
of a milder temper than his father ;^ but after he conreapoDM 
by means of messengers with Thrasybulus, tyrant of Milel* 
he became even more sanguinary. On one occasion he sedt i 
herald to ask Thrasybulus what mode of government it was saW 



* Yet Psammetichus, the grandson of 
Cypselus, mounted the throne. (Arist. 
Pol. V. 12.) He reigned however only 
three years, aud then the tyranny was 
put down by Sparta (Phit. de Malig. 
Her. '21 ), or by a revolution (Nic. 
Djimasc. Frag. 60) : so that he could 
not be called properly **much favoured 
of fortune " {6Kfitos). 

* A long account is given by Nicolas 
of Damascus, of the mode in which 
Cypselus established his power. Ac- 
cording to this narrative, it was chiefly 
in the office of Polemarch, that he found 
means to ingratiate himself with the 
people. It wtis a part of the Polemarch *8 
duty to exact legal fines, and former 
polemarchs had kept the condemned in 
prison until they were paid ; but 
Cypselus would imprison no one. Some- 
times he took security, sometimes he 
himself became security, and he always 
remitted the portion of tlie fine which 
belonged to him. Having thus made 
himself popular, he proceeded to ex- 
tremities, slew Patroclides, the reigning 
Bacchiad, aud was at once chosen king 
by the Corinthians ( Fr. 58). 

* In the "Economics" ascribed to 
Aristotle, there is a story (ch. ii.) that 
Cypselus had vowed the whole property 
of the Corinthians to Jupiter, if he ob- 



tained sovereign power; and tinkki 
acquitted himself of his row byi^ 
poaing a 10 per cent, proper^ tiifc 
ten years. But the authority of ^ 
Economics is very weak. 

2 This account of the chartctfli ■ 
Cypselus and Periander is not, pertnf^ 
altogether at variance with the atfJ'J 
tive of Aristotle. Aristotle '\. t>^ 
informs us that Cypselus fjike Pi** 
tratus) was a leader of tl * "*' 

{^rjfjMycoyost^ and that law 
to the people enabled him to . 
vnth a body-guard ; but that ?enu^ 
was of a tyrannical disposition ''tif^ 
yiK6s). W e may understand hio • 
speak of Periander in his later 5*"% 
and to give us one side of the chaifK** 
of Cypselus, to which Herodotui fi^ 
mshes the other. Like the Piriitit' 
tidsB, the tyrants of Corinth were Ml" 
diously mild towards the middle mi 
lower classes (supra, ch. 62) ; but HI* 
them also (infra, vi. 39), they hid t» 
keep down the aristocracy , by eerert 
measures. These Sosicles Vould m»- 
rally regard as atrocities, and wouM 
perhaps a little exaggerate. Nicolai 
says that Cjrpeelus banished the B«o 
chiads, and confiscated their propertk 






Cbap, m. 



inSTORY OF CORINTH. 



245 



set up in order to rule with lionour. Thrasybulus led the mes- 

ager without the t-ity, and took him into a field of com, tlirough 

^which he bep:aji to wallc, while he asked him again aad again 

€>oDceming his coming from Corinth, ever as he went hreaking 

off and throwing away all such eara of corn as over-topped the 

rest. In this way he went through the whole field, and destroyed 

all the best and tidiest part of the crop ; then, without a word, 

ha sent the messenger back. On the return of the man to 

^BCoiinth, PeriaTider w^as eager to know what Thrasybulus had 

^^i?ooiiseUedj but tlie messenger reported that he had said nothing ; 

and he wondered that Periauder had sent him to so strange a 

in, who seemed Ui have lost his senses, since he did nothing 

it destroy his own property. And upon this he told how 

sybnlus had behaved at the interview.^ (J 7.) Periander, 

'perceiving what the action meant, andkuowirigthatThrasybidus 

^^adFiised the, destruction of all the leading citizens, treated his 

^■biibjecta from this time forward with the very greatest cnieltj, 

^■WTiere Cypselns had spared any, and had neither put thera to 

^■iJe^ith oor banished them, I-'eriander completed what liis father 

had letl unfiuidietL* One day he stripped all the women of 




^ 



* Aecordisg to ArUtotle fPol. iii. 8, 
p. ddf ed. Tmch.) it v^m Thrmybula^ 
^rho sought, and Pennuder whi> gave 
tilis Advicfl. The tale wh,^ trtuiafetred 
lijr some of the early aiiiialiati Into 
lioman history . See Livy i. 54, where 
the andAli^t b» compounded hia atory 
troax ihiB narmtiTe and the bUtory of 
2opjFUB. (Comp. Kiebiihr'i 'Rom, Hilt. 
L p. 503, ^, T.J That roriander and 
7lbrttsybulu0 ware really on vary inti- 



i, appears from L ^0. 
* The cruel tynmny of Periauder is 
on by all write lis. There is 
r di^r^nofi of detalL He aet up o, 
liodj -guard of 3UU uien^ made eevere 
sumptuary kwa^ kept the dtuienfi poor 



by tueaufl of fluea and couSscatlotiSf 
ehed abundant blood, and was &e- 
queatly guilty of the grosseat outrages. 
HiH private relationi, which throw a 
light on tlio netnainder of the chaptar^ 
have been already narrated (attpn^ iii. 
50*5H). He waa engaged in frequent 
wara ; and the power of CoriDtLi wan 
never 00 great m in hie day» (Compare 
Eph. Frag. lt)6j Ar, Pol. v. 12 ; Hem- 
did* Pont, v* ; Nic. Damaac, Frag* 50 ; 
Dio^. Laerl. Vlt. Periandr,) The fol- 
lowing Ejcheme of the CypeoUd family 
may Le gath^i-tid fr^m Nicolaiis Dama- 
scenua. He differa &am Herodatus in 
telUt^ of Nicolas whoi the elder hiato^ 
nan relaiM of Lyoophro&, 



C^pwloa. 



1 



I 



l^lkdei 
(founilcr ol Leufiu). 



(fomitkr of AcwcUuHncp). 



j^^«ump 

^^^^^^1 FlanmKtidiiis 

^^^^^^ C^Tpaetui U, 

^rabo add* another member of the bracia— whom be calU a »on of Cypaolua 

tviL p. 



\ 



idiroFFoild 



LTCupliitJX), 



Gtit^filA. 



-family— Tolgua, the fomider 






471 J* According to AiTJUtoUe 



246 SPEECH OF SOSIGLES. Book^* 



Corinth stark naked, for the sake of his own wife Melifisa. S^ 
had sent messengers into Thesprotia to consolt the oracle of ^ 
dead upon the Acheron ^ concerning a pledge which had beei^ 
given into his charge by a stranger, and Melissa appeared, bai 
refused to speak or tell where the pledge was, — ^'she was diilU' 
she said, ' having no clothes ; the garments buried withh^ woe 
of no manner of use, since they had not been burnt And tbi0 
should be her token to Periander, that what she said was trae — 
the oven was cold when he baked his loaves in it* When Ha 
message was brought him, Periander knew the token ; * where- 
fore he straightway made proclamation, that all the wives of the 
Corinthians should gO forth to the temple of Juna^ So As 
women apparelled themselves in their bravest, and went forth, ai 
if to a festivaL Then, with the help of his guards, whom he had 
placed for the purpose, he stripped them one and all, makiogno 
difference between the free women and the slaves ; and, ti^ 
their clothes to a pit, he called on the name of Melissa^ and boD^ 
the whole heap.^ This done, he sent a second time to the orade; 
and Melissa's ghost told him where he would find the strangeA 
pledge. Such, Lacedaemonians I is tyranny, and such are ^ 
deeds which spring from it We Corinthians marvelled greatff 
when we first knew of your having sent for Hippias ; and now i 
surprises us still more to hear you speak as you da We adjoe 
you, by the common gods of Greece, plant not despots in her 
cities. If however you are determined, if you persist, agaM 



I 



the dynasty lasted 73 years and 6 • " Quippe qui cum mortoi oooa^ 

months, probably from about B.C. 655 Melissa." (Cf. Nic. Dam. Fng^ ^> 

to B.C. 581. The three reigns were — Senec. De Irft, ii. 36.) 

CypseiuB . . 30 years . b.c. 666-625. ' Pausanias describes this temi^(^ 

Periander . . 40 years . „ 625-586. iv. § 7). It was situated a little beW» 

Psomraeuchus 3* years. ., 685-681. the summit of the Acrocorinthitf, <»» 

' The Acheron is the modem Souli or mound or hill {fiow6s), whence wj 

Monro river, which falls into the sea in Corinthian Juno had &e epithet * 

lat. 39° 15', long. 20° 31'. The name fiovvala, 
Thesprotia was applied to the whole • It is probably this same «Wf 

tract between the Oharadrus {LurOf or which appears in Ephorus (Fr. lO^) 

Rogus) and the Thyamis {Calamas). It imder a diflFerent form. There Ptfi' 

is uncertain where the oracle of the ander is said to have vowed a goW« 

dead waa situated. There seems to statue to Jupiter if he won the Olji*' 

have been one at Aomus, a city and pic chariot-race ; and needing gold ^ 

lake (?) somewhere in these parts this purpose, to have taken t^e goi^ 

(Pausan. ix. xxx. 3 ; Plin. H. N. iv. 1 ; ornaments worn by the Corinthitt 

Steph. Byz. ad voc. ; Etym. Magn. ad women at a festival. If the storiei «• 

voc.), the site of which it is impossible regarded as identical, it may fairly ^ 

to fix. Oracles of this kind were not supposed that " the clothes were bant 

uncommon in Greece. (Creuz. Symb. to obtain the in-wrought gold ** (Blakfli- 

i. p. 189.) Some light may be thrown ley ad loc). This has been recentlj 

on their nature by the narrative in done on a large scale in India. 
1 Sam. xxviii. 7-20. 



¥ 

^ 
^ 



CoAP. n-^i. HrPPIAS REJ^lRES TO SIGfiUM. 



247 



all justice, in seeking to restore Hippias, — ^know, at least, that 

the Corinthians will not approve your conduct/* 

93, When Sosicles, the deputy from Corinth, had thus spoken, 
Hippias repliedj and, invoking the same gods, he eaid,^ — " Of a 
Bixr^ty the Corinthians will, beyond aU others, regret the Pisbtra- 
ticlffi, when the fated days come for them to be distressed by the 
At^henians.'- Hippias spoke thus because he knew the pro- 
phecies ^ better than any man living. But the rest of the allies, 
^^ho till Sosicles spoke had remained quiet, when they heard him 
titter his thoughts thus boldly, all together broke silencej and 
^^«ilared themselves of the same mind ; and withal, they eon- 
JiXTed the Laceda&monians ** not to revolutionise a Grecian city/' 
^^J^d in this way the enterprise came to nought, 

W. Hippias herenpon withdrew j and Amyntas the Macedonian 
offered him the city of Anthemik,' while the Thessalians were 
^^^iUing to give him lolcSs :^ but he would accept neither the one 
^or the other, preferring to go back to Sigeum,^ which city 
I^isistratus had taken by force of arms from the Mytilenseana, 
-^^sistratus, when he became master of the place, established 
^here as tyrant^ his own natural son, Hegesistratus, whose mother 
^'^a an Ai^ve woman. But tins prince was not allowed to enjoy 
Peaceably what his father had made over to him ; for during 
^ery many years there had been war between the Athenians of 
Sig^um and the Mytilenseans of the city called Achilleum.* 

^roplied^s forged probably alter 
ib^ ^g'ftm of Epidamnui uid Fotidea 
vThucjd. i. 2-^5), or at least afUir 
!*J^ bitlui in tho Megarid flib. 10&. 
*^>^ The bitter hostility of Corinth 
rf^ -AthenB in the Peloponnefliaii war 
J^i^ 119; V. 25, 21, 32, 48) contraata 
T^y^rkfcbly with the fri©udly npirit here 
•^btl^d. It had ita origio, fii^t, in 
?^tiMnnal jaidoiiaj^ and «econdlj in 
?^ •orenen engendered by the con< 
./^t of Athena on the abaro-nieDtioDed 



Anthemua wm a city of eome noto, 
j^Z ^-^^ borders of MacfldoniiL, abo^e 
r'^^^idic^. It ia difficult to ix with 
Qty ita eiACt site. (See Leske'e 
"" " "\p. 4M.) 

^ „ „.^ -—J '."• --/ -->^o. men- 

tx ** it aa a city \ but Thucydidea applies 
r ^ame to a diatnct(ii. 99, tOQ). 
lolooi, the port frotn which the 
> ^Qftiili were aaid to have aailedt wu 



%1^^'^^ee of atill gt«ater note than Anthe- 
fc^?^^ It lay at the bottom of the P^ 



gulf i^Scylax, PedpLp* 60). in the 




dUtriot called Magn^la. All the geo- 
gmphera mention it (PtoL p. 92; Stmb, 
ix. p. Bti2[ Plin. H. N. iv, 9, &d.> Ita 
modem came ia fVo (Leake'« K. d. iv, 
p. "iSO), 

* Supra, ch. 65. 

* AchilMum^ bo called becatifio it con* 
tained the turn ul us of Achilles (Stmb» 
siii, p. 859 )j wfflfl within m very abort 
diatance of the town of Siglum^ on the 
promontory of the same name (Strab. 
1. B. 0.; Steph. Byi.ad irao,; Plin. H. N> 
V. 30), See the plan of the country 
around Troy (infraj vii. +3), Acoord- 
ing to D«metriua, Achilla um waa an 
iTirtixnTfi^ or fort built near Si^«ium 
by tbe Mytilena^^ma, for the purpose of 
vexing and haraaaiug SigSum, in the 
hope of ultimately recovering it. It 
appeara that Mytildnif had, at an early 
dat^i made hei»elf miatreas of the Troad 
(Stnibp liii, p* BBS}* Athona, about 
B.C, ^20 f aent out a colony under Phry» 
non, an Olyinpio yictor (Strab. L a, o,j 
Eoaeb, i. xuviOi to ocoumv 8%0^iin^ A 
town already built by the HjtiwUQiii^ 



248 ARTAPHERNES THREATENS THE ATHENIANS. Bo«^. 

They of Mytilene ingisted on having the place restored to thefiv'* 
but the Athenians refused, since tiey argued that the iBolitfJ* 
had no better claim to the Trojan territory than themselvea, o* 
than any of the other Greeks who helped Menelaiis on oocasici^ 
of the rape of Helen. 

95. War accordingly continued, with many and yarioos iocs* 
dents, whereof the foUowing was one. In a battle which ^es 
gained by the Athenians, the poet Alcseus took to flight, and 
saved himself, but lost his arms, which fell into the hands of the 
conquerors. They hung them up in the temple of Minerva at 
Sigeum ;^ and Alcseus made a poem, describing his misadventure 
to his fiiend Melanippus, and sent it to him at Mytilene.* The 
Mytilenseans and Athenians were reconciled by Feriander, the 
son of Cypselus, who was chosen by both parties as arbiter— be 
decided that they should each retain that of which they were flt 
the time possessed ; and Sigeum passed in this way under the 
dominion of Athens. 

96. On the return of Hippias to Asia from LacedsmA 
he moved heaven and earth ^ to set Artaphemes against the 
Athenians, and did all that lay in his power to bring Athens 
into subjection to himself and Darius. So when the AtheniiDS 
learnt what he was about, they sent envoytf to Sardis, and ex- 
horted the Persians not to lend an ear to the Athenian eadl* 
Artaphemes told them in reply, " that if they wished to remai'* 
safe, they mast receive back Hippias." The Athenians, when 
this answer was reported to them, determined not to consent, 



Pbrynon took the place, and established ii. p. 858 ; Suidas ad voc. nrrm^ 

himself in it; but a war followed of &c.)« It would seem that the ^y^ 

many years' duration between the Myti- nsBans must have afterwards weoittf^ 

lenseans and the new colony, Achilleum Sigdum, which was taken from theft* 

being fortified by the former as a place second time by Pisistratus, probilily 

from which to moke their attacks. Ac- about B.C. 535. This occasioDed ft l^ 

cording to one account (Timseus, Fr. newal of the war. 
49), Periander at this time assisted the ^ This temple is mentioned in ^ 

Mytilenaeans, and helped to fortify famous Sigean inscription, beloogins *• 

Achilleum by means of stones brought the reign of Antiochus Soter(CluBhaU* 

from Troy. Pittacus commanded on Inscr. Asiat. p. 52, § 35). 
the side of the Mytilensans ; and it was ^ Strabo seems to have quoted ^ 

in the course of this war that Alcseus first line of this poem, but the ^utt^ 

lost his shield. Phrynon, b.c. 606 is hopelessly corrupt (xiii. p. W^N 

(Euseb.), challenged Pittacus to a Compare with the fact of Ak«8> 

single combat; the challenge was ac- writing on such a subject, the yn^ 

cepted, and Pittacus was victorious by known ode of Horace (ii. 7j. 
means of the arts practised in later times ^ Literally ** he moved ereryihkig*-' 

by the retiarius. After this Periander an expression, the strength of wlue 

was called in to arbitrate, and assigned can only be given by some such \iM 

Sigeum to Athens (Strab. 1. s. c; Diog. as that used in the text. 
Laert. i. 74; Poly sen. i. 25; Plutarch. 



^ 



CH.i^. 94^97. 



ARISTAOORAS AT ATHENS. 



249 



and therefore made up their minds to be at open enmity with 
tlie Persians, 

97> The Athenians had come to tliis decisioiij and were al- 
ready la bad odour with the Persians, when Aristagoras the 
Milesian, dismissed from Sparta by Cleomenes tlie Lacedfe- 
roonian, arrived at Athens. He knew that, after Sparta, Athena 
wms the most powerful of the Grecian states,^ Accordingly he 
appeared before the people, and, as he had done at Sparta,* 
^pok« to them of the good things which there were in Asia^ and 
^f the Persian mode of fight— how they used neither shield nor 
^peor, and were very easy to conquer- All this he urged, and 
''©tninded them also, that Miletns was a colony from Athens,^*^ 
®^^d therefore ought to receive their succour, since they were so 
P^^Werful — aud in the earnestness of his entreaties, he e-nred little 
w-hat he promised— till, at the laet, he prevailed and won them 
^^'^er. It seems indeed to be easier to deceive a multitudo tlian 
^He man — ^for Aristagoras^ though he failed to impede on Cleo- 
*^^Des the Laceditjmonian, succeeded with the Athenians, who 
Were thirty thousand/ Won by his persuasions, they voted that 
'^ Wenty ships should be sent to the iiid of the lonians, under the 



SupTft, i. 147, imd infi-fl., ix* P7, 

oolotki^ notwitliBti^diQg their po* 

_ '^^l iajdep^Dtl^Bce^ couiited on tbe aid 

r^ ^lie muther iiity ia time of need (nee 

^»icjd, i. U), 

^» , It hoM been generally suppo^sed tliiit 




i*^*^] 



is an l^xuggeratioti {Dahl- 
i^-^'?>"a Life of Herod., p. 42, E. T.; 
^**^^li's Econ, of Atbenfl, i p. 48, E. T., 
j^ . ^ ' >- Certainly j n later timea tb e act oal 
^*^b«f mems scarcely OTer to liAve 
~rJ^U Bl^ecded tiitenitj thouaAnd. It 
r[** 1»,000 us the yeiir n.c. 



yeiir n.c. 444 (Flu - 

^^1. Ariat. Veap. 716), whati Paato- 

^IS*^**^liUJi aent tb« AtUenians a present 

^^ru, and 21,000 in bc. 317, when 



!5^h. 



of 



f^?J*<ftriua Fhaiereufi made hii o«qhu« 
2**>^n»ua, vL p. 272, B.)- Ariato- 



^^' 



^tr^*«, m B.C. 4-^2 (Veap. 716), Plato, 
^^^Ut B.C, 350 (CrituMt, p. U3, ed. 



5^ 



f C4j2^^ " ^^^ De^moBtbenes, in b,c. Sdl 

^^T^^tpg. i. p. 7^5), make tb« n^nid esti* 

gj^^, which la confirmed hy the account 

|^^^*3 in Thucydldea (ii. 13) of the mili- 

Kh^^^ f&Y^e of Athena at the commence 

t^i **^ tif the Pelopoaneaian war. Still 

^o^ ^atintate of Herodotus may be tme 

%tL *^ period to u^hich he refers. CU* 

^^^iwt, it muit be remembered, had 



recently admitted all the forei^ Inha- 
bitBi]tB {l4tfQi fAirQtKQi) and eofranchiiied 
akvefl of the same rank (30i;A.Dt ^croiicof) 
int<» the number of citt2«tifl \ and these 
in lifter- timi^ naually amouoted to 
U>,000 (A then. 1. a, c). No aiich ge- 
neral enfrancbiaemept ever took place 
afterwards [ aod it is quite pcwaible that 
the number of the citizens may have 
fallen, between e.C» 500 and b.c+ 444, 
from ihitty to twenty thouaand. The 
TJ^t number of colouist« and clemchi) 
sent out from Athene duHug thifi inter- 
Mil would fully accouut for such a dimi- 
nution. Ten thouBuud Atbemans imd 
nil 14^ were sent to Amphipolia in ac: 
465 ; ^0 Athemana colonised Naioa a 
year earlier ; 1 000 went to the Cherso- 
Qese between that date and B.C. 465; 
250 went to Atidroa and luOO to Chalci- 
dic^ about the aame time ; 600 to 8i- 
'Uop^ some yeai's afterwards; and a 
oolony (mimber unknowQ) to EubcDa in 
B.C. 445. The whole policy of Pericles 
woA to get rid of the aupd'abundnnt 
population by encoumging the emigra- 
tion of the poorer aort (aee Plut* Vtt. 
PericL c, 9, and 11, 20, 25» &o, &c.> 
On tbe general queation of the popular 
tlon of Attics, aee Clinton's R U*, voh 
u. App. ch, 22. 




250 ESCAPE OP THE FJBOSULSS. BookY. 

oonmumd of MelanthhK, one of the cidzens, a man of maikin 
eTeiy war. These ships were the b^finniiig of mischief botli to 
the Greeks and to the barbariana. 

9$. Aristagoras sailed awav in adrance, and when he reached 
HHetas^ devised a plan, from which no manner of advantage oooU 
possibly accme to the lonians ; — indeed, in forming it, he dii 
not aim at their benefit, bat his sole wish was to anno^ King 
Darina. He sent a messenger into Fhrygia to those Ftouam 
who had been led awar captive by Megabazns from the rifV 
Strymon,' and who now dwelt by themselves in Fhrygia, hafiog 
a tract of land and a hamlet of their own. This man, whenk 
reached the Psonians, spoke thns to them : — 

^ Men of Paeonia, Aristagoras, king of Miletus, has sent meio 
yon, to inform yon that yon may now escape, if you choose to 
follow the advice he proffers. All Ionia has revolted from tke 
king ; and the way is open to yon to return to your own lui 
You have only to contrive to reach the sesrcoast ; the rest shaD 
be our business." 

When the Pseonians heard this, they were exceedingly lejokA 
and, taking with them their wives and children, they made iB 
speed to the coast ; a few only remaining in Phrygia throng £911^ 
The rest, having reached the sea, crossed over to Chios, wkn 
they had just landed, when a great troop of Persian horse cbdo 
following upon their heels, and seeking to overtake thenu Ko* 
succeeding, however, they sent a message across to Chios, oikI 
begged the Paeonians to come back again. These last refusedf 
and were conveyed by the Chians from Chios to Lesbos, andbj 
the Lesbians thence to Doriscus ; • from which place they dm^ 
their way on foot to Paeom'a. 

99. The Athenians now arrived with a fleet of twenty sail, ani 
brought also in their company five triremes of the EretriaMj^* 
which had joined tlie expedition, not so much out of 



2 Vide supra, chs. 15-17. xxxi. 16). 

' Herodotus gives the name of Doris- * Eretria lay upon the coast of EubCB»» 

CUB to the great alluvial plain through 12 or 13 miles below Chalds. Its B^ 

which the river Hebrus ' Jf(xritza) empties is marked by extensive ruins (Leake, ^ 

itself into the sea. Darius at the time 266 ). The better situation of Chak* 

of his invasion of Scy^hia had built a prevented Eretria from competing wi^ 

fortified post to command the passage of it successfully. By Strabo's time t^ 

this river, to which the name Doriscus superiority of the former city WM detf 

was also given (infra, vii. 59^. It was a and decisive (x. p. 653) ; and at preeeoA 

place of great strength (vii. 106), and Egripo^ which occupies its site, is Ui« 

continued to be known as an important only place of any importance in Um 

stronghold down to the time of Philip, whole island, 
son of Demetrius (b.c. 200; cf. Liv. 



^p.ar-lOL CHAPOPINUS' MARCH ON SARDIS, 



251 



rarda Athens^ as to pay a debt which they already owed to the 
pple of Miletus, For in the old war between the Clialcideans 
I Eretrians,* the Milesians fought on the Eretriau gide through- 
\t while the Clialcideans had the help of the Samian people. 
Magoras, on their arrival, assembled the rest of his allies, and 
Reeded to attack Sardis, not however leading the army in 
Bon, but appointing to the command his own brother Charo- 
liie, and Hermophantusj one of the citizens, while he himself 
aained behind in Miletus* 

100* The loniana sailed with this fleet to Ephesus,^ and, leaving 
iir ships at Coresaus ^ in the Ephesian territory, took guides 
In the city, and weut up the country, with a great host, 
fc^ marched along the course of the river Cayster,^ and, crossing 
BTthe ridge of Tm61us, came down upon Sardis and took it/ 
I man opposing them ; — the whole city fell into their hands, 
(Dept only the citadel, which Artaphernes defended in person, 
(ring with him no contemptible force* 

lOL Though, however, they took the city, they did not succeed 
ipiundering it ; for, as the houses in Sardis were most of them 
lilt of reeds, and even the few which were of brick had a reed 
itching for their roof, one of them was no sooner fired by a sol- 
•r than the flames ran speedily from house to house, and spread 
^T the whole place.*" As the fire raged, the Lydians, and such 
liBiam as were in the city, inclosed on every side by the flames, 
feich had seiied all the skirts of the town, and finding themselves 



^$m Thucyd, i. 15, for tKe import- 
n of tkia contest. Almost all Qre«ce 
I aud to baTe been engagied in it. 
fjttm from Plutarcli (ii. p. ?«0, l\) 
Kthi EretriAQ home vfOB &t first bu* 
pr, iDd that Ch^cis hud to relj for 

■ trmou the TheftealiAiis. 

J^Tbe Paeudo^Plutarch anya (De Ma- 
fc Horod. ii. p, 86 a) tiiat the fleet 

■ luled towards Cyprua, atvd gained 
^Vil rictory over the Cyprian* in tbe 
•"opliylian sea i but this is probably a 
tt QLifirepreftentDtion of the battio 

Wkmad bdow, <!h. 113. 
11k«CoT«HUB here Bpoken of muit 
i ^flCQ a ioum upoa th« aea-<;oaist, 
' Stopb. Btz. Kopfitrahs WAu r^jt 
Maj.) It'lay probably at the base 
hb nwfinttiin of the same name (Diod. 
bxiv. U^jr »omowbat aouth of Panor* 
L tile port of Epheuaa. (Compure 
K m, 9<>&, 917 ; AtbenmuB, viii. 
Xm. Hell, L ii. 7; iEscMn. Ep. i, 



C^jrxtei-, now the Little Mea- 




dere^ wiuhed Ephesus on the norths and 
formed ita barbour (Strab, p. 919 ). This 
river, one of the four great fitreama 
emptjitig thenuBeivea into tbe Eg^aa 
a«a, drains tbo valley lying between the 
Jiisiija MuMfi Lkujh (MesBogiaj and Kts- 
tani Dagh (Tmolui) i^ijges. It bnnga 
down a oondderable deposit, and haa 
probably augmented the alluvial land at 
its mouth ^i&Ty greatly aiucethe time of 
Herodotua. (See Chandler's Afiia MiooFj 
cb. xixvii. eud.) 

» Tbe Pseudo Plutarch laya that tha 
Ferbimia were at thia time besieging 
MilettiB, and that the object of the at- 
tack upon Sardia wa* to fore© them to 
raise the siege (De Malign. Her. La, c.)j 
but the EilcDce of Herodotus is couclu* 
BLTe against tbese statemeuts^ 

*•* In Extern capitals the houaaa are 
stilL rarely of brick or stone. Eeeds 
and wood constitute the chief building 
materials. Hence the terrible confla- 
gratioua which from time to time devas- 
tate them* 



252 



BUBKING OF SARDIS. 



Book V. 



unable to get out, came in crowds into the market-place, and 
gathered themselves upon the bftuks of the Pactohis, Thk 
BtreaiD, which comes down from Mount Tmolnsj and brings the 
Rardians a quantity of gold-dust, runs directly through the market 
place of Sardis, and joins the Eermug, before that river reacbea 
the eea.^^ So the Lydians and I^ersians, brought together in thifi 



[liuitia ui riiudii.— Iruiii. a. bkeLcb lnj lie v. S, It 344,leiii+J 



g 



Avay in the market-place and about the Pact 61 us, were forced 
stand on their defence ; and the lonianS) when they saw the enemc:*^^/ 
in part resisting, in part pouring towards them in dense erowiff^-*fei 
took fright, and drawing off to the ridge which ia called Tm6iiK--*Q^ 
when night carae^ went back to their Bhi[>s. 

102* SartHs however was burnt, and» among other bmldings» 
temple of the native goddess Cybele was destroyed ; ^ which 



'^ Two emftU Btreftms descend from 
Tmolua, oce on oao^ ddo of the ruina of 
Sardis: ^Hlifl weateri], which comes 
down the broAder vnUej, and paase® b^ 
the Ionic temple of Cybel^, has gene- 
rail j been GonBider»d as tho gold-be»t^ 
in^ Factolus ** (H&EmltoD'i Aim Minor, 
vol. i, pp. 146, 1+7.) Like most gold- 
fields, tfmt of the Poj^tolua^ bo cele- 
brated at njv early period (Soph* Phih 
303; Strah, ;tiii* p B97), wfta soon ei- 
hauited. By the time of Au^u^tus it 




had c<»aed to prod\ice gnld 
1. B. 0.) 

1 Oyb^bi^ Cybelfi, or Rhcaj 
Magnu Mftter* or Mother of the Gi 
priudpnil object of worship unott^ 
the Qrientid natione. (Vide sufifftv*^ _ 
131. note ^ ftndEi«X x. p|k. 495-1 ^^* 
and of. Soph. 1. b* e*s Qatnlt. Ixi.; V 
Mn. vi, 783; ix. *il7, kc. Site 
Seidell, de Dli Syria* ii* 2.) She am] 
identified with the Bnltis of the 
rian ]iiacri|fCionM, the Mylitta of U* 





p- 101-103. RETBEAT AND DEFEAT OF THE GEEEKS, 253 

\ i^e&fion aftem^ards alleged by the Persians for settmg on fire 
I temples of the Greeks.^ As goon as what Lad happened was 
[>wii,ail the Persians who were stationed on this gide the Halys 
rw together,^ and brought help to the Ljdians. Finding 
W&ver, when they arrived, that the lonians had already with- 
l^wn from 8firdis, they set off, and, foUomng close upon their 
lek, came up with them at Ephesus, The lonians drew out 
pinst them in battle array ; and a fight ensued, wherein the 
reeks had very greatly the wonse** Vast numbers were slain 
f the Persians : among other men of note, they killed the 
Iptain of the Eretrians, a certain Eyaleidas, a man who had 
fkteA cj-owns at the games, and received mueh praise from 
limonideB the Cean/ Such as made their escape from the battle, 
liapeised among the several cities. 
103. 8o ended this encounter. Afterwards the Athenians quite 
k the lonianSj and, thongh Aristagoras besouglit them much 
his ambassadors, refused to give him any farther h^^lp»^ 



f L B. <!.^, f he Deiueter af the Greek**, 
Opi of the Roraww. 
im Terj early times in 
1 by the AUtlque figure 
Ki s mentioned by Paitaa- 

t BUoient of fltatuee 
(■l^ai^STfli^ a-wdvTuiif i^flX^io, ill. X3ciU 
M;» iod Utety Tcdi&eovered by Mr. 
?*™5kliojd iHmaiiJtoD'B Asia Minor, toU 

Ha- lempie td Sardia was probably 
*• BWfmficenb atructure, situated be- 
™**a Ihe Pujctolus and the citiidt?!, of 
•SmiiiaiiMj <*f which ao many travellers 
^amfigtren a description. Whep Chie- 
*^<Tmvels» p. U] m 1699, and even 
7*« Pejronnt'I, in 1750, visited the 
"^ lii: oolunuiA were ttill atanding. 
fj*adlflf, m 17«j4, found only five 
Wlii Minor, vol. i. p. £9j). Cocker«Il, 
'**titia20, throe (Leake's Asia Umor, 
'^f^K Hiimiltun, in 18I)ej (Aab Minor, 
J^ I p, 119), ttBd Ffiilowt, in 1838 
)J*Tels^ p, 2»9), nn more than two, 
^^mple woa a bniiding of the Ionic 
"i^t formed of blocks of white marble 
^menoruiauaaize. It appears, to have 
^\Mm Mver finished (CoGkerell, Fellows), 
^ Wra marks (Cockerel!) of a very 
9^h antiqtiity. It wm 144 feet iu 
Wtbj and probably *25l long. Mr, 
MMbffeil'i de»«;ription (Loake, L s. o.) 
ibfhe tbd most complete that hiia yet 
vm glran, 

* TSe Greeks, who did not undBratand 
'ic spirit which animated the 




Feraiana (aopra, lii 29 and 37), ftaugbt 
for some apecia! motive to explain the 
outrages on their religioti (infra, viii. 
33, 5;i, 55 J ii, 13, &c.) during tli& witr ; 
and found aucb a motive in retaliatiftti 
of the injury done to this temple. But 
it maybe doubted whether this eircum- 
ataoee had really any influence on the 
subiequent htietilitiea. 

' On the size and organisation of the 
Peraian atanding army, see above, vol. ii, 
p. 4ijB. But the expression here naed m 
an exai^emtioii. 

^ Charon of Lampaacua, a writer con- 
temporary with Xerxea, made no men- 
tioo of this defeat in hia account of ths 
expedition (Plut. de Malig. Herod, p, 
Stil, C, D,)* There is reason however 
to believe that this author was inclined 
to gloas over unpleasant fttcts in bis 
hiJtory. (See Dahlmann'sLifeaf Hsrod. 
p. 88, E. TO 

' Thifct Simonidea the Cean, like Pin- . 
dar, wrote odes in praise of tboae who 
carried off prizes in the ^unes, we know 
from Aristotle [Rhst. m. 2), He is said 
to have been one of ibe mea of letters 
invited to Athens by the Pki?tratidffl 
iplut. HtppttTch. vol. iv, p, 174, cd* 
Tauchii,). He must not be confounded 
with Simonidea of Amorgos, who waa 
greatly bis eeqior. 

* Mr. Grote conjectures that the Asi- 
atic Qreoks must Imve h«en guilty of 
some ** glaring desertion *' of their allien, 
which juJtifi0d this withdrawal (Hist, of 



254 



REVOLT OF CARTA, CAUNUS, AND CYPRUS. Bo«T. 



Still the lonians, notwitlistaiiding this desertion, oontinuel 
unceasingly their preparations to cany on the war against ^ 
Persian king, which their late conduct towards him had rendered 
unavoidable. Sailing into the Hellespont, they brought By» 
tium, and all the other cities in that quarter, under tiieir s^. 
Again, quitting the Hellespont, they went to Caria, and won th 
greater part of the Carians to their side; while Caunus, vUdi 
had formerly refused to join with them, after the lmnaa%i 
Sardis, came over likewise.' 

104. All the Cyprians too, excepting those of Amath&^flf 
their own proper motion espoused the Ionian cause.^ The occaam 
of their revolting from the Medes was the following. There ftf 
a certain Onesilus, younger brother of Gorgus, Inng of SalanA 
and son of Chersis^ who was son of Siromus,* and grandson of 
Evelthon.^ This man had often in former times entreated G<s^ 
gus to rebel against the king ; but, when he heard of the rewU 
of the lonians, he left him no peace with his importunity, hi, 
however, Gorgus would not hearken to him, he watched li 



Greece, vol. iv. p. 390). There is no 
evidence to sustain such a view, which 
seems based upon a notion that the 
Athenians could not possibly do wrong. 
The truth seems to be, that on the first 
reverse Athens backed out of the war. 
Such conduct was certainly far more 
"open to censure" than the original 
embarking in the war, which was a very 
politic act. It is perhaps not going too 
far to say that if Athens and the other 
maritime states of Greece had given a 
hearty and resolute support to the Ionian 
cause, the great invasions of Darius and 
Xerxes might have been prevented. 

' The Caunians had been brought 
under the Persian yoke by Harpagus 
with difficulty (Bupra, i. 17G). For the 
situation of their country, see Appendix 
to vol. i. (Essay ii. p. 3J1). It is sur- 
prising that the Lycians did not take 
the opportunity, which now offered, to 
throw off the Persian yoke. 

^ Mr. Grote considers this revolt to 
have been confined to '* the Greek 
cities in Cyprus," among which he even 
reckons Amathus (Hist, of Greece, vol. 
iv. p. 391) ; but Herodotus distinctly 
states that the C}T)rians revolted gene- 
rally. No doubt there had been a con- 
siderable Greek immigration into Cyprus 
before this period (vide infra, vii. 90), 
but the bulk of the population continued 
Phoonician till long afterwards. This 
is plain from Scylax, who calls all the 



inhabitants of the interior "ht^ 
rians/'and notioes aa exo^omlt** 
the cases of Greek cities upon the coi^ 
It would seem that in his time (^ 
time of Philip of Macedon) there f«t 
in Cyprus no more than three Gn^ 
cities of note. These were Sabaiii 
Soli, and Marium. We must thenfcn 
consider the revolt to have extended B 
a great measure to the Phoeniciin io^ 
bitants, although the non-particqietio 
in it of the important and thoron^ 
Phoenician town of Amathus (Scyitft 
Peripl. p. 97 ; Theopomp. Fr. lUi 
Steph. Byz. ad voc.) would seem to 
imply that the Phoenician populitioo 
entered into it less thoroughly than tbe 
Greek. 

* This name is clearly YhauaaA 
being identical with the Hiroo"* 
{Etpcofios) of Josephus, and the Hit*"* 

(DTn) of Scripture. (Compare ^ 

98.) It is probable that the Greek 
princes of Cyprus intermarried with tk* 
PhoDuiciaus. 

1 The Evelthon of Bk. iv. ch. 16^. 
seems to be meant ; but it is difficnH 
to understand how, within the space w 
thirty years, he could have been str 
ceeded by a grown-up gre^it-ijrandsc^ 
Still it is possible, if Evelthon atth< 
time of Pheretima's visit (about BiC 
530) was a very old man. 



.103-106, BARIUS HEARS OF SARDIS BEING BURNT, 



kfiion, and when his brother had gone outside tlie town, he with 
partisans closed the gates upon him, Gorgus, thus deprived 
is city, fled to the Medes ; and Onesilus,^ being now king of 
imis, sought to bring about a revolt of the whole of Cyprus, 
were prevailed on except the Amathusians, who refused to 
m to him ; whereupon Onesilus sate down before Amathus,^ 
laid iiege to it. 

05* While Onesilus was engaged in the siege of Amathus, 
g Darius received tidings of the taking and burning of Sardis 
the Athenians and lonians ; and at the same time he learnt 
I the author of the league, the man by whom the whole matter 
been planned and contrived, was Arigtagoras the Milesian. 
I mid that he no sooner understood what had happened, than, 
ijg aside all thought conceniing the lonians, who would, he 
I sure, pay dear for their rebellion, he asked "Who the 
lemans were? "^ and, being informed, called for his bow, and 
3ing an arrow on the string, shot upward into tlio sky,* saying, 
MJ let fly the shafts" Grant me, Jupiter,* to revenge myself 
the Athenians ! " After this speech^ he bade one of his 
rants every day, when his dinner was spread, three times 
eat these words to him — " Master, rememljer the Athenians/' 
.06. Then he summoned into his presence Histiieusof MiletuSj 
M he had kept at his court for so long a time ; and on his 
learance addressed him thus — " I am told, Histiaens, that thy 
^tenant, to whom thou hast given Miletus in charge, has raised 
S^hellion against me* He has brought men from the other 
itinent to contend with me, and, prevailing on the lonians — 
ne conduct I shall know how to recompense — to join with 
f force, he has robbed me of Sardis ! Is this as it should be, 
ikest thou ? Or can it have been done without thy knowledge 
idvioe ? Beware lest it be found hereafter that the blame of 
IS acts is thine,'* 

listia^us answered — ^" What words are these, king, to which 
fl hast given utterance ? I advise aught from which unplea- 



Til* initial element of this nAioe 

on in that of the king of Limenin 

uiagutmi), who luppliiMi khourera 

izIiiddoEi (Bupra, toU 1. p. 30T, 

LmathuA, one of the most i&ticient 
t&n Bottlenientji in Cj-'prua 
uerrirTif Steph. Bya.)* ^** situiited 
le ftouth co^t, nbout 35 milea west 
itium iL<imaha). Itfl niina atin 
IT the TiIliL^ of Limasal (Eiigfira 



EyproB^ vol. i. p, Xb^ et seqq.)» 

* Compare i. 15^, und supra, ch. 73. 

* Compare with this what m H&id of 
the ThracianB (BUpra, iv, 94). The 
notion here aeeniB to be, to nend the 
menage to heaven on the arrow. 

« That ia, " Ormaxdr The Greeks 
identify tbe tuprenw God of each nation 
with their own Zeus (vide supra, i. 131 j 
ii, 53, 4c,). 



256 HISTI^US SENT DOWN TO THE COAST. BooiT. 

santness of any kind, little or greats should come to thee ! Wd 
could I gain by so doing? Or what is there that I lack now? 
Have I not all thai thou hast, and am I not thought worthy to 
partake all thy counsels ? If my lieutenant has indeed Aooau 
thou sayest, be sure he has done it all of his own head. For my 
part, I do not think it can really be that the Milesians and my 
lieutenant have raised a rebellion against thee. But if they haie 
indeed committed aught to thy hurt, and the tidings are tne 
which have come to thee, judge thou how ill-advised thou ^ 
to remove me from the sea-coast. The lonians, it seems, hxn 
waited till I was no longer in sight, and then sought to execute 
that which they long ago desired ; whereas, if I had been iken, 
not a single city would have stirred. Suffer me then to hastei 
at my best speed to Ionia, that I may place matters there upon 
their former footing, and deliver up to thee the deputy rf 
Miletus, who has caused all the troubles. Having managed tla 
business to thy heart's content, I swear by all the gods of % 
royal house, I will not put off the clothes in which I reach lonii^ 
till I have made Sardinia, the biggest island in the world,^ ^ 
tributary." 

107. Histiseus spoke thus, wishing to deceive the king; ini 
Darius, persuaded by his words, let him go ; only bidding to 
be sure to do as he had promised, and afterwards come back to 
Susa. 

108. In the mean time — while the tidings of the burning of 
Sardis were reaching the king, and Darius was shooting the 
arrow and having the conference with Histioeus, and the latter, 
by permission of Darius, was hastening do^\^l to the sea— ia ' 
Cyprus the following events took place. Tidings came to Ow* 
silus, the Salaminian, who was still besieging Amathus, that i 
certain Artybius, a Persian, was looked for to arrive in Cyp* 
with a great Persian armament.® So Onesilus, when the news 

^ See note ^ on Bk. i. ch. 1 70. Sar- series of subsequent writers. 1W 
dinia, it appears, is really a little larger supposed size of the Meditemneia 



than Sicily {ape Smyth's Memoir on the islands was recorded in the foUowiog 
Mediterranean, pp. 28, 29), and thus 
the largest inland known to Herodotus. 



HiB opmion of its ai^waa also that of ji;;:^^?^.^ t.*A^Jt.^.i,«. 

Soylax (Peripl. p. 131 ) and of Timaeus irpwni ti*yi<rn,, ««vTepa 2ap£«, rpir^ 

(ap. Strab. xiv. p. 936;. Strabo was Kypvo?, TeTopnj 6' ^ Aibc Kpi)Ti| rpo^ 

the first of the geographers who reversed w^"* 7f'*"77 «rT«vo<»viK. cicnj Kvvpw, 

the judgment and declared Sardinia to ^''^ ^ ^'^ •'^*"^ ^^"^ ^"• 

be smaller than Sicily (ii. p. 162). In ^ jjj.. Grote (Hist, of Greece, vol if. 

this he was followed by Ptolemy p. 392) says Artybius waa accompuu«d 

(Geograph. vii. 5, p. 182), Eustatliius by " a Ciliciau and Egyptian army f hi 

(ad i)ionys. Perieg. 565), and a long quotes Herod, vi. 6, as his authOTity. 



Gmmju^, lOG-110. lONTANS COME TO THE AID OF CTPRUS. 257 



^reae! 



lied him, sent off heralda to all parts of Ionia, and besought 
the lonians to give him aid* After brief deliberation, these hist 
ill full force passed over into the ialaud ; and the Persians about 
the same time crossed in their ships from Cilicia, and proceeded 
by land to attack Salamis ; * while the Phoenicians, with the 
fleets sailed round the pi-omontory which goes by the name of 
^^ the Keys of Cyprus." ' 

^H 109. in this posture of affairs the princes of Cyprus called 
^Bogether the captains of the lonians, and thus addressed them : — 
^» '* Men of Ionia, we Cyprians leave it to you to choose whether 
r you will fight with the Persians or with the Phoenicians. If it 
ho your pleasure to try your strength on land against the Persians, 
I come on shore at once, and array yourselves for the battle ; we 
^^ill then embark aboard yom- ships and engage the Phflerncians 
hy sea. If, on the ot]ier hand, ye prefer to encounter the Phoe- 
iiicians, Itit that be your task i only be sure, whichever part you 
clioose^ to acquit yourselves so that Ionia and CypiiiSj so far as 
depends on you, may preserve their freedom,'* 

The lonians made answer — *' The commonwealth of Ionia sent 
^is her© to guard the sea, not to make over our ships to yoiu and 
engage with the Persians on shore* We will therefore keep the 
pOit which has been assigned to us, and seek therein to be of some 
s^irice* Do you, remembering what yon suffered when you were 
the slaves of the Medes, behave like brave warriors," 

110. Such was the reply of the lonians. Not long afterwards 
the Persians advanced into the plain before Salamis,* and the 



^^t that paARa^t! only Rtates that Cili- 
*^*&» tod Egj'ptiojw forxDe^i part of the 
^^ force which three je«n i&fterwiirda 
^^^Mlttl Miletus. The PenLana Beem 
^Jctlj ever to have draws an^ part of 
y*Lr ianfi foree from either CilJcia iat 
Sypt (^top* vii. 89*91 ; ^rriim^ li. 17). 
- **5oiily exception, bo far aa I am awiu'e, 
^u^t of the Egyptian troops at Cunaxa^ 
J^** eves this h uncertmo. 'hly^itrim 

1^ yhe fieet probably collected at 

^^Ipdua or at Celenderia {KclKnderif 

I SS ^'**"™^ ^ Ceryneifl ' Tii'rimi or 

iis^r^ '^)t itl^rB dlaembark^d the sol- 

^^^' The cUitance la ahotit flisty 

p* ^ rLeske'fi Asm Minorj p. 1J8), 

tjj ^'i Cerynein to Salamis is by land 

j^i^^^ytwo mi tea; by aea, owing to thi^ 

*r^^*^* pfojecttoQ of the eiusteru pro- 

i **,i^ry» one hundred and thirty uiiles. 

**iie Keys were properly some MhimXi 

^OL, 111. 



ifil&nda off the extreme eastern promon- 
tory of Cypi'i^r Cape Dlnoretum (Isidor 
ap. Plin. H^ N. y. 31)^ the modem C^pe 
Andrea. Stmbo {^v. p. 970J says they 
were two, PUny (H, N. 1. s. c) four m 
number. The promontory b called by 
Ptolemy, from ita shapOi Cape UxtoU 

3 Solamifl waa sitimted on the eastera 
coast of Cyprus f at the mouth of the 
river PediieuB, the latigest of the Cy- 
pnan stream*. It did not ooeupy the 
site of the modera Famt^otta, but Uy 
on the north aide of the river (PloL 
Qeogri T. H, p. 15? i. Ita ruin a haye 
been described by Pococke (TraTela^ 
Tol. ii. part i, p. ^^4). 

Accordins; to tradition Salamis was 
f(>utjde>(t by Teucer,, the sod i>f Telamon 
and brother of Ajax^ {toonaftAr the Trojan 
war (Mar, Par. 26 ; Strab- xiv* p* 971 e 
cotup. Theo^jomp. Fr. 1 1 1 ; and Clearch, 
Sul. Fr. lio;. Heuce it vtoA auppo^ied to 

a 



258 BATTLE BETWEEN CYPBIANS AND PERSIANS. BooiV. 

Cyprian kings ^ ranged their troops in order of battle against tto 
placing them so that while the rest of the Cyprians were dia«> 
up against the auxiliaries of the enemy, the choicest troopeofdiA 
Salaminians and the Solians * were set to oppose the Peiaani 
At the same time Onesilus/of his own accord, took post opposite 
to Artybius, the Persian general. 

111. Now Artybius rode a horse which had been trained tontf 
up against a foot-soldier. Onesilus, informed of this, called to 
him his shieldbearer, who was a Carian hj nation, a man wd 
skilled in war, and of daring courage ; and dius addressed him:^ 
" I hear," he said, " that the horse which Artybius rides, reaBsp 
and attacks with his fore legs and teeth the man against lAos 
his rider urges him. Consider quickly therefore and tdl ■» 
which wilt thou undertake to encounter, the steed or the rider?' 
Then the squire answered him, " Both, my li^e, or either, ml 
ready to undertake, and there is nothing that I wiU shrink &)• 
at thy bidding. But I will tell thee what seems to me to mate 
most for thy interests. As thou art a prince and a g^enl I 



have got its name from the weU-known 
island otf the coast of Attica. It would 
seem to be at least as likely that that 
island received its name from the Cv- 
prian city. (Bochart's Qeograph. i. xxii. 
p. 456.) The tradition, however, is 
enough to show that Salamis was from 
very early times a Greek city. 

The plain here spoken of is un- 
doubtedly the extensive plain of Lef- 
kosia (or Nikosi'i\ which is bounded on 
the north by a great wall of rock running 
in a straight line from west to east from 
Lapito (Lapithus) to Cape Andrea^ on 
the west and south by the mountains 
which produce the famous wine of 
Cyprus, and on the east by the sea 
(Leake's Asia Minor, p. 119). It is 
drained by a number of streams, which 
however all unite in one, the ancient 
Pediaius, so called from the great flat 
{T^hiov) which it waters. This plain 
constituted the territory of Salamis 
(Ptol. 1. 8. c). It is now barren and ill 
cultivated, but was probably in fonner 
times the chief source of the great 
wealth and power of the Salaminian 
kings. 

^ Cyprus, like Phoenicia, seems to 
have been at all times governed by a 
number of petty kings. Ten are men- 
tioned by Esarhaddon as furnishing 
him with workmen, about ii.c. 670, viz., 
the rulers of IdtUium, Gitium, Salamis, 
Paphos, Soli, Curium, Tamissus, Am- 



mochosta, LimexuAy and Apltfo^ 
(supra, vol. L p. 397, note •). Ii** 
year b.c. 351 there were at leMlBii^ 
as we learn from Diodonu (xvi*^^ 
Several are again spoken of in tbetifl* 
of Alexander (Arrian, ii. 20). , 

* Soli lay on the north coirt « 
Cyprus, between LapiUius and Jlino* 
( Arainoe, Steph. Byz.). iXifUff^^ 
have been founded by the Atl)«iiJ» 
soon after the Trojan war ^PlutiiW' 
Vit. Sol. c. 26 ; comp. Strab. tP- f 
973). The first city was built like«ll*» 
early Greek towns, upon an emiD«"*^ 
and was thence called JEpeia (fr* 
axiri;^). Solon, on his visit to Iliil*'^^ 
prus (infra, ch. 113), perstiaded *» 
monarch to pull down the old dty, •» 
build a new one in the plain belfl** 
This was done ; and finding the ad^* 
tage of the change, Philocyprus show* 
his gratitude to his adviser, by cslliaj 
the new city after his name. Such, i* 
least, is the story given by Plutu«k 
(1. s. c). It throws some doubt on ^ 
tale to find that there was another otj 
of the same name, claiming appareniij 
a very ancient origin, on the Cilida 
coast (Scyhix, Peripl. p. 96 ; Strab. at 
p. 958). It was from the mode < 
speaking in this latter town that tk 
terms <t6\oikos and <roXouct(r/i^t ve 
derived. 

The Cyprian Soli continues to 1 
known as tSolia, 



^CffAi*, 110-113, 



FATE OF ONESTLtJS. 



259 



up 



thini thou shouldest engage with one who is himself both a 

pfmce and also a general For then^ if thou slayest thine advei^ 

iary, 'twill redound to thine honour, and if he slays thee (which 

iM&y Heaveh for^fend !), yet to fall by the hand of a worthy foe 

makes death lose half its horron To us, thy followers, leave his 

^&t-horse and his retinue. And have thou uo fear of the horse's 

tricks. I warrant that this is the last time he will stand 

^rist any one," 

112. Hms spake the Carian; and shortly aiYer, the two hosts 
joined battle both by sea and land. And here it ehaueed that by 
sea the lonians, who tlmt day fought as they have never done 
etther before or since, defeated the Phoenicians, the Samians 
ei^pecially distinguishing themselves. Mean wliile the combat had 
begun on land, and the two anaiefl were engaged in a sharp 
«tnig;gle, when thus it fell out in the matter of the generals. 
Artybiiis, astride upon his borsoj charged down upon Onesilus, 
^\iQ, m he had agreed with his shieldbearer, aimed his blow at 
the rider ; the horse reared and placed his fore feet upon the 
shield of Onesilus, when the Cariao cot at him with a reaping- 
Wk, and severed the two legs from the body* The horse fell 
upon the spot, and Artybius, the Persian general, with him. 

U:i In the thick of the fight, Stesanor, tyrant of Curium,* 
vtri commanded no inconeiderable body of troopsj went over with 
hem to the enemy. On this desertion of the Curians — Argive 
J^onigtg," if report says true — forthwith the war-chariots of the 
Saiamiaiaus followed the example set them, and went over 
lilfHT^^ge ; whereupon victory declared in favour of the Pereiana ; 
and the army of the Cyprians being routed, vast numbers were 
•lain, and among them Onesilus, the son of Chersi:?, who was the 
aathor of the revolt, and Aristocyprus, king of the Solians. This 
Aristocyprus was son of Philoeyprus, whom Solon the Athenian^ 
wliea he visited Cyprus, praised in his poems ^ beyontl all other 
sovereigns, 

* Curityn by upon the w>utheni 

coAfft, betiraen Pfipbos and Amathuit. 

tiot &r bom the ftouthemmoat point of 

tN bknd fCripj deiie G<dtt% called 

vneifflitlj Citpe Curias (Strab. xjr. p. 

9T2). l!ta ej^flct site ia variously con- 

jeetored, at P(9€Opi and at Axdinv*. The 

Ibrmer poution agrees beet with Pto- 

^Imssf*^ meiAtiremeiitB (Geograpk. v. 14, 

p. 157). 

* flttabo repeats this ji^ertion pofci^ 

tfvelj' (ID>^piw, 'hpy*i^¥ KrifffLn, xiv. p. 

[ p7'I)* T«t Stephen of Bymatium 



ascTibea tlie faatidation of Ctirium to 
Cureu»t a son of Cinyraa^ the Syrian or 
Phcenician cooquemr of Cyprus t Steph, 
Byz. ad voc. KoiS^jov. Cf. Apollod. UK 
xW. 3i aiid Theopomp. Fr. 111). He 
bolieved it, therefore, to have beeu an 
ancient PhtrDician town. 

' The poems of S jIoh were written 
chictily in the elegiac metre, and were 
hortatoiy or gaomic. The fingmeota 
whiob renuuEi ha^e been collecied b^ 
Bach (Eann, 1825), by Bniiick in bia 
Foeira Ouomicif by Oaisfordj and uthera. 

8 2 



PRUS ENSLAVED A SECOND TIM 




4oo 



114. The Atnathiisiaas, because OnesUus had hiid siege to 
their towii^ cut the head oflf his corpse, and took it with them 
to Amathus, where it was set up over the gates. Her^ it htmg 
till it became hollow ; whereupon a swarm of bee^ tc*ol£ posses- 
sion of it, and filled it with a honeycomb. On seeing this the 
Ainathmiana consulted the oracle, and were commanded " to 
take down the head and bury it, and thencefoith to regard 
One^ihos as a hepo, and offer sacrifice to hiin year by year ; so it 
would go the better with them." And to this day the Amathu* 
sians do as tliey were then bidden. 

115< Aa for the lonians who had gained the sea-fight^ when 
they found that the afiairs of Onesilus were utterly lost and 
ruined, and that siege was laid to all tJie cities of Cyprus ex- 
cepting 8alamis, which the inhabitants had surrendered to 
Gorgua,^ the former king — forthwith they left Cj^pm^ and 
sailed away home. Of the cities which were beaieged, Soli held 
out the longest : the Persians took it by undermining the wall * 
in the fifth month from the beginning of the siege, 

lit). ThuBj aft^vr enjoying a year of freedom, the Cypriaas 
were euslaYed for the second time* 3 lean while IJaurises^ who 
was married to one of the daughtens of Darius, together witli 
Hymeas, Otanes,' and other Persian captains, who were likewise 
married to daughters of the king,^ after pursuing the lonians 
who had Ibnght at Sardis, defeating thom^ and driving them to 
their ships, divided their efforts against the different cities, and 
proceeded in succession to take and sack each one of them, 

117, Danrises attacked the towns upon the Hellespont, and 
took in as many days the five cities of Dardanus, *Abydaap 



Plutarch ji«emB to have preserved a 
portion of the olegj here aDvided to. 
Salon, he aaya, addres^d Philocyprua 
as foUowa ;^- 

NGf dl^ (TV fiiy 'SaKoioiffi wo\vv xfl^^^f itf^dA" 
Mvr<ift ifAi fvM i^l 9^ sAi^i^f Awq i*^swi 

* GkirgoB m a till king at the time of 
the Axpedition of Xerxea (infra, vii. 98). 

* Compare iv. 2l>0, tiote *, 

* Pl?obiibly the Otanea mentionad 
aboTO (du. 25 and 26) u the »ou of 



* The practice of mwrjing the king*s 
dnu^htera to the Euoet distinguished a( 
Ihe Feraieki] uoblet hud in view the 



coiuoUdAtioQ of the empire and the 
atren^hening of the royal power by 
attiu;bing to tbe throne thoia who would 
have been mi>st Ukelj' to atir up iwolti. 
The teudeacy of the Fersian empire, ai 
of other Oriental monuxhieft, to oiatiita" 
gratlon hat boan alroady ooticed Cavtpcii 
iii. 120). Thia Bfstam ■«rv«d m mm» 
meaitare aa a eheok, (See toL IL Tsmj 
iii. p, 4G2,) 

In modem tknaa Ihs kitkg^a (Sbab'^tl 
daughters are beatow^d ebiefly upon the 
rieht and are made tbe meatia of r^ 
pleniihing aa empty trettiu ry or of rutn- 
ing an mdividual. The bouour, when 
offered, may not be deotiik#d ; and an 
enormoua aum haa to be pMd by the 
brtdegmoni, oa a weddt^g^^^aent to Ibe 
bride*a relutioiiB, 



Cbak lU-lia, DAURISES ATTACKS THE CABIANS. 



261 



PereSte, Ltimpsacus, and Psesus,^ From P^estis Le marcbed 
against Pariuiii ; * but on his way recpiving intelligence that the 
Ciiriiins had ma^le common trause with the lonianSj and thrown 
off the Persian yoke* he turned round, and, leaving the Helles- 
pont, marched away towards Caria. 

118, The Carians by some chance got information of this 
xno¥©metit l>elbre Daurisefl arrived, and drew together their 
strength to a place called " the White Colnmns," which is on 
the river Marsyas,^ a stream running from the Idrian country, 
and emptying itself into the Mteander. Here when they were 
met, many plans were put forth ; but the best, in my judg* 
ment, was that of Fbodarus, the son of Maus6his, a Cindyanj* 
who waa married to a daughter of Syennesia,' the Cilician king- 
His advice was,* that tlie Carians should crosg the Ma?anderj and 



* TheB« cittee &re enumemted m their 
onier &om south bo north (Strab^ ilii. 
pp. S50-85B; Scyl. PeripL p. 85), in wbich 
order a force advapcing from loiim 
wcmld oatunUlj ^tUek them. Dnj'dtuius 
■wu an miigniicant t^wn {w^Koroipp^vi^ 
TOf, Strabo) depeadent upon Abydoa, 
Bitiiated iiti^id^ the Heneapont or Dor- 
daii<ll«« (to wluGh it gave that natno ), 
about teB milw from the southern open- 
iQf of tbe fftrait. Tbe tcioderu Ktppis 
Bourmm neorlj occuplea the eiba. Eight 
orr nine miles bigtaer up Inj Ahydoe^ 
flotnewhat above tfan point wher^ Ibe 
castles of the Z>anrtaciel]e§ now stuuip 
Iti> situation \s marked by some trifiing 
ruio« (Touraefort* vol. i, p. 342-). Still 
higher, &ud at some little liutance fh»m 
tlije fle% waa Percdt^ (now Tturgta), a 
pliioe of lome conaequeno^ fHotn. IL iL 
eaS; SoyL Peripi p. 84; Strab. liii. p. 
852; Plin. H. N. v. 32; Steph. Byz. ad 
toc.y» Lamp&a<;iifl (the modem Lani' 
psffki, lay Ueaj' the mouth of the Propon- 
tia^ almost opposite CaUipolii {Giiltipofiy 
The ftocjent town waa a little to the 
north of tbe modem village (CAfttellane, 
Lettpea lur la Grfece, vol. i. p. i:i4). 
Phsus wwsf built upon the river of th» 
■ame name, between LAmpaACus and 
P)yium< It had ceased to eiist in Stra- 
bo*i time (xiii. p. 850). Except Dar- 
duitK tbeoe cities are all said to have 
been Mileftuiii eolontea (Stntb. ut supra; 
Stflplu BjE. makes Lsanpnocus a Pho^ 
cgm lettlementr bitt this is impro- 
bable). 

* Forium seems to have occupied tb« 
iite of the modem Kajimtrgs (long. 27'^ ^\ 
JAt . 4(P 25' ), It was a j oiut colony from 
Miletus, Erythncj and Faros, Sc^la^ 



(Peripi. p. S4)» Strabo (iiil. p. 84&), and 
Ptolemy ^Geograph* Y. 2j p» 13a) men* 
tiou it. 

^ Bahr (ad 1cm?.) imagines this Marsyas 
to b<3 the well-kuowu atream near Ce* 
Iwnm, the Catarrhactes of our author 
(infm, vil, 26 )| which joins the Mseander 
wJtbio a very short di«t(moe from il« 
source (Li v. xxxviii^ 13; Xen. Aneb, I. 
tiǤ3). But this river wu in PbrT^ini 
abovf^ a hundred miles from tbe CanKQ 
frontier^ whither it Is quite ftbsurd to 
suppose tbe Carians to have mifished. 
There can be little doubt that tbe Mar> 
svM heie mentioQed is the river (now 
tne Cfieena Chi) which joins the M^cander 
from tbe south in long. 23^. The Idrian 
country, fram which it flowed^ is un- 
doubtedly the country about Stratoni- 
CBPft {Eaki-IIismr)f which was called a| 
different periods Idrias, ChryBaoris^ and 
Hecabesia* (Compare Steph. By^. ad 
vocefi 'iSpidEi, If. T. \. with Strab. xiv. 
p. 944; and for the identity of Eski- 
Hiwar witb StratouiraiQa see Chandler, 
ch, Ivii*, wbo found in^^iriptions there 
to Hecate and Jupiter Chrysaoris; and 
cf. Leakeys Asia Minor, pp. 234, 235,) 

* Cindys or Cindy a (Strab.) was a 
amall town near Barigylia, It appeora 
to have fallen iato decay at an early 
date, but tbe name remained in tbe title 
of Minerva Cindy as, wboee temple and 
ima^ were regarded witb particular 
reverence by the Bargylians. Rain and 
snow, it waa Baid> never fell on them 
(Polyb, ivi, 12; 8*rab. xiv. p. fl41» with 
the note of Cawiubou, ad loc,)* 

^ On the name Syenueais, see vol. i* 
p. 168, note *. 



262 BATTLE OF THE MARSYAS. BooiV. 

fight with the river at their back ; that so, all chance of flight 
being cut off, they might be forced to stand their ground, aod 
have their natural courage raised to a still higher pitch. His 
opinion, however, did not prevail ; it was thought best to make 
the enemy have the Maeander behind them ; that so, if they 
were defeated in the battle and put to flight, they might have 
no retreat open, but be driven headlong into the river. 

119. The Persians soon afterwards approached, and, crofismg 
tlie Mseander, engaged the Carians upon the banks of the Ma^ 
syas ; where for a long time the battle was stoutly contested^ 
but at last tlie Carians were defeated, being overpowered bf 
numbers. On the side of the Persians there fell 2000, while the 
Carians had not fewer tlian 10,000 slain. Such as escaped fit© 
the field of battle collected together at Labranda,^ in the vast 
precinct of Jupiter Stratius ' — a deity worshipped only by the 
Carians^ — and in the sacred grove of plane-trees. Here they 
deliberated as to the best means of saving themselves, doubting 
whether they would fare better if they gave themselves up to 
the Persians, or if they abandoned Asia for ever. 

120. As they were debating these matters a body of ^lilesiaitf 
and allies came to their assistance ; whereupon the Carians, dis- 
missing their former thoughts, prepared themselves afresh for 
war, and on the approach of the Persians gave them battle* 
second time. Tliey were defeated, however, with still greater 



• Labranda was on the mountain 8i itrrpwrai axf^^y n ixrif icoi i(^*™ 

range which separated the valley of the (rraSiav fitxpt ttjj WXcwt upA 'w^**' 

Mai*8ya8 from that of Mylana (Strab. xiv. fi4yri (1. 8. c). 

p. 943). It was a strong position. The * The temple of Jupiter Stratius it 

site usually ajssigued is the modern vil- Labranda, is mentioned by Stral¥>; I ^^' 

lage of I'l/ilce, where there are important He calls it ptits hpxo^os. The p"" 

remains (Chandler, ch. Iviii. p. 22()j. road to which allusion was made in t^ 

Col. Leake's conjectiu-e, however (Asia laat note, was a rin sacra leading fr^ 

Minor, p. 234), that these are the ruins Mylasa to this temple, 
of Euromus, and that Labranda is to be ^ Jupiter Stratius is thus entiiwy 

sought for on the high ground between distinct from Jupiter Carius, who ^ 

Mcliisso (Mylasa) and Arnh-Hissar (Ala- worahipped by the Cariana, Ly^ii*"** 

banda), which was probable enough in and Mysiaus in common ^i. 171). He 

itself, has received a striking confimia- was called also Jupiter Labran^iw*» 

tion from the researches of Sir C. Fel- either from his temple at Labranda, or 

lows. This traveller, on his way from (Plut. Qua»t. Gr. ii. p. 301, F.) fr<® 

Arab-Hissar to Melasso, discovered in the fact that he bore in his right haad 

the position anticipated by Col. Leake, a double-headed battle-axe (xijBfa in 

some important ruins, evidently the the Lydian language). Such a reprd< 

remains of an ancient to^^-n ; and also sentation of Jupiter is sometimes found 

found considerable traces of an ancient upon Carian coins (Fellows's Lycia, PI. 

paved road, leading from' this town to :^5, No. 5). And a similar axe appean 

Melasso (Lycia, p. 07). The latter cir- frequently as an architectural ornament 

cumstance exactly agrees with the ac- in the buildings of the country \^ib. 

count of Strabo, whose words ai'e bths p." 75). 



CiUF, llS-122, 



CONQUESTS OF HYMEAS, 



263 



N 



loaf thau before ; and while all the troops engaged suffered 
severely, the blow fell with most force oe the MileBians. 

12 L The^Cariaus, some while after, repaired their ill fortime 
ill aDother action, Understanding that tlie Persians were ahoiit 
to attack tlieir cities, they laid an ambush for them on the road 
which leads to Pedasim ; ^ the Persians, who were making a 
night-march, fell into the trap, and the whole army was destroyed, 
together with the generals, Daurises, Amorges, and Sisimaces: 
Hv-TSUB^ too, the son of Gyges, was killed at the same time. 
The leader of the ambnsh was Heradidesj"* the son of Ibanolis, a 
man of Mylasa,^ Such was the way in which these Pemans 
perished- 

122. lo the meantime Hymeas^ who was likewise one of those 
by whom the lonians were imrsued after their attack on Sardis, 
directing his course towanls the Propontis, took Cins/ a city of 
Myeia,* Learning, however, that Daurkcs had left the Holies^ 
pont^ and was gone into Caria, he in his turn quitted the Pro* 
■|>ontisj and marching with the army under \m command to the 
Hellespont, reduced all the JColians of the Troad, and likewise 
conquered the Gergithie,^ a remnant of the ancient Teueriang* 




P 



* Vidfl flupn&« i, 175, note *» 

* TkiB is probably the Mjtbus in«E- 
ted in tb« third book feh, 122), a« 

iDg 1 message from Oroetes ta Pol j- 
Ho WIS a LjdiasT And (to judge 
from hia cnm and hu fkther'a imme) of 
tb« n>jal family (cf. i. 8, 9). 

* Brotber» probably, of the ** OUiittis, 
ton of ibanolifl,*' who was seized by 
order of Amtagorsu (iupna, cb. 37). 

' Hjlasa coutinnea to eiiftt in tho 
modem Mdh»^, & town of iome »ii&. 
It still possesses consideFable remains of 



antiquity, though the beantifiil temple 
««eti by Pococke bae been destroyed 
(Fococke, t-oL Li., part 2^ ch. yI.; Cbaiid* 
lar^ cb. 56 L Its aitimtion in a fdrtile 
plain^ under the sbadoiv of lofty imd 
precipitous hilU (Chaudlerj L 9. c; Fel- 
lows* Aiift Minor, p, 259), agreep closely 
witb tbe desenpUou of Strabo (xiv. p. 
942), wliile its dktanee from the eea 
corroflpond^ with the uottoe m Pauflaniaa 
(Vili. 10, i 3), 

Scfylax of Duyaiiiia ia s^d to have 
mitUa a work eutitiod ' The Hiitory of 
the times of Hetiiclidgq^ king of Mylasa ' 
{Snidas ad voc. lic^Aaf). The person 
intended im probably this Meraelides; 
but it may be queationed whether the 
work waB not a forgery. 

^ Ciu^ lay at the extreme recess of 




tbe Cianean gulf, the modem ^ilf of 
Mtjmdantt^hf upon the river of the satj^e 
tiapie^ which bore tu the sea tbe wntert 
of Lake A^eania [Lake oT hniA), It Wis 
destroyer! by PhUip, son of Demetrius, 
but rebuilt by his ally Prustaa» who called 
it after bia own name (cf. Stmho, xJL 
p. 814; Polyb. iv* 22,23; Steph. By«,ad 
vod. Upovtrai Scylax, Peripl. p. 84;. The 
modijm Village of KmUik nearly ocea- 
pies the fiit^^ Clur, tike inofit other 
towns upoti tbifi coaBt, wtia a colony of 
the MilesiatiB i^Scbol, in AiwU. Rhod. i, 
1178). 

^ So Scylai (PeripL I. s. c*l, who 
assigns to Mysia the whole peniiiAula 
between tbe gulfs of Mondankh and 
limidf which trai:^ la more usually 
tecki^ned to Bithyoia, (Cf. PtoL Geo- 
graph. Y. 1; mid Strabo^ xii. p^ 812, 
who, however, remarks od the difficulty 
of distiuguiahing the boundaiiea of the 
seireial tribes m these porta, p. Bi;j.) 

" These GergithH* seem to bjare ia* 
habited the muuiitaitiii south of Lorn* 
paacua, between the Scauiaader, the 
GrKuiotu, and the const (iufra^ vii. 43 i. 
Acoordiag to Strabo (xiii. p. 351 J, Ste- 
phen fad TOO. Tfpyis)t Livy (xuviii. 
bS}^ And othera, there vom a city called 
Oergis, Oei:igtthua or OergethA, ia these 
parta. Perhapa we may eoimect the 



264 ARISTAGORAS CALLS A COUNCIL. Bo«T. 

He did not, however, quit the Troad, but, after gaining theae 
successes, was himself carried oflf by disease. 

123. After his death, which happened as I have related, Arta- 
phernes, the satrc^p of Sardis, and Otanes, the third general,* 
were directed to undertake the conduct of the war against lonm 
and the neighbouring JEolis. By them Clazomen» in the former,* 
and Cyme in the latter,^ were recovered. 

124. As the cities fell one after another, Aristagoras the Mile- 
sian (who was in truth, as he now plainly showed, a man of bat 
little courage), not\^ithstanding that it was he who had caosed 
the disturbances in Ionia and made so great a commotion, began, 
seeing his danger, to look about for means of escape. Being 
convinced tliat it was in vain to endeavour to overcome King 
Darius, he called his brothers-in-arms together, and laid befoie 
them the following project : — " 'Twould be well," he said, ** to 
have some place of refuge, in case they were driven out of Mile- 
tus. Should he go out at the head of a colony to Sardinia,^ or 
should he sail to Myrcinus in Edonia, which Histiaeus had re- 
ceived as a gift from King Darius, and had begun to fortify?" 

125. To this question of Aristagoras, Hecataeus, the historian, 
son of Hegesander, made answer, that in his judgment neither 
place was suitable. " Aristagoras should build a fort,*' he said, 
" in the island of Leros,* and, if driven from Miletus, should go 
there and bide his time; from^Leros attacks might readily be 
made, and he might re-establish himself in Miletus." Such was 
the advice given by Hecataeus. 

126. Aristagoras, however, was bent on retiring to Myrcinus. 
Accordingly, he put the government of Miletus into the hands of 



name with the Homeric Gargarua (H. Fr. 6, &c.), led to the belief that great 

xiv. U93). At any rate we cannot accept success might attend the colonisaticm of 

that derivation of it (from the GJergini, the latter island. 

a . race of Cyprian parasites) which * LCros, one of the Sporades, retain! 

AthensQus adopts from Clearchus of Soli its ancient name almost unchanged. It 

(Deipnosophist. vi. p. 255, F.> is the modem Lero or Zem>t a small 

" Supra, ch. 116. island between Calimna (Kalimno) and 

1 Supra, i. 142. ^ Supra, i. 149. Patmos {Patino), opposite the gulf of 

' Sardinia seems to have been viewed Mandelyah, It lies about 30 miles from 

by the Greeks of this time as a sort of Miletus to the south-west, and is not 

El Dorado, where they could not fail quite twenty from the nearest point of 

of prospering. Bias, when Ionia was the Asiatic coast. Its inhabitants in 

threatened by Cyrus, had recommended ancient times had a bad reputation, at 

the whole nation to remove thither (i. appears from the foUowing distich : 

170). Aristagoras now starts the same Koi t«€ ♦*,in;Ata«.. Acptoi noicoi- ov» i m» 

notion. Probably the great prosperity &? «' ov* * » 

of the Sicilian Greeks, joined with some ndKT«t, »Aijy llpoxAcovf * koI UponXiifi Aipioc. 

Imowledge of the productiveness of Sar- The Lerians were colonists of the Mile- 

dinia (Diod. Sic. v. 15; Nymphodor. sians (Anaximen. ap. Strab. xiv. p. 910\ 



Chap. 122-126. FLIGHT AND DEATH OP ARISTAGORAS. 265 

one of the cliief citizens, named Pythagoras," and, taking with 
him all who liked to go, sailed to Thrace, and there made him- 
self master of the place in question. From thence he proceeded 
to attack the Thracians ; but here he was cut off with his whole 
' army, while besieging a city * whose defenders were anxious to 
accept terms of surrender. 



* Anatagoras, it is evident from thia, 
hftd not really diveated himself of the 
mpreme authority in his native town 
(▼ule supra, ch. 37 ). Little regard seems, 
hownver, to have b^n paid to his nomi- 
nee and auooeesor. 

* It appean from Thncydides (iv. 
102X that this city was on or near the 
ipot <^ied Nine-Ways ('Eyy^u '09ol}, 



where Amphipolis was afterwards built 
(infra, vii. 114). The Thracians who 
defeated Aristagoras, were the Edonians. 
It would seem they not only succeeded 
in protecting their own cities, but made 
themselves masters of Myrcinus, which 
is called in Thuoydides, an Edonian 
city (*H8«yi«ti} w6\iSt iv. 107). 



( 266 ) 



APPENDIX TO BOOK V. 



ESSAY L 



ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF SPABTA. 

1. S^irtans, immigrants into the Peloponnese. 2. Bappoaed migntioai of tk 
Dorians. 3. Their oocupation of the Peloponnese according to the oidiiHiy 
legend. 4. The true history unknown. 5. Probable line of march. 6. M 
of the occupation. 7. The conquest gradual. 8. Spartan DoriaoB— Spsiti 
and Amyche — early wars. 9. Internal history — origin of the doaUi 
monarchy — troubles of the early period. 10. Condition of Sparta brfw 
Lycurgus — the three classes ^ — (i,) Spartans — (ii.) Pericsci — (in.) Helofc 
11. Succession of the early kings. 12. Original constitution of Sptrto- 
Kings — Senate— Ecclesia. 13. Constitutional changes of Lycuigus, ili^ 
14. His discipline — question of its origin. 15. Causes of its idopooi' 
16. Supposed equalisation of landed property. 17. Arguments whidi A- 
proye it. 18. Effects of Lycurgus* legislation — conquests, and increiN ■ 
Perioeci. 19. Messenian wars. 20. Causes of the rupture. 21. OattiiM « 
the first war. 22. Date and duration. 23. Internal changes consequent « 
the first war— "Peers" and "Inferiors"— "Small" and "Great A»emWj 
—colonisation of Tarentum. 24. Interval between the wars. 25. Ontij* 
of the second war. 26. Its duration. 27. War with Pisatis. 28. Wtr m 
Arcadia. 29. Gradual diminution of the kingly power at Sparta, and eo*- 
tiuued rise of the Ephors. 30. Rapid deci*ease in the number of Spaitia 
citizens. 

1 . That the Spartans of histor}' were not original inhabitants of 
the Peloponnese, but invaders from northern Greece, who esta- 
blished their dominion over a large portion of the peninsula by » 
conquest of its previous occupants, is a fact which even the most 
sceptical of modern histonans has not hesitated to admit as certain. 
A uniform tradition,* supported by the representation of antiqw 
times contained in the earliest Greek writer,' and remarkably m 
unison with the actual condition of the population of the conntiy 
when its circumstances first become known to us,* constitutes 



* Sec Mr, Crete's History of Greece, vol. The only ^Titer who gives an account es«B* 

ii. part. ii. ch. 4 (pp. 408-442). tially di'lFcrent is Plato, by whom the Doria* 

2 Cf. Hcsiod. Fr. vii. ; Tyrtaeus ap. Strab. are represented as expelled Adianns retornin? 

viii. p. 526 ; Find. Pyth. v. 92-96, and to their o>vn country under the cwwiuA « 

Fragm. ed. Bockh, vol. i. p. 577 ; Herod, i. one Dorieus (Leg. iii. p. 682, E.). 
56, vi. 52, viii. 43, and 73 ; Thucyd. i. 12, ' Homer has no Dorians in the Pdopoft* 

18, 107 ; Isocrat. Panjith. p. 256 ; Archi- nese, the inhabitants of which, aoeoniing * 

dam. p. 194; Ari^tid. Orat. 46, vol. ii. him, are Achaains, Argiv«, or Danaans. B* 

p. 284; Ephor. Frs. 10-20; ApoUodor. has, indeed, a single insignirtcant town 

ii. 8 ; Scyran. Ch. 528 et seqq. ; Strab. Dorium ( II. ii. 594) on the west «»st vts 

viii. p. 530, &c. ; Diod. .Sic. iv. 37-60; Pylos; but the Dorians only apj^ear in ha 



isan. III. i., &c., iv. iii. § 3, &c. ; (Enom. writings as a Cretan race. (Od. xir, 177.) 
Eu^eb. Pracp. Ev. v. 20, p. 210, C. "• See below, pp. 278-280. 



MIGRATIONS OF THE DORIAKS, 



evidence the weigbt of which is altogether irreaistihle. It may be 
ttastitued therefore that the Dorian Spartans, whose history ia now 
to be traced, unlike their rivals, the Athenians, were immigrants 
into an occupied count ry- — set tie re among a people from whom they 
differed to a greater or letin extent/ whom they conquered and held 
in subjection. Regarding thus much as allowed on all htinda, we 
have in the first instance to consider — L whence they came » and 
why (hey left their primitive eeats; 2* in what viray tliey effected 
the conquest, 

2* According to Ilerodotnis, the Doriana, whom he identifies with 

the Hellenes, ha4 dwelt originally in Acha^ Phthiotia," the countjy 

immediately emt of the Pagasoean Gulf, lying both north and south 

I of the chain of Othrys. Hence they had removed to a tract called 

^fc Hifetiffiotift in Upper Thessaly, which Herodotus seems to place 

^« near 7*emp(^, sinc^a he tells us that it lay ** at the baae of Ossa and 

Olympus.^' * From this region they had been driven by the Cad- 

meians, whereupon they had fied into Fiudus ; and while there had 

taken the name of '* Macedni " (or Macedonians),* After a time 

they had quitted this refuge and gained po&seasion of Diyopis, the 

tract between Parnassus and Callidromus, consisting of the valleys 

of the I'indus and cei-tain other streams which form the head* waters 

of the great Cephissiia river. From thiti countiy, which in the 

H biatorical age was known as D^iris, they had entered the Pelopon- 

^B neise, and subjugated tlie previous inhabitants. 

^ft It has been observed by K. 0. MilUer in reference to this account 

^Hof the early migrations of the Dorian race, that ** no one can con- 

^Viider it m flowing immediately from ancient tradition ; it can only 

^r1^ viewed aa an attempt of the father of history to arrange and 

reconcile various legends and traditions." ' ThiB remark appears to 

be just. \^Tjatever value we may be inclined to attach generally to 

accatint which a nation without a literature gives of its origin, 

it i& Impossible to imagine that a people driven about in the way 

lescribed would oi^lly preserve for centnries so exact an account 

if its many wanderings. Herodotus, or those from whom he drew 

Jiis information, must be considered to have thro^Ti together and 

blended into a single narrative stories current in different parts 

of Greece, which it required some ingenuity to harmonise. The 

Dorians bad to be placed originally in Phthi6tis, because that was 

in Homer * the countrj^ of the Hellenes, with whom the Dorians 

were identified : they must be given seats in Histifeotisj since 

I Upper Thessaiy was the abode of the Lapithse, with w^hom iEgi- 

^H ^ Wkld f diFereat opIitJonft hxta beeti hdd 
Hb tfaii p^U Mr. Gmte si^ys (Hist. «f 
Km«e«,ToL li. p. 451), 'SSo Jjtile it known 

omBf iLit we caoDot at aU iDewiir« the 
<^dfan9]M3e !jetir€t;a iham sod their Dtfrm 
iatidefK, dtbcr ia dkl«ct» la biblti, or ia 
bH^dBgemx.** H« imiinea, bcrwercTi to thJok^ 
id feaii with itf&rd to thdr kngoager that 
J^ '^ ilkl not difler ntatoriiilly from thu thiric ** 



ipeaki of "the di^^nno^ %etwivti thi! W- 
gtinfet rdi|kii, otid c'listoma of tbc^ two 
ikBtSm *' tt^ *' iti-oQglf BSid precb^iy ttuirked/* 
(Borktts* vol, L p. Sd.) 

' Ibid. T^M &irj> tJji' *Qvffm^ tt *f nJ rhv 

* Ibid. loc» aUf tuid is^m[Ave vili. 43* 
' Dorians, vol. i. jjp. *2i, '22* 
I Iljnd^ iL 6d3f 3t«4. 



SETTLE^IENT OF THE DOEIAKS IN DEYOPIS. Apt. Book X. 



mius, their mythic ancestor, was aaid to have conteDded i^ and 
Bince, according to some accounts,* the Dorian colonies in Crete 
proceeded from tluit region : they mu^t descend Pindus that they 
might reach Dryopiis, their well-kno"\vii hiibitfitlon in later times ; 
and they must be called Macedonians, in order to give a fotindation 
to those claims of Hellenism which the Macedonians wei'e in the 
habit of preferring, not only for their royal family, bnt for their 
whole nation,* The very lowest degree of ci*edit must be con*sidered 
to attach to these legends, which receive no support from Homer,* 
and are foil of internal improbabilities. All that can be said to be 
a*icei*ta.ined of the Dorians before they settled in the Feloponnese, is 
Jhe fact that t bey previously inhabited the *' small and sad region "■ 
known in historical times as D6ris, or the Doric mEtropolis, where 
they had a confederacy of four townships, Pindus, Boi?um« Citinium, 
and Erineus,^ aU situated in the valley of the Find us river. Of this 
country they wore reported to have gained possession by the expnl* 
aion of the Dryopes, one of the most ancient races of Greece, which 
may be regarded as a sister-tribe to the Pelasgi, Leleges, Cauconefi, 
DoloiKiS, &c. ; but this expulsion does not seem to rest upon sue" 
evidence as entitles it to take rank among the establishea fects oi 
history.' 

3. According to the prevailing legend, the Dorians were inducted 
to leave their seata under Parnassus by the entreaties of a Wnd of 
fugitives from the Peloponnese, who begged their aid in order to 
effect a return to their native countI^^ These fugitiTes vrere th* 
Heraclidffi, or descendants of Hercules, by hereditary right the 
royal family of Argos, but expelled from the Peloponnese by a 
usurper of their own house (DEluiystheus), and at his death superse-dod U 
by another ancient Peloponnesian family, the Pelopidse, or de- V 
scendants of Pel ops. Eeceived with open arms by the Doriane and 
adopted into their body, the Heraclidaa became the ruling family of 
the nation whose aid they had sought, and imparted the name of 
Hylleans to their principal tribe.* After various attempts to forc«^ 



^ Apoilod. n* Til. 7; Diod. Sic. iv. 37; 
Stmb. ix, p* 637^ An undent «pic, ascribed 
to Hesiod, and enrttUed * £gimiaft/ probably 
deKTibed Ms contest, (siee SJulkr's llorians^ 
vol. U pp. 33-35, E.T.) 

« ADdroo, Ft- 3 ; BJod* Sic it. 60 ; t. 
80. 

* See Mtiller'* Dorknai Ttih u p. 40. 

* Homer does mA know of Ektmiii any- 
ifrhfre but in Crere (CM. lii. 177). Tbey 
di) t]cit appem' among* the i'ombatantff cf tlie 
Hind. 

* Mr. Grot* (Hist, of Greece^ to], iu p. 
3B8) thus happily reudi-rs tht frAhttt jucxpal 
ictd Kvwp^x^pt^i of Strabo, \x. p. 6'20. 

"^ Eriuei^ ftOGins to be the corrftji form, of 
this name, not Erincitjn, whkh Mr. Or&te 
giT« {HiiL of Crreece, be 8up. cit^), See 
Andron ap. Strab. %, p. 693 (Fr* 4), ttj*' 
^ZpiftAtf ; ScylAc PeripL p. 53 ^ Ptol* iii. 
15 1 Tz«t£E^ nd Ljcopbr. 741, Mid P&Q ; 



I 



' K, 0- MiUkr npti^ the eridenoe li 
suffid«nt (I>amiu, toI. i. pp. 46-49) ; bat be 
confxsa thitt ** the eipoJsioit of the Dtji> 
plana ja tiekted in a manmer entirelj fiJa^ 
Ions." HiiTodottis in one place aambci It tidl 
Hercules and the Moliani (viE. 43. Coiii"^| 
pare Strab. Tiii. p. 54*2 ; Faustia. IT, ixsr^ 
% &-t Diod. Sic. IT, 37; Etym. Mi^. wl 
voc- 'Aduycrf ), elsewhere apparently to tiic 
UonanB (i. 56). 

* M^miiaAt th« Ibnan diief who rt^ 
cd.\^ the Heradula, was made to h*Vt fMH 
EouB ei hia own^ Pauapbyiui and I>yiDii. 
On the arrival of the Hei»clid«, h* adtipted 
HyUua, whence the nainea ijf the tirw 
DdHan trih^, HyUeaaat FMnpbyluuut, and 
PyiDanatae. (Set Apollod. n. Tiii. § 3, ad 
ak; l^phor. Fr. 10; Steph, Btz. wj 
Avfut^l SdioL nd Fmd. Ffth. L nU) 




Ebsat I. BOKIAN CONQUEST OF THE PELOPONKESE. 



269 



tbelr way into the peninsula bj the Isthmus of Corinth » which 
were met and defeiited by the inhabitants,* the Doriana under tbeir 
Heracleid leaders at last effected the paEiisage of the Corintliiaii 
Qulf near its mouth, in ships which they had built at Naupactus^ a 
port granted to them by the OzoliaTi Locriana. They were accom- 
panied on their expedition by Oxylus, an iEtolian chief,* who was 
ae^irotis of possessing bimaelf of the rich country of Elia» where he 
Wl recently paased a year of estile ; and who was thus qualified by 
acquamtance with this part of the Peloponnese to serve aa guide to 
the iiivadere. He conducted the fleet from Naupactus to Moljcrium 
at the mouth of the gulf» and thence crossing to Panonnus, led the 
iK^rians through Arcadia against the AehaBan force, which was 
collected under Tisamenes* the son of Orestes, near the isthmus. 
A battle wds fought in which the Doriana were completely vie* 
Ikrious, and the inheritance of the Heraclidas was recovered. As 
lie family of Hyllus had now divided into three branches," a three- 
fold division of the aucient Achpeaa territory was made. Lots 
were drawn for the kingdoms of Argos, Sparta, and Messenia, the 
first of which fell to Ttmeuns (the eldest of the eons of Aristo- 
ttiaclitts), the second to Eurysthenes and Frocles, the infant childi'en 
of Aristodemus (the second son), and the third to Cresphontes (the 
third 8on\ who had craftily contrived to* obtain this fertile terri- 
tory for himself by placing in the urn an unfair lot/ Elis was 
^ven to Oxylus, according to previous agreement. A portion of 
the Achfeans rcfiiiscd t*> submit to the conquerora, and leaving their 
country entered Ionia ^the northern tract of the Pel opon nose ex- 
tending along the gulf of Corinth — where they overcame and 
expeUed the inhabitants, who sought a refuge in Attica. Thus the 



^ Throe fudt attempts ire DArrated; the 
first uotJer Hf Lliuit aller the doatb of Eiirj'^ 
ftheoA, in which fj^llua was akin b^ Edoe- 
mu3 (Herod. \x. 26; Schol, Find. 01* r, 
TB ) ; the ^ecmvl uocler Cliodanii. the soa of 
BjUiH^ who aUo ^ in an eupgetsent 
^(E&om. an, Kn9eh, Prscp. Ev. y. 2u, p. 210« 
SdtoL nd Find. hth. vii. IB) ; and the 
1 VLSkiimr Ailitoraachuf^ the goa of (JIm- 
»p which hftd the lanie ill lUoe^sa (ApoU 
lod* n* viij. I 'I ; (Enoni, L ». c, &e.). 

* Th« li^nd ranr — that thfl Delphin Oracle 
bsk Temenui take as ^id« (br hi» amiy a 
tbree^yt-d roan. Soon afkr, chancing to 
nmt Oxjlua, nrho had Uxt on ej^t, riJitig oti 
Inmback, h« at oqw reoogniied jd hini the 
mamaif ** tbree-eyad guide.^' (AplliKi. U. 
tilL 3.) Another aoxtuat a^isega^d th^' lo6i 
of ao tjte to the anitiLil od which Oiytua 
tvde i' Pausm. V. iu, § 5]^ 

* The mytliic ii^iimlo^ <if the Heraciidflj 
was iia /[jLIuwb t- — Here:i]1t!^ hjul fbar auus hj 
Deknii^ cif wbotD Hyilujt wus tlie eldest 
Hjllua kii a sou, Cl«xkiiu, who w^ the 
£itb^ of Arutaiimchmt. AiMMmch.QM hdd 
tlirfe childiea, TemeDU^, AHrtDdODiii, aiid 
Cm|iibitttia« Aristodemiis, uccordinjf to 
mmt maomtUf mgaeii at ^^jarta (HanHL vi. 



52); aoeocdin^ to otber«» he wai» killed bj 
lightning it Nanputua, leavitig bt^hiod him 
twtQ sonSi Eurysthenes vmd Prode& (Apolkid* 
n. viii, § 2i ad iin.) The genealogjr majr be 
thtu exhibited : — 

Hercnlai 



ArlstDtuiichiia. 



TemtidiiSb 



Aftotddemoa, 



I 



CreapboQtei. 



Earjstbeiiea. 



\ 



Fiociefl. 



^ The three parties were to draw lota for 
the three kingdojns by plodng euLh their 
pebble m a jar oC water, hwn which an in^ 
dldereat puraoa waa ta draw them forth. 
The firflt whose stone was dmwn out was to 
iieoeivfl Argoa, the sissind Spiirta; Maaenia 
would then rkll to the third. Crespbonte«, 
in order to obtain the third lot, which lie 
preferred to the others, instead of a atone 
pLiced in the |ar a lumpuf dajn which forth- 
with dbiolveiL (ApolLd. n. viu. g 4,) 



270 LEGENDARY CHARACTEB OF THE NARRATIVE, App. Book V. 

new arrangement of the reloponnese was coToplet-e : the country 
previously lield by the Achasans passed into the hands of the 
Dorians ; Ionia became Achaea ; the Epeane of Elis were merged 
in the ^taliami ; only the Ai^ciidiaDs and ('jmnrians remained 
nndisturbed in their ancient abodes, the former in the centi^ 
moon tain tract, the latter in a sequestered valle}" on the eastern 
shore,* 

4. Such is, in ontline, the legendary story that has eome dawn 
to ns concerning the mode whereby the Dorian oonquests in tho 
Peloponneee were effected. It is related oonBecutively by Apol« 
lodoruu' and PaiisaniaH,'' with whose statements the fragmenteiy 
notices in Herodotus ^ Thiicj'^dides, and other early writers appear 
in the main to agree.* Certain isolated traditions have, however, 
descended to ns, which are thought to militate against the general 
truth of this tale, and to indicate that the conquest was the result 
of at Icaet two separate and independent attacks, one proceeding 
from the JVlaiiac gulf by sea against Argos and the eastern coa«t, 
the other directed from iEtolia by way of EHs against MeeseniA 
and Sparta." But the writers from whom these notices come appear 
themselves to have been entirely un con scions of any discrepancy 
hetween the traditions in question and the common legend, which 
they accept and adopt unhesitatingly i^ and the facts which they 
record, even if admitted to be true* would seem to be quite insuffi* 
cient for the establishment of any definite hypotheaia.* Perhaps 
we must be content to acquiesce in the coiiclnsion of Xiebulir, 
that the conquest of the Peloponnese by the Dorians is a fact, hut 
that *' we do not possess the slightest historical knowledge of the 



I 



I 



* Cf* Herod, viii. 73. 

* Bibtbthec. n. viii, 

' Elint. (ii, § &. iv, § L 

" S« Herod, u &6, vL 52, ii, n j Thutyd. 
i. 9, 12- Tyrtn:itfi ap. PiauMn. vn. Jonr, 
g 3; Find. Pyth* i. 61, ic 

' Panisuiins, in tj/mking of the iKilatfid 
hill on the Ar;^rc ajasty called the Temenion, 
sajs that it waa fKH-upi^J hy^ the Dorians id 
their w^ with Tismnenus^ and farmod the 
stTonghold from which th*y raade their at- 
tfidcs upon ArgDfl (ii. xxrtiii. ^ 1). A ad 
Thui.!5'dLiiei mcatJoiis a HimilfU' oocfapAtion hj 
the Doriaos of the height called Solygius, 
Deir Corinth, from which their attack waa 
iinTiiid OD agojuift thtit plaee (iv. 42). Fitim 
the [Kiidtion of thesti two hdghtH^ it is argti«d 
that the a&.^ilaLDt^ mnM hare come by 9en^ 
and the assumptictn in vD^dts that ther left 
the Maliae tpulf in ahipe, nnd ejected their 
cooqueiti't Idfi^ th« Koi'manfi., by descents upon 
the txmsst from tlidr ve«adj9 (Mulbr's Dorians, 
voL i. p, 90. E. T.; Grote'i History of 
Oreeoe, toI. ii. )ifi, 416-419), 

^ FaiisatiJas i& otie of the chief authttritini 
fflr the donimon legend {fcp aboT^e^ note ^). 
Thucydirle.^, by ipeaking cf the tonquest as a 
Mlagh event, fiud onsigoijig to It 4 ptirtkuki' 



y«ar (L i2\ abowH tkit he did m>t Tkw it 
w the retnlt of a seziei of afiptfate and nn- 
Gocmected nttacka. 

5 Mr, Grote»ji {Hist. ofGreeos, toI. B* 
p. 416) " it Ii difficult to HK hov iJw 
Dorians can have got to the Temeiuiun m 
uny other way than If tm." But if thgf 
harl defeated the Achicsnt in liattle^ and wert 
moKters of the open conotry, white lh« 
natives itOL maiotaiiifid themaelTea in llvir 
fortiBed cities, tliey might tiE oa any tiiii^blt 
pcoition tor an itrirtixto'^ agiainft mek 
place. That the Temeoiuic lay betwuu 
Ar^cm and the 9ea is iki proof that Dm 
Dodam advaiKsed ft^m the lea, any niett 
tiuit the tuO. that ]M*[&^ Liy ta th» ikotth 
of A them ii a proof that tJie i^paHam «^ 
tiidked Athens from the north. With respici 
to thu hill Salygiaii, whith^ Mr* Gn^te nysp, 
**■ is tbi* Diear^t and moftt ooiiTenient holdin^f- 
fntJimd Ibra raarithne bvader," it may t* 
Dbeerr^ that it m M^nally ooareoiciit lor tt 
eni^my who ittsdu Ob^rio^ by lund frtnn 1^ 
PdopoMi0«, It h a iipar of the Ooiia, 
wtuch protects Corinth wpou the south, DO 
whii^h an ea«my from that quait^r iniHl 
efl'tjet a lodgment before he oould dnoelld lotiV 
tJie mnAy pUin of tli« lAthmiu. 




LlL 



TLAGE OF INGRESS. 



circninstancee accompanjiug it," ' The legendary lale above given 

I seeoui to be the invention of poets, who, when all memgry of the 

mode wherein the conqnest w&a effected had faded away^ cumpoeed 

I a narrative which might seem to acconnt for the atate of thinga 

exi&ting at the time when they wrote* 

0* The tradition of the place at which the Dorians effected their 
entmnee may, however, be accepted, since it h one which would 
not be likely to he invented, as the Isthmus is the natural door of 
ingre««i to the Peloponneae,* and since it accords with certain cir- 
enmsiances in the character of the people, and in the position of 
their earliest settleiucnte* The Dorians were at all times unskilfnl 
in the attac^k of walled places ; * and if the Pelaegic popnlation of the 
Peloponnese, so famous for its Cjclopian architecture ^ had eata* 
blished (as m not iiopossible*) a rampart across the isthmus at this 
oarly date, or even if they had blocked with walls the difficult 
passes of the Oncia/ it may readily be conceived that the Dorians 
would have found it impossible to force an entrance. And the 
aettlements at StenyclOrus and Sparta, which are certainly among 
the verj' first in which the conquei^ra established themeelves, are 
iM has been shown') readily accessible from the western side of 
Ureeoe, by a route which passes through Elis and Tisatis, up the 
tiUey of the Alpheus, and thence into that of the Eurotas, over 9i 
Ml of no great height. It appears to be on the whole more pro- 
iM§ that the entii^ migration took this direction than that two 
datiact lines were followed, as Mr. Orote supposes. The theory 
""lit the Dorians were '"the Normans of Greece,'* and setting out in 
eta of ** piratical canoes,*' proceeded frnm the Maliac Gnlf bj sea 
tgiinst the distant Peloponnese,' has gi^eat diflicuities, and is desti- 
tute of any solid foundation J The Dorians, despite some brilliant 
eiamples to the contrary in later times, are an eseentially nn- 



* Uturet 0a Andent Hiitorr, vol, i. p, 

^ Sw Thxujd. L 13, and not* m ihk cfln- 
^^^ tK(f iDnfoUit J iif tii^ Spartans to ooii- 
•"i^'e of iht EVrsiaks «iit*friiig m any other 
*»r iHiTod. vin. 40, a. 7, 8, At), The 
**^ " Isthmus *^ h by some derived fitjm 
Ine nent (-, which appeajn m the Greek Uraif 
j« Ufta tre, &<■. (^ Scott and Uddtll's 
•^**ft, nJ Tret, 'ifffl^i, and Sm]tli*fi Diet, 
•[ ^^* and Eom, GflOgraphr^ ad ¥0C* 

Ct Herod, is. 70, i&d aot^, m llht^tra^ 
f^. ibi htig sk^ of Uhom^ (Thutyd. i, 
1^3) tttd tlw htockoitc of Plfttffa (ibui ii. 

H hi true that ** the first Isthmian waJl 
J'f^oM io histoij^ wa» lh« mt thro^-n np 
■ wsteby the PeU4»aa«riiina vhea Xeiiw« 
^afctliing into Gtwoe*' (Dwt. i^f Gk. 
^ Kem, (i«qgniph. i. p* 684) ; bat wpraay 
^^ '^t UiiH was r»Dy the rfSjfomJii'ti ul" 
•*«"d*Atot Could the Spartans otber- 
^ ^ team^skuA the taak— a bit tic* 
■Matei wiii, At lixist ^i iai]e« in length— 



within the spiifx d" ii &w motithi^ ? 

' There are remains of walls in the&« pai^sfi 
(Chandler^ Trai?i!ls, il. ch. 58, p, :i73) ; bn» 
] am not aware if they are Cycbpuin. That 
pa.s»«s weri; earh guarded by wdls ia sJiowa 
in Hewfi vji. 17G. 

* See Grotc'fi History of Greece, toL ii. 
p. 43&. 

* Grote^ iL p. 4! 7; MtllWs Dorian*, i. 
p. 90, E. T. 

1 Mr. Grote [ii. p. 416, note *) finds a 
foundaticm for it not only in the £iup|io9ed 
Cfilonixation of Crete from Dciriw, but also in 
the expLanatloii wliidi Arist4)tk |^rt of the 
prorerb, MifXiafc^i" irXoroi^* (S«e Pfact« In. 
Synag. p, bM, 9,) He oontiderB Aristatk 
Xti represent Hippotes (the thtber of Aktea — 
the Kjythic founder of Corinth), ai ** haTJn^ 
cTDseed the Maliac Gnlf in ship* for thp poT" 
pcwe of cobnising/' But Arii^totle makea hd 
mention at all of the Maliac Gulf; mid it is 
quite unoertmn to what time he mwat the 
story to refer. (See C, M filer's Dott^ Ln th« 
Fra^, Hist Gr. toL ii, p, 15<l.) 



272 TIME OP THE INVASION. App.BooiV. 

nautical people. Their towns are built at a distance from the 
coast— they are slow to colonise — at sea they feel out of their 
element — their system discourages voyaging: they are Ihoroni^ 
landsmen, and if it be said that neverthelefta they are found tta 
very early period in situations which they could only have readied 
in ships, we may reply that, in the first place, the evidence of Ae 
fact is doubtful ; and, secondly, that at best the cases adduced m 
so rare as to present all the appearance of exceptions to a geneni 
rule.' An examination of the supposed parallel case of the Diyo- 
pians' shows very strikingly the improbability of the Dorian coo- 
quests having been eflfected by sea. The Dryopiana undoubtedlj 
started on shipboard from their original country upon the Millie 
Gulf, and the consequence is that we find their settlements widely 
dispersed, and universally upon the coasts. They are found at Ev- 
mione, Eion, and Asin6 on the coast of Argolis, at Styia aad 
Caiystus of Eubcea, in Cythnos, in Cyprus, and again in the Mee- 
senian Asine, inhabiting either actual seaports, or towns remowd 
but a very short distance from the shore. The Dorians, on the 
contrary, occupy a single continuous territory, and all their chief 
cities are inland, as Sparta, Stenyclerus, Argos, Troezen, Corinth, 
Megara, and Sicyon. Results so widely different can only be 
accounted for by a difference in the manner of the two migivtioos. 
6. With respect to the time at which the conquest was mede^ 
the tradition usually followed* — which first appears in Thuoydidee' 
— placed the event in the eightieth year after tJie Trojan war, end 
the twentieth after the migration of the Boeotians fit)m Ara^ B 
Thessaly. No great reliance can be placed on a tradition of tUi 
sort, which even if accepted fails to furnish a definite date, sinoe 
the Trojan war, though probably a real event, is one the time of 
which cannot be fixed within two centuries.* The question whether 
the Greeks had any means of accurately estimating the lapse of 
time before the institution of the Olympic festival is one of greet 
difficulty ; and the answer to it will vary according to the Wief 
that is entertained of the nature of those public records which vere 
preserved from a remote period in many Greek cities/ If the 
anagraphs of the Spartans, for instance, contained, besides the vm^ 



' The meDtion of Dorians in Crete by p. 417. 
Homer (Od. xix. 177) shortly after the * The mterval of eighty years was •Jojitei 

Trojan war Is the most remarkable notice by Eratosthenes (ap. Clem. Alei. Sfc«». 

bearing on this subject. If we believe the vol. i. p. 402), by Apollodoms (ap. Pw^ 

fact, we must suppose either that the Dorians Sic. i. 5), by Crates (ap. Tatian. 49, p. 10"). 

had sailed at this early time fiom Greece by the Pseudo-Plutarch (De vit. Horn. ii.3i 

proper to Crete, or else that at a still more p. 720. ed Wytt.), by Velleius Pktercolw 

remote era they hatl passed into Crete from (i. 2), by Syncellus (pp. 321 and 335), bf 

Asia. They may have done S4> on their way Tzetzes (Chil. xii. 193), and others, xieit 

to Euroj*. Perha|)8, however. Homer is were, however, conflicting accounts. Hemenl 

guilty of an anachronism, and assigns to the tells us (1. s. c.) that some reckoned 120 tni 

time of the Trojan war what did not really others 180 years between the two events, 
take pku'e till some time after the Dorian * Thucyd. i. 12. 
conquest of the Peloponnese. There was no • See note * on Book ii. eh. 1 45. 
settled tnidition concerning the colonisation ' See the Essay on the Life and Writin?i 

of Crete (see I>trab. x. p. 69^^). of Hei-odotus, prefixed to vol. L (ch. ii. 

' See Giote's Ilistuiy of Grecc^, vol. ii. pp. 43, 44). 



Bs8a¥ I. 



APPROXIMATE BATE, B.C. 1046, 



273 






I 



of their kings, the mimbor of years tliat each king reigned^ which 
ii a probable conjecture of Ottfried Muller's ' — a means of calcn- 
kting back with exactness to the first settlement of the JDorians in 
Sparta would have existed. Even if the names only were pre- 
served, together with the relationship of each king to the ]neoeding 
mo&arch, it wtmld have been easy to make a rough estimate, which 
ccmld not be far wrong, of the date in question. The number of 
gene rations from AristodemiiB to the invasion of Greece by Xeriea, 
Ift given by ITerodotiiH (who traces the descent of both the Spartan 
kings at that time ') as seventeen ; and hence we obtain aa an 
approximate date for the Dorian conquest, the year b,c, 1046.^ The 
establishment of the Olympic contest about midway in the list of 
Spartan kings, which is an independent tradition,^ confirms this 
estimate, since it furnishes a date for the reign of Theopompus, the 
tiisth ancestor of Leotychides, almost exactly 300 years before 
I^eotychides ; whence wo might conclude that the ninth ancestor 
of Theopompus would reign about 300 years earlier, or b.c» 1080, 
On the whole it may be assumed as probable that the fii'st lodg- 
Tnent of the Dorian invaders in the Peloponnese belongs to the 
middle or the earlier half of the eleventh century before cur era^ 
4md that it followed on the Trojan war within one, or at most two 
centuries* 

7, Various tales were current concerning the manner of the con- 
qnasL According to the most poetical (which w^as also the most 
popular) legend, a single defeat produced the general eubmission 
<jf the Achieans ; and the realms of the Atiida were at once par- 
titioned out among the three sons of king Aristomachus, Temenus, 
Cresphontes, and Aristodemus, the last*named being represented 
by his infiint- children* Other accounts, however, told of a longer 
and more doubtful contest, The story of tbo Teraenium, however 
"we understand it/ fieema to show that even in Argolis there was a 
prolonged resistance to tbe invaders ; and in Laconia it would appear 
that" the conqnest wue only effected after a fierce and bloody stmggle, 
which lasted for above thi'ee centuries. The independence of 
Amy^clee, a strong town little more than two miles distant from 
Bparta. till within fifty years of the first Olympiad, is a fact esta- 
blished upon ample evidence;^ and this fact, even if it stood 
alone, woidd sufficiently indicate that the Spartan Dorians were 
confined within very narrow limits during the first two or three 
cen times after their establishment in the valley of the Eurotas* 



• Doriani, vol. i. p. 150^ K T* Mr. 
Oinloa thinks tbui, il' th« ymr* had been 
repster«U *' there wuuli buTo beta. Itm uq* 
etrUmty in (lie (lute of Uie Trojan war" 
(F- H. vrtL I p. 332). But tbu unoertaititf 
mi^t psitlj arise (ma different f»tj mates of 
Ibe tiiiK l)«lwdffi the M of Tr&f and the 
•ettkmtat iff tht DoniuiB at Sparta (see 
lb6T€» note ^)» pAitlj^ from the oJciiUtioAS 
bong hM/ed iipoQ other and cooHictiiig dattu 

* 6ei BmvL tIL 204, and vm, 131. 
1 Se rfp to eo geoenticais, cakuUied »icord- 

\0h. IIL 




ing to the estunatfl of Herodotus »t three to 
the tietjturj, will prodoot a total of 566* 
rmfi. Tbi£ kqiq^ ichbd to the date of the 
ktik of imkmk (B.C. 4^0 + 5BB - B.G. 
1046). give; the ymt malkmied m the t^t, 

3 Diod, Sic ap. £u«eb, Chioii. Can. Pan 
i. c. 35. 

« Supra, p, 270. 

* Pausan, ni, ii. 6, liL 7, Ac Oomp, 
Ephor, Ft. 18; Conoo. 36; Hk. Dimaflc. 
Fr. 36 ; Serv. ad Mn, t* 564, Jbc 



274 



DORIAN SETTLEMENT AT SPABTA, Ait. Book T, 



We loam^ however^ from Pausanias and othet writers* that many 
oities of Laconia besides Amy clee were fii^t^ reduced to subjeetinti 
about the &ame period ; Phaiis and Gerontlu^ in the reign of the 
same monarch who captured Amyol^^ -^gy« on the borders of 
Arcadia in the imga of his father, Helos in the plain netir the 
mouth of tlie EnrotoK in that of bis son. In Meseenia too ther^ 
■were independent towns till near the close of the eighth centuiy 
11, c, as is evidenced by the list of Olympic victors preserved in 
EusobiUB.* It thus api>earfl that the AchieanB, instead of yielding 
upon a single defeat, and either quitting their comitr>^ or l>cc<jming 
the willing subjects of the conquerors, maintained witli great 
tenacity their hold upon the territory, and were only dispossessod 
by slow degrees and after centuries of contest. 

8* The Dorian settlement at Sparta was the lodgment of a band 
of immigrants, forced to seek new abodes by the straitnesa of their 
own limits, in a portion of a valley easily defensible, which at oaco 
gave them a secnre home, and enabled them to threaten a city of 
impoitance, the metropolis of a considerable kingdom. This waa 
Amy else, which is with reason believed to have been ^* the ancient 
capital of Laced romon," ' being in tradition the home of Tyndarens 
and his family," and the seat of the ooort of Agamemnon :' and 
possessing the tombs of that monarch and of Cassandra^ as well as 
all the most ancient and venerated sanctuaries.^ Whether a forefgn 
invitation coincided with the desire of the Dorians to emigrate, asd 
determined their settlement to the particular site actually preferped, 
which is a conclusion dra^n by some modem writers from a tradi- 
tion mentioned in Ephorus,s or whether the position itself decided 
them, is open to question. The site of Sparta, though not so 
striking as that of Athens, Corinth, or even Thebes, was one pos- 
fessing most of the features regarded as important in ancient times. 
The Eurotas^ which, from its source on the stiutheiii flank of the 
Arcadian highland to its junction with the CEnus a little above 
ISparta, is a mere rapid mountain -stream running in a narK>w 
valley, emerges shortly after the junction upon an open space, the 
modem plain of 3Iistray which is again closed towai'de the south by 
the approach of the mountains on both sides to the edge of the 
stream, at a distance of about six miles frum the point ^here the 
. plain commences. In this open space, surrounded on all sides by 
lofty moim tains, the flanks of which are scarped and precipitous, 
stands a cluster of lesser elevations, from 50 to 60 feet above the 
level of the plain, guax^ed on the north and south by torrent- 
courses, and on the east protected by the stream of the Eurotaa, in 



) 



< 



* The mpture ei PboriA tuid Geronthne 
» iiiQiitiaB«d bj PaiiflotiiA^ (Ui. li. 7), thai 
of MgjA br th« tsuue writer (ibid. § ]>), 
tluht of Helos bj him (ibid. | 7); and 
Phlegon ofT™i]c!i(Fr. i.). 

" Chrou. Cao, Firs I. e. 33. Oiythemis 
ilie Gtmitiaiii ii a ustive of CoroQ^^ in Mvs» 
iOBia, Dili pfCbzuiuEa m Bifiitk. (See Grote'i» 
Gnice, vol. ii* p. 444, nofce*) 

' Kiebiibr's iedures on Andent Hbtory, 



ToL f. p. 233, E. T, CouiraTC Thirl waH'i 
Hiatorj- tsf Greece^ toL J, A, vii. p. *iS7, 
aod MuMer'a Dorians, vol. L pp. 106-109* 
£:,T. 

* PauiMin. ni. i. § 3p 4. 

* SimoaitiRi, Fr* 177 ; 
SchoU Earip* Orest* 46 » 

I Cf, PHuam* iiu lit, 

^ Fr, 18, J»e Grpb^ vol ij. p. 44 L 



I 







ORIGINAL LIMITS OF THE TERRITORY. 



275 



L 



place rarely fordable.* Here, upon these Lilli, at the upper end 
I tlxis remarkable banin — the ** hollow Lacedronion *' of Homer* 
-was built the cluster of villages, Limna?, Pitao^, ftlewoa, and 
which formed in the aggregate the town of 8part-a.* 
T til© lower extremity of the plain — most probably on an kolated 
overlooking the Euro tan, where now atiinda the church of Aia 
l^riaki* — was the strong citadel of AmycloB, the city itself extending 
the north and west amid groves and gardens/ nearly to the 
called the Tiasus. The settlement at Sparta was clearly an 
mlvifffAa^ or position occupied for puiposes of offence, againat 
|imjelse. standing in nearly the same relatiLm to that place in which 
original Rome upon the Capitoline and Palatine hilk stood to 
le 8abirie settlement upon the Quirinah That Amyclffi succeeded 
in maintaining its independence for three oenturies^ — a fact con- 
Jesnnng which there can be little doubt '-^was owing, in part to 
Use ikength of it« position^ in part to its walls and tbe inexpertness 
ti the Dorians at sieges. So long as it withstood the attacks of 
tte Spartans, it would block against them the lower valley of 
'tte Em-otae, the whole of which down to the sea-coti-st. nin«t have 
l*aiained in the hands of the Acbajans,* At the same time the 
i^illied chains of Pamon and Taygetus would confine the Spartann 
^ tie right and on the left^ so that they could expand freely only 
to*ftidB the north j where the upper valleys of the Enrotas and the 
ffittns gave them a ready access to the territories of their neigh- 
wuis. Accordingly we find wars with these northem neighbours 
*«tinctly assigned to this period of the Spartan history by writers 
^ tigh authority.^ The posseasion of Cynuria was disputed with 
|^^gWi:a distant expeditiona were conducted into Arcadia j* and 
piiarTek began with the sister state of Messenia, between which 
^f iiSparta there had existed at firt^t very close relatitms of friend- 
ttip.* The stubborn resistance of the Acheean capital, while it 



I Tluif ilesmptioti is taken chi«fly irom 
»l- hfake (Moral, vol. i. pp. 150-180), 
[J**t imcoant of the IcieaJiti^ diflers am- 
■feibiT fr*m that given ty Ottftled M tiller, 
^ ivpWiited in the map attaobid to tKe 
Wiib tmnMbtioii of bh wotk, whicli mftp 
Id the i«?oiid tulume di Mr, 

Od. 11?* 1 , &c*, and eoliiijare the Pi- 
of Strnbo (viii. p. 527 ), $im f^iv 

, ni, xri. 6 ; Strab. vui. p, 528 ] 
Corp. Juicrip, Vet, 1241, 1:4-18, 
|Nn 1435; St«[>b. Byz. vd. voc, Mftr^o. 
I * Leake'i Mcin*, vol i. p. 144. 
) ? PoItL v. Ill* 2* 

(• The rtatement of Pindar (fyth. L 65) 

** the [)oruim, oa thoir dfwsat Irom 

Awk^ Qo.'vpial Am 7eLe,"ti a mere poetical 

id whJuh na weight (an be 

The dft!um*tarititil &t*jry tuld by 

(Ft. 16), that ** Philommua thfl 

Df having beti-ayed Spaitji to Um 




Doriuvsi And penm«d«d the iiihiil»tantA to 
n-tire without a fitruggle iQto luaia, recsiveil 
Amjclw ns a recotn|>ecioe for his senricee," ii 
an attempt to giom over the luLpalatabk &et 
that the dty resiitted the bputna attacks, 
a^ to recoodk its knovirn jodependetux with 
the theory of the immediate ami oompleie 
oooqiieat of Laconia bf the invwlers. 

* ICpliDniB i L i. c*J titad^ Hekss fell into 
the hat)d& of Sparta as early as the rvigu t>f 
A^is^ atid spoke of Pharn aad l-jis Ksmtog 
the coliqitee^l^ ef EiityitheiieH and FTix\t» ; 
but Pharis is found to be iadepeadrait in the ' 
reign of Teledus, who tmlucm it (Paaain. 
ni* ii* § 6). and Helos liaa to be tab-o by 
his »P AiiAuifn^s (ibid* § 7). 

* Amtut* FoL ii, B, and OdtDpore the 
eustiiDg lUtUs. 

* Fnumti* m. \u I 3, 3, and viL § 2. 

* mutarch, Vit* lycttTig* a. 2 J Poljffn* 
ii. 13. 

^ Afl is e^-idanced by the egpsteo^ of lb* 
teciple of Minerva Limn»ti« near the 
«f Mount Tflygfltwa* and od the tou- 
T 2 



276 



THE DOUBLE MOKARCHT. 



Apf. BookT* 



clae cited the progress of Sparta towards tLe souths favoured perkapii, 
rather than hindered, its growth in the opj>oe*ite direction, 

9. Tho internal history of Sparta during these centuries is in- 
volved in great obscurity, and prc!?ients, indeed, difficnlties of no 
common kind. The peculiarity of the double monarchy is the first 
thing that attracta attention when the early Spartan con^titntioa 
is brought under review% It ia ohvions that the popular tradition * 
fumihhea no eatiafiictory explanation of this remarkaLle anomaly, 
to which the annals of the world do not present a parallel.* \\e 
ain scarcely doubt that tKe arrangement either arose out of a 
struggle for the crown between two families of almost equal power 
and influence, or was a contrivance of the nobles to weaken the 
royal authority. In either case the real historj^ of the institution 
is loBt, and has been superaecled by fables which furnish no clue 
to the truth. Again, great doubt is thrt^wn e%^en upon the bars 
genealogj^ of the early kings, by the fact that the two royal houscis 
were known in actual history, and from veiy remote times, by the 
names of Agids and Eurypontids, instead of Eurystheneids and 
Procleids. The explanations attempted of this circnmstance are coo- 
flicting, while no one of them is very probable f and it cannot hut 
be auKpeeted tliat Agie and Eurypon were respectively the first kings 
of their houses, and that their predecessors in the genealogy, Eury- 
sthenea in the one case, Procles and Soils in the other, were either 
of a diiFerent race, or else belong to the class of purely fictitious 
poniionages^ Thirdly, it is difficult to understand what exactly was 
that state of sedition or lawlessness (orn^ic or arof^iQ*) under which 
the Lacedasmonians arc said to have groaned during these centurie*, 
and from which they were delivered by the legislation of Lycurgus, 
The explanation offered by some writers," that it was merely a 
departure from the ancient Dorian institutions — a casting off, under 
the influence of success, of the rigid discipline which had originally 
prevailed, and through which a clan of mountaineers had }md 
strength and energy enough to overthrow the mighty kingdoms 
of the Atridfie— can scarcely be received as true, since it is based 
upon an unproved and yery questionable supposition, viz* tliat 
the institutions of Lycui*gus were the mere revival of a primitiTe 
system, * and it is far from hanuonising with the expressions by 
which the aueient writers describe the condition of things anterior 



I 



4 



fibes of F^|)<urtii and M«ieiiia« ^hich wm com- 
mon to the two Diiti4>ijs (Fnusoo. iv. u. 2), 
^ Herod, vi. 52, 

* Mr. Grote notices tbe ** |3€culiarity " of 
this lastiiuiioti^ but attempts no ^plAriAtion 
(Hi»t. of Greet*, vol. |i, p. 4*14). Nfcillier 
Mulkf t)or Bifvhop ThtrlwaU appears to he 
struck hj the Jinomaly. 

* AcssjTdmg to tlphoms^ EijrystherK^ j^nd 
Proclra oflended the Dormas by tiie fnvour 
which they Bhoweii to foreigners [St^ap^iifom 
iiHiKvSvkt &¥9p^oin^ tph. Fr« 19), and 
were therefore not h"u.oiired as fouuders. 
AixnixtiDg; to Paii.«4uiiA8, ProcleM wnji so rt- 
garded, and the klug^i of bu bou&e weire 



(»]Jed PrtNdeiis imtO Eurypoa (iiL i^ f 1)^ 
whose glory eclipfi^d tHnt of lib prcdeoes&sfi, 
Plutarch n^ards SdiIj m a more gkfVMlf 
km^ thou Eurypon, and aocouatj. for tbt 
latter giving hii name to the low^r jiiie of 
kings by hi^ concessions to the mub (Bij/ur 
7eQ'£jr xed x^P^C^M^'^^^ '''^^ KtokXalj, VtL 
lyiurg. i\ 2). 

• Herod, i. 65 ; H<r«did. Poot. Fr. 'I \ 
Thocyd. i. 18 ; Plut Lyo h Ji.c, 

B ThlFlwaUi voL i. ch. S, p. 301 1 HeeraoV 
Afiwual of Anc Hiai. p« 13*3 | Hienma'i 
Pol. Ant. of Greece, S23» 

iThiH poiijt trill b* f\irther 
bcloW; £«£ pp. 2B4-2Stip 




Eaaar L 



SPAHTA UNDER THE EARLY KINGS. 



277 



to tlie Lycurgeaa legislation. That conditioti is distinctly declared 
to have beeo one of tumult and disturl>awce^^ not merely one of 
liixtiry and relaxed discipline. So far indeed from discipline 
fcaving l»eeD relaxed under the early kings, we havo iho direct 
t'^stim^ny of Arii^tc»tle to the fact, that the way wae prepared for 
'th.B at riot regulations of Lvcurgm* by the hardy lifo and warlike 
liabits to which the Spartans had been accustomed for 8ome time 
previously,' According to some accounts, the dteorders in question 
cJonsiMted in the main of struggles between the ** people " — by 
"which we are probably to understand the Dorian inhabitants of 
ti^parta — and their kings,* who at one time made rash concessions, 
find at another stiffly maintained, gr even unduly exalted their 
preiogative/ If we accept this view, they would resemble in some 
meastire the disturbances in Cyreu4, which Demonaic was called in 
to end/ but which hii* legislation, less felicitous than that ef the 
8partan lawgiYer, only tended to aggravate. 

10* According to some writei"is, however^ the early disputes at 
Sparta were not so much between the kings and their Dorian 
subjecta, ait between the Dorian coTi<|Ueror» and the submitted 
Achaeans. Tliese last were, we are told, admitted in the first in- 
staDce to full or qualified citizenship ; but after a while a jealousy 
against tbeui argj^, and tLey were deprived of their rights, and 
neduced to the condition of freemen without political privilege/ 
Great discontent followed^ sonietiiuiH bursting out into revolts,* 
which furnished an excuse fur fit .sh severities, rebellion being 
punished by loss of freediTii;^ 1 liuv it would mem that the three 
claasQs were formed into wliii h th^- i.aiedwemonians are divided in the 
historical age — 1* Spartans, 2. Perigeci, and 3, Helota — the first 

»the sole pos4sessors of political rights and privileges, the second free 
but without franchise, the third serfs attached to the soil, cul- 
tivating it for the benefit of their masters. 

It ia timiecessary to describe at length the condition of these 
three classes. Bishop Thirl wall in the eighth chapter of his 
Hietory/ Mr. Grote in his second volume,^ and writers of repute in 



^ Set eopedayj Thuefd. L 18. i^ Ao- 
* Pol. iL H. 



receir^ full citixeiiBhip (pttixovras iral 
assigiiit tiiem n lower position (KoitwirQi^f 
I'auatJi. p. 270), The Lutter writer «ppam 



* Tbe fullest fteoount h that of Pliitflreh distiuctlj to Tegard the 4irtariianoe« whidi 



4k Si Till TOiacrTfji av>4(rfaii too fjtky B'f\fiov 



armt QtL the los of rlgbu ms the ori^tr 
which was g^enerally BLid to luir« preoeded 
the efttabUshment of rvfv^fia, 
* The r«voLt at He1(», which Epbonv 



rk fiiif kwtx^^of^**'"'^ ^^' ^id^fff^&i To^f mad« the consequence of the diioantentj cmh* 
r^AAm^F, f^ If wphf X^fi*^ ^^' ^^^*^tii^' not be itooepted as hist£»rical, iJnce Heloswu 
£rT9i^«p«^fVuv, ^vo^U Ko^ jLTol^a ff^TtfT^f itjll Acb)i*iui (iiifTi, p. 2B19), bul thntof^g^fp 



* Thus we omr beat cKplkiE the " tjrrwiny " 
of ChftHlAQa (An Pol v. LO; tierMiiiJ, 

H •Eerod, m tiSK 

^B ^ IfOi3%ia and Kphonu ore the nutbor>tj» 

^B Ibr thk Tkw. Ephorui umka tbc l^rusd 



(E^uaan. lU, % | 5 J vtmf wtW bftve occumd 
Id this CDDiiisioD^ 

1 VoL i. pp. 30 0-3 U. 



278 



THE THREE CLASSES — 1. SPARTANS; App.BooiV. 



various works upon Greek antiquities,* have treated ilie enbjectin 
such a way as to exhaust it, and are agreed in the main as to the 
facts. A few leading points however maybe noticed, which b»Te 
not always been given sufficient prominence. 

(i.) The Spartans were the free inhabitants of Sparta itself, not 
all the Dorian population of the country.* They were themsel^ 
chiefly, but not exclusively, of Doric blood, having among them 
JEgidse from Thebes, who were probably Cadmeians,^ Heraclida* 
and Talthybiadee,' who were Acheeans. They were originally all 
landed proprietors, possessed of considerable estates in Uie richot 
part of the territory," which they cultivated by means of their §eA 
or ITelc»ts. Tliey were gentlemen and soldiers, it being impoisiUe 
for them — at least from the time of the Lycurgean legislation—to 
engage in trade, or even to superintend their estates, their iM» 
lives being passed in the performance of state duties, either with 
the army or in the capital. 

(ii.) The Perioeci were the free inhabitants of the towns ind 
country districts around Sparta." Their share of the territoiy w* 
tsmall and of little value.* Trade, however, and oommereial enteN 
prise generally, manufactures, art, &c., were altogether in their 
hands; and thus they often acquired wealth,* and occasiODally 
were even employed by the Spartans in offices of conddenbb 
dignity.* Tliey formed an important element in the Sptrt«* 
army, where they served not only as light-armed but also •• 
heavy-armed;* and thus they must have been called upon to 
undergo a good deal of severe exercise and training, thon^ 
they were free from the oppressive burthen of the Lycnigein 
discipline. TTiey were probably for the most part descendiBtJi 
of the conquered Acha^ans, but with a slight Doric infusion,* 



' See particularly I)r. Smith's Dictionary 
of (ireek and Honian Antiq. ad voce. He- 
U>TF-s and Perukci. 

* (ieronthra) was cert<iinly colonised hj 
Dorians, who thenceforth bot'siine Peria*ci 
(Pausau. iii. 22, § 5). The siime is con- 
cluded with much probability of Pharis and 
Amyclin cf. Pausjm. iii. 2, § G, and iii. 19, 
§ 5). Mr. G rote assumes that tT<Tf/ Perioecic 
town wa<«, at least in part, so cx)lonised ; but 
for this tliere is no authority, and it is very 
unlikelv (vide note * in the next column). 

^ Pind. Isth. vii. 21 ; Herod, iv. 149, and 
note ad loc. ; Ephor. Frs. 11 and 13 ; Arist, 
Fr. 7.=>. 

" Hence Cleomenes declared himself to Iw 
** not a Dorian but an Achajau " (Heixxl. 
v. 72). 

7 Herod, vii. 134. 

^ Isocrat. Panath. 1. s. c. Compare Arist. 
Pol. ii. 6 : Aic^ rh riav 'S.irapmarwv fjyai 
r^y "KKt i <r r Tf y 77)^, oifK i^erd^ovo'iy, 

K. T. A. 

• I see no grounds for confining the Peri- 
reci to the country-/o'rn5, as Mr. (Jrote does. 
They ai-e called ol iK t^j x <^ P a s iralScs, 



and are as likely to have lived in 5C»ttff«*i 
farms as in towns or vilLnges. The fact tiat 
there were a hundred tow^hips of tbf l'«ri- 
CDci doe> not prove that there were no ^ri- 
oeci besides the inhabitants of the tovni 

» Mr. Grote speaks of their pososang 
" the hmaller half " (Hist of Greeos. vol. i»- 
p. 502), but Aristotle's words alk)V, •^ 
Isocrates asserts, a far greater disproport»«o- 

- Xeiiophon speaks of Period, who irtw**' 
\oKaya0oi,or "gentlemen" (Heli.T.3,§ ^J' 

* Thuf-yd. viii. 6, and 22. 

* Herod, ix. 28 ; Thucyd. iv. 38, fo- 

* Mr. Grote holds the exact converse to 
this, viz., tlLit they were Doriaas, ^ * 
slight Achaean infusion (Hist of Greece?'^* 
ii. p. 500, &c) ; but the ordinary view w^ 
to me far more probable. The Dorians ^"'^ 
issued from the narrow valley of the ^^^ 
cannot be conceived of as very nun«ri)«>- 

as bejiring more than a small proport"* 
the Aclittans whom they conquered 'f^f' 
Thuc. iv. V2iy), Indeed it is sufliciefiV- 
surprising that they should have enteredj^ 
PeloiKinnese in such numbers as to i<^ 
three kingdoms and gradually establish tii^ 



IKSSAT I. 



2. PERKECT ; a, HELOTS. 



279 



I 



emd perbap« some fmilier intermixture of races foreign to the 
reloponneee,' 

(iii.) The Helot« were the slave population of Laconia. Their 
ii^me may Lest, he regarded as equivalent to BaUH (AXwroO, 
* * captivefi-" ^ Their existence isprohably coeval with the concjuoet 
of the country bj the Dorians, who would retain as elaves thos© 
"wbom they took prisoners in battle. At firat they would he itisig- 
miEcant in number ; hut the conqnest of rehol towns,* and perhaps 
^Xk Bome m&m of Achaean cities which made a prolonged re^ifetance,' 
fgreatly increased them ; and finally, upon the reduction of Messenia 
4aid the general enslavement uf its inhabitants^ they become the 
preponderating element in the population.^ A considerable number 
of them dwelt in Sparta, where they were the attendants * of their 
iiia;9tei^« and were subject to their caprices ; but by far the greater 
portion lived scattered over the country^ cultivating (like the 
HiiBsian serfs) their masters' lands, but paying (instead of a definite 
amount of labour) a certain proportion of the produce of the land 
— prubahly one half* — as rent to the owner. Happier than the 
Snsffian serfs, these rustic cultivators were not brought into any 
direct contact with their masters, who dwelt at Sparta ; but enjoj^ed 
their homes and indulged their family affections in security. With 
hearths inviolate and self-respect intact ; with free social inter- 
course among each other, and no cold shadow of neighbouring 
gfiaatneas to awe or oppress them ; with a firm hold on their lands 
horn which they could not be ejected ; with a fijced scale of rent 
which the lord had no power of augmenting; with a postjibility of 
acquiring property by industrions exertion, and some prospect of 
iibtaining freeaom by purchase * or by services to the state** the 
Spartan ilelota mmt he oonfiideiied, as a rustic class, to have been 
singularly favoured, and to have occupied a position which will in 



I 



idw M the ilomXimnt mc^e. The &t]|»po5ed 
isl^nilioo of iluj Achaan» mto the Felopon- 
vttmtn loma oui re^ oidf tc a Binall section 
of tli£ QatkMi ; for that naiTaw rDgion cainiiot 
poMHbly hxvt ncttiTad more than a fjortioa 
el" tbe grul racs which was sprcsul ihroug'h 
the three o^tifitiiK of Argolin, Lmsdii'inonT 
iud McMe&iA. HeitKbtiUf tt miM be al- 
k)Wed« Mvmi to reg)u4 the Perioeci a» l>o- 
riaoi when he meaXkmt the ttrer^l oatioDt 
of the Pelopomjese in Ma «%hth book (ch. 
73) I but it is iiot qui^ certaio that he do«s 
JMrt merdj omit them from hJj IJ^t lu i^i 
foitniDg, like the CjiiuriaiLi« a (separate 
people ; ami further, it is worth j qf remark 
thai hid eftrlj Sjiartaii hii^torj is ^ery indif^ 
lensit (cf. 1- 65, juid aobe nd loo,), 
* See EpbaruA, Fr. 18 ; Htrod. ir* 145* 
^ HttTpCH^mtioti (ad voe, tikmrtimv) iiad 
Biniiiiiu (iiu 20, % tj), dedre Helot frDin 
lllttQW]]*EAof ; but this is wrong both h\^ 
torkallj Ali«t eljmologicaL[ j'. Thie derivatioa 
^tfm flib^e— which wna k^own to the an* 
ci«Dt« (tee fiehul. ad Flat. AJdb. i, p. 78, ^, 
Jkhok* J Apusifil, viit ti2)— i» npprov^ by 



K. O. Miilier (DorijiottiL ^ 30) and bj Drt. 
Liddell and Soott^ 

B An .fIgTs (Patisan. lii. 2, | 5). 

^ Aa is i-elated of Helos ( Pfiiisaa, iii. 2, 
fiub t^.f and m* 20, § U. Compare Kphor, 
Fr, 18), 

1 CliJiton cfdculates tbe Helots at 170,000^ 
and the rest of the jiopuUtion at 99,000 (F. 
H, ii. p. 504) ; K. O. Miilier makes Ihe ttrt^ 
mer 224,00O» the latter 15^.000, Thew 
csdcuJalJdDs caottot, of eotirse, pmt«Qd to b« 
more than rough |ttenea; bt4t thcj fiilii- 
i^ieDtJT express the Sict nottid In the l«it (On 
the number of tiie Helota, cf. Thocyd. viii, 

' Xen, Rep, L&c^ tL 3 ; Ariat. PoL ii. 
2, Ir. 

' Thi» 1^05 at anj rate the prcporlioo 
paid by the Mc^eniAns (TfrtvoH Ft, 5), 
who wer^ probiiblT pbioed oa the iniD» ftiot- 
jiig with other Uelotd* 

< Plut Cleom. c. 23. 

* Thiicyd. iT. 26^ and 80 j XtJi. HelL ru 
h,%tf^\ MTToa. >ip, A then. xL p. 271^ ¥, 




280 



SUCCESSION OF THE EARLY MOXARCHS. App. BookT. 



many respects compare favourably with that of the modem day- 
labourer. Had it not been for one terrible institution— the Inr- 
barous practice of the " Crypteia " — by which the bravest and 
most aspiring of tho Helot class were from time to time secretly 
made away with, at the mere will of the government,* their poshioa 
might have been envied by the peasantry of almost any other covntiy. 
This cruel and inhuman system, sanctioned by law ' and frequently 
carried out in act," must have greatly dimini^ed from that comfort 
in which the country Helot would otherwise have lived ; and, wliile 
devised to lessen the danger of a servile rising, must in reahtyhave 
been the chief cause of that hostile feeling which the Helots enter- 
tained against their Spartan lords, and which showed itself <m 
various occasions in disaflfection and even in open revolt* 

11. The order of succession in the two royal houses atSpaita 
from Agis I. in the one, and from Eurypon in the other, maj be 
regarded as tolerably certain ;' but the characters of the early kingi- 
and the events assigned to their reigns cannot be considered to 
have much historic foundation. The anagrapfut of the Spartaniw 
even if they commenced as early, would be likely to contain a^ 
most a bare* notice of the wars," and would neither descend to per- 
sonal traits, nor even give the details of military operations. And 
tradition on such points would be a very unsafe guide, more e^o- 



said) merely to satisfy the ooiHdao0«f 
those in power in case they tbooglU it (f* 
pedient to have recourse to the 0??^ 
daring their year of office {imn nsifu P 
rh iycXcir). 

• See Thucyd. iv. 80 ; Plat. Leg. l ^ «*'•' 
and the authorities quoted in the 1*< ** 
but one. 

» Thucyd. i. 101, iv. 41 ; Xen-HeU-w. 
2, § 2. &c. 

1 The line of descent is commonly p^ 
as follows : — 

(ii.) EURYPONTID.E : 
Procles 



« Thucyd. ir. 80 ; Aristot. Fr. 80 ; He- 
raclid. Pont. Fr. II. 3 ; Plut. Vit. Lycurg. 
c. 28. 

' Aristotle's statement that the Ephors, 
as a part of the regular formula on entering 
office, piwlnimeil war upon the Helots (Fr. 
80), has been noeiUessly called in question ' 
by Muller (Dorians, ii'. j>. 41), Thirlwall 
(Hist, of (iiocce, vol. i. p. ;Jll), Grote (vol. 
ii. p. r>10:, and others. On such a point 
Aristotle's authority is dw.'isive ; and all diffi- 
culty is reuiovtHj if we regard tlie proclama- 
tion its sccrctf being intended (as Aristotle 

(i.) JEqwx: — 

Eurysthenes 

Agis (his son) 

Echestratus (his son) 

Labotiis (his son) 

Doryssus (his son) 

AgesilaiLs (his son) 

Archelails (his son) 

Some suspicion attaches t<i th<* name of 
Eunonius, whose ^>osition in the list is not 
altogt.'th'.T s»'ttled. It is thought to have 
been originally a mere epithet applie<l to the 

king who wjis i\*igning when Lyi.nrgus in- the site of the Forum, 
troduced his fvyofiia. (i>ee Clinton's F. H 



Soils (his son) 

Eurj-pon (his son) 

Prytanis (his son) 

[Eunomus (bis son)] 

Polydectes (his son) 

I 
Charilaiis (his son) 

vol. i. p. 144, note.) 

* They would not be likely to i 
more than the primitive Koman Fasti, loc^ 
as we see them in the fragments dug up « 



Sbaat I^ 



ORIOmAL CONSTITUTION— THE KINGS, 



2S1 



lly during a time admitted to have been one of continued etruggle 
and disturbance. Spartan bistoiyf in it«j connexion with real and 
■ genuine petBOnages wbose deeds and characterfi are known to ue, 
lh:inust be coneidered therefore ta begin ivith Lycurgus, who, though 
K'pre6ent€d to ub in somewhat mythical colours,' is to be accounted 
Kan actual man, the tnie fuunder of the greatness of his countxy* 
" What Sparta became was owing entirely to the institutions of this 
famous lawgiver, who BtandB without a rival in the hifatory of the 

• first state in Greece, as the author of a syfiteni which endured nearly 
unaltered for five centuriea, and which raised a small and insignifi- 
cant country to a proud and wonderful eminence, 

12, Great as were the seiTices of Lycurgu/a to Sparta, they have 
imdonbtadlj been in one respect exaggerated. Not contented 
with viewing him as tbe introducer of the discipline kno^Ti by 
hb name, and a§ the improver in certain points of tlie previously 
existing constitntion, the ancient writers are fond of ascribing to 
him the entire conBtitution of Sparta as it existed in their own 
day. Thus Herodotus and Fhitarch speak of his '^ establishing the 
Senate ;" * and in one of the Ehetrai wiiich he was said to have pro* 

Poured from Delphi all the main points of the constitution are made 
to be of his institution.* As however Sparta certainly exibted as a 
Beparate state for sc^veral centuries before Lycurgns, there must 
have been an established form of government anterior to bim ; and 
hence, before we can deteimino how much or how little of the 
framework existing in later times was of his creation, we must 
endeavour to find out what the constitution of the Spartan state 
■was in the interval between the original settlement and the Lycur- 
gean legislation. Now it is evident from the Homeric poems that 
in all really Hellenic states the form of government was from the 
earlier times a species of limited monarchy,* A royal race, gene* 
rally regarded as possessing a divine right/ stood at the head erf 
the nation ; and the crown descended fi-om father to son according 
to the ordinarj^ law of primogeniture. But the Greek king, nnlike 
the Asiatic despot, was controlled and checked by two powers co- 
ordinate with himself, and equally a part of the esfablisbed consti* 
tution. A council of chiefs or elders (ytpoiret) is invariably found 



I 



' BeroiL i. 65. Alftf a fff 9whv fimnt^ 

* Herod, i. »j5 ; Plut. Lye. c. 5. The 
ktkr writer is dr«uinst4iati4l in hk oioeoutitp 
Rod ijbtuictl7 itaies tlint Lycurgu» inveited 
tfae Striate as a power intermediuie between 
the kifigi and the people^ to ioffcem tbe aspe- 
fiiits^ of thc-ir coutefitSf iind to thruw iU 
w«iglit on the side ot' the weaker fjartr. 

Uphv i^pvffdfitvoy^ fbtfhs% ^uKdlavra, Kid 
*3^T ^&d^ayra rpmxom-a^ yffKtvfflm^ ffuv 
^^crycTaii fraT&drr^drai^Qti iLpai i^ &pas 
^TfAAifcitr fitToib Ba^iiKtL% Ti «ai KyaKi- 

T9t, PI tit. Ljc. L B. c . Ikre the Qbic, 




the S«eLat« (with the podtbi] of the Hn^ m 
it), uid the geaeral taatmhif, ve dktim^lf 
assigned to Ljotii^ds^ and it m^y be que«^ 
tioded whether the JnteDtion ift xtctt tn !u««igti 
to him ereu the tribe. As ^0kt it$d^4ir 
is ** Tc make the Oba;,'^ fo ^ukh.s t^vKda-" 
trtiv m this archaic Greek ia probablj- ** to 
make the lrib«," 

*Clomp»re the description of the most 
nndeat covemraent* in "nmi5ydidefr--wp^ 
TEpo¥ tt ifo-oj' iwl ^TjTOii ^^pa^i 
iTBTpiKa] ^offiKtlm, ]. 13* 

^ Heo^ the LttmuicD e^resAioQ Aio- 
Tpf<^ef I $tiffiKjitf (Hiim. IL i* 17ti, et pa^ 
simj, Cotnparii Tyrtjeti*, Fr, 2» 1» 5 j Cftl- 
limacb* Hftua. k Jor, 7^j ikhoL Find. 
Pyth* ir, 313, *«, 



282 THE SENATE. App. BooiV. 

in attcndanco upon the monarcli, witli a power to offer advice wfaick 
he cannot safely disregard ; and all decisions of importance mmt 
be submitted to the assembly of the people (Ayopa), whose consent 
was generally presumed, but to whose dissent, when plainly rnani- 
fested, it was absolutely necessary to yield.* It is impossible to 
suppose that the Spaitan monarchy was without these checks in the 
early times, more especially as the device of a double royalty ii 
indicative of the successful exertion, at the period when it origJ" 
nated, of aristocratic jealousy and influence. When therefore Hero- 
dotus and Plutarch tell us that Lycurgus ** instituted the Senate," 
we must either disregard altogether their authority, or at lent 
look upon them as greatly exaggerating the real facts of the case.* 
A senate in Sparta must have been coetaneous with the monarchy; 
and even the details of number, which have been ascribed to 
Lycurgus in modem times,* being in all probability based upon the 
primitive divisions of the people, may with more reason be r^arded 
as original than as later arrangements. 

The Spartan Senate appears to have consisted from the fint (i 
thirty members, inclusive of the two kings, who acted as its pre- 
sidents. This number is reasonably connected with the ancient 
threefold division of the people into tribes — Hylleans, Pamphjlians* 
and Dymanians or Dymanatee — which was common to all DoriaD 
settlements.* In Sparta we know that besides this division there 
was another into Obae, the number of which was thirty ■—^wtWif 
ten to each tribe. AN'e may conclude, from the identity of number 
and from numerous analogies, that these Obae, called also Phratria,* 
had the right — possessed at Rome by the Gentes* — of each fiff- 
nishing a member to the Senate. As two Ob» of the Hylleini 
were represented on the liereditary principle by the two kings, so it 
is likely that the other Obai were originally represented each by it* 
hereditary chief or head. The Senate, thus composed, formed » 
perpetual council which the kings were bound to consult, and 
through which alone they could exercise any great political infl^* 
ence. As its ])residents they convoked, dissolved, or adjourned it* 
. meetings, proposed measures and put them to the vote, and other 
wise took the lead in its proceedings ; but the actual powers which 

" Aristotle says of the ()M monarchies, ol Crete (Oilyss. xix. 177) and Rhodes 'J^ 

/9o<nA«7s & irpo«AoiVTO dyi777eAov Tfp 8^/uq* ii. (508). 

( ivth. Nir. iii. 3, § 18). lint Welsse seems ^ See note * on the prece-ling page* ^; 

to l-c riglit in sii|>|>o.siiig that wlien the opi- Grote(Hisit. of Greece, vol. ii. jui'^i, wte ■ 

nioii of tlie i)eople lUvlared it.M^lf «li.>tinrtly prefers the punctiiation which conwctJif*' 

aj;;iin>t a pro|K)sitiou, the kinp* ha<l neitlier Koma with ytpo\f<riay trbw i^X'r^*?' 

the j)Ower nor the right to force it upon But this is very hai-sh, and ooatraryt"^ 

them. (iNw Hermann's Pol. Ant. § 55, note l»o.st critics. (See Miiller's Dorians, toI. J** 

l;t.) p. 87, E. T. ; Bockh, ml. Corp. Ins. ?i^^' 

^ See note ' on Book i. ch. 05. § 3. p. 6o0 ; Hennann's Pol. Ant. § -*• 

^ (irote's History of (ireec-e, vol. ii. p. 403. note \ kc.) Had rpidKorra referred ^J* 

2 These tribes ctin be distinctly tnu'e*! at later clause ytpoyras would oertuiJy* 

Argos (Steph. Byz. ad v(x:. Awfifiy), Sicyon tiiken tiie place of ytpovtrlop. 
(Herod. V. ()8),Tni.'zen :Steph. Byz. ad voc. ♦ Athenaeus, iv. p. 141, F. 
•TAA<r$), Megai-a :BiK:kh, 1073,, an.l Cor- * See Niebuhr's Hist, of R^"*^' ^*''' jli 

cyra (Bockh's Sta-'itsauskiltung, vol. ii. p. 333, H. T., where the lioman and^*'^ 

404 ), as well as at S|Kirta. A triple divi- Senates are compared. 
sion, probably tlie sime, appears al:>o in 



nihey poeseiaed above other memters were limited to the right of 
proting bj proxy/ and giving a casting vote in case of an equal 
^ 'vision/ 

The EceleEia, or general assembly at Sparta, muet be considered 

liAve contained originally all the free maleR who dwelt within 

i6 cit J and were of the legal age. Its proper name was " A pel 3 a," * 

11 changes in the eotiBtitutioii or the laws, and all matters of 

^reat public import, n^ questions of peace or war, of alliances, and 

" le like, had to be brought before it for decision ; but it had no 

iwer of amending, nor even of debating a proposition, the right of 

iressdng the astsembly being probably limited in the early times 

the kingp, It met once a month — on the day of the full moon, or 

more frcqtie^tly if summoned ; and decided the questions put to it 

by acolumation. 

13. If snt:h was — as there is every reason to beUeye — the const!- 
tntion of Sparta before Lycnrgiis, it is evident that he introduoed 
no sweeping or fundamental changes inttJ the government. He 
|Mw have fixed the legal age of a senator at sijcty. and have intro^ 
^^Bld the principle of election by the general assembly ^m the 
^^m in lien either of hereditary right or of appointment by the 
Oba ; but otberwig© he can have made scarcely any alteration even 
of detail respecting the Senate, whose nnmber, ftmctions, and posi- 
tion with regard to the kings, remained such as above described 
it}irQng:bont the whole of the historical period. The two sli^^ht 
l/Ohanges which have been conjectiirally assigned to him won Id 
tend, the one to increase the weight and 3nflut?nce of the Senate by 
making them the representatives of the whole body of the citissenSj 
the other to strengthen the eonservative character of the govern- 
ment bj putting the entire direction of the state into tlie hands of 
men of advanced age^ — both objects in complete harmony with the 
general spirit and intention of Lycuigus's legislation* 

With respect to the Apella^ or general assembly of the citizen??, 
if Lycnigtis made any change, it was probably to increase tho 
weight and importance of this element in the state* In the famous 
Bhetra already so often qnoted, which was regarded as embodying 
bis institutions, a special stress is laid upon the authority to be 
exercised by the pe(*ple.' And the assembly, as if it had gained 
strength by his legislation, soon afterwards proceeded to assert rights, 
which it was found necessary to restrict by new enactments.^ The 
tmnsnal limitation of age too, by which Spartans only became 
entitled to take part in the public assemblies on tiie completion of 
their thirtieth year,' is likely to have been instituted by him, since 
4t plainly stands connected with that prolonged education which 
'^ras one of the leading features of tho Lycurgean system- 

The institntion of the Ephoralty, which is ascribed to Lycurgns 
ly Herodotns ' and Xenophon,* and which may fairly bo regarded 



"Besjrdu ju! to& dWxAti ; PJuU Lye* 
,ti 6 f«M page 2S1, note *). 

* t<i^ SI krmjhf tJfi^v teal $cftdrQS 



^ Inirs^ pBge 293, iKrte K 

s Pint Lfcurg. c. 25, 

> Heit>a. i 65. ad fta. 

* XeQ. de Utp. Laced, vm* § 3> 



284 



GROUNDS OF LYCURGUS' REPUTATION. Am Bciok T. 



aa in all probability a part of bis system,^ offers an apparent rather 
than a real eatception to the general character of insignificance 
which marks (as has heen obaerred abo\'e) all his CHjnstitutiooal 
innovations* Important as this element in the state ultimately 
became, it was in its origin harmless and trivial enough. The 
Ephora of Lycnrgns were petty n^agistrates, empowered to b*-*ld 
a court, and to punish by fine and imprisonment ; and probably 
appointed for the special puqiose of watchifig tmer the Lycurgeau 
discipline, and punishing those who neglected it.' From this 
general supervision or superintendence they received their name, 
and to it their powers were c^onfincd in the earlier times. Their poli- 
tical inflnence had an entirely difieTent source, and grew out of 
circumstances which arose later, and were probably little foieeeeu 
by the inventor of the magiatmcy* The election by the assembly* 
the number five, and even perhaps the monthly oath interchange 
between them and the kings/ may have dated from Lycui^us ; but 
the origin of their political power must be sought in events which 
happened a century after hie deeease. 

14. It is not, therefoi^, in the political changes introdnced by 
Lycurgus — however well adapted to put an end to the internal 
troubles from which Sparta was suffering — that we must look for 
traces of that originality and genius which entitle him to his repu- 
tation as one of the maeter minds of Greece/ His true glory is to 
be found in the introduction of that extmordinary system of tmining 
and discipline by which the Spartans were distinguished from all 
the nations of continental Greece, and through which tliere can be 
no doubt that they attained their vast power and influence. Whether 
this system was originally conceived in his own mind, or whether 
it (or something like it) had been in force from a remote period 
among all Greeks of the Dorio ^tock, or whether finally it was 
copied by the Spartan lawgiver from institutions which had pre- 



^ See note ' an Book I. ch. 65. It i» not 
likely that ThfiOjwmpUfi, one of tlie kitigs 
who ch«ke4 the encponchroentu of the As- 
sembl J by the law which forbade iu nmeDd* 
in^ n bill, should have iDstitiited tiie £pho* 
nlty, which had certAuilj from the Brst 
iOD&ewliat of a. popuL^Lr ciuira^ter, (See 
Hiilkr, Dorians^ rol. ii. p. 121 ; GmleiHi^U 
o£ Greece, toI. iL p. 4'J7.) 

' Mflller Hiyi the Spartan Ephori -were 
orrpnjUly ** Jnipectofs of the market'* 
(DoFiatuE, ii. p. 120), aiid rjciotes lui old e^y- 
moliJgist, who gives thi» menoiDg to the 
frond " Ephor." But U has been cotnioonly 
amduded oo good groupds thtii they hnil a 
getiemi supeiinteiHience fii^m viry carij' 
time* fiwe Thirlwall. rol, n. p, 355 ; Dio 
tiomiry of Aotoq* »dTOC EPMoai, lie.). This 
fieime of the edkt yfhkh tJ^y put Ibtth on 
epteriog ofike, (Utterfng me dti^efiB '* to 
dmve the motutacho and obey the laws** 
{icfipf^at rhr fA^ffTOKa ttal w^ffi^tiv toT§ 
tf4fioi$* Plot. Cleom. c. 9)^ iDdJcat^ thi^ 
Wide bcope as ^xtbra^^ by iUait powers, 



I 



whik the symboltcal cbsiw^tar and aidiiue 
qualDtnesH of the eJtpf^raoQ ihow the miiote 
age at whidi these powars muHt bave bten 
csonferred. 

' The kings swore to rule ftCttirdiag ta 
law (icoT^ robs Tp wSkft K€ifktwovt i^ifLOVf 
j9«urfAiU(fc{ir), the Ephoi^ to mBiii.liJ£L the 
royal authority unshaken so long ai tht kiog 
cib$<iirveK! his tKLtb {i^vt^opitovirtat itttiwt* 

ikw Xm. dii Rep* Jju-ed- iv. § 7. 

* Plutarch Sip fd" Lycurgufi that be *'d«* 
serveiily 6urp»i*Acd ia ivputAtion ail eChcf 
Grecian lawgivers (fiffOrvi ^mppp* jf 
S6lp robs TTtMimrt wokiT^wtofAivovt iwT^ts 
^EXXijiTi, Vit. Lyrarg. sub fin*). Xeoo- 
phon speaks of liim a^i^ ** wke ic the very 
bighest degree^' (tit t^ f^x'*'^^ /liAc 
iro^r). AriBtalltf thought that he h^d sei 
been ttuffiek^tly bonoured at Spartat t^Dg|> 
(aa Plutiu^h oUcsrvefl, L a. (^) he bad htfd C 
temple built to Mm, aud wu 
there as a god. 




hm\y existed only in Crete, tliere is scarcely sufficient evidence 

9 detemiine. AVhile the bypotlieBis that the Lycurgean legislation 

m a mere reTival of primitive Dorian customs, tends to leiifien in 

mae degree the marvel of its succeisfnl establifihrnent, and has 

m& of the greatest of modem nam&s in its favour,* the fact^noted 

gr Mr. Grote * — that no traces of such a system appear in any other 

fcrnu state, nnless it be in Crete, and the further fact that not a 

ingle ancient winter views the matter in this light, interpose almost 

BWjp&rable obstacles to its reception , The balance of ancient 

atliority is strongly in favour of the derivation of the whole 

Ipftrtan system from Crete ;* but it may be questioned whether on 

^cb a point a balance of authority is of much value, and whetlxer 

Jttibability is not upon the whole a better guide. Granting the 

^^jm resemblance of the Cretan and Spartan systems, which it 

over-bold to deny,* it would appear to be at leant as likely 

the institutions travelled from the continent to the island as 

im the island to the continent. Very little is really known of 

ly Cretan history ;* and it may be doubted whether the Dorian 

ti-es in Crete were not, one and all^ ocJonies from the Pelopon- 

I* who carried with them into their new homes institutions and 

ices found beneficial in the mother-cotintryp In this way the 

" of the system is natural, and has numerous analogies ; while 

% oontraiy story, that Lycurgus sought and found in the remote, 

*A8 Ottfri^ Bluller, Heereu* MebQlir, K. 
UD, juiii Bishop Thiriwail 
of Gre^re, vol \h p. 4.") 6. Nie- 
intld|]inte5 this ubjectinoi and to meet 
t^rm ht cofixkkfe Jt more probtbie tbut 
Mdat Doric iostitatioDs bad beea giTm 
Ibe other Doriim« tbim that th^f were 
llTaitvJ and instituted bf the Spaj- 
.Ltciijri^ riD ADcieut History, voL i« p. 
*5S» E, T,j. But the oppottit^ view may be 
^fttained with at least a« stiuch rea^n- 
' *Tlii« m th* riew of Herodatun {u 65) ^ 
J« «if nsal J pxis& it as the Spftrtiui tradi- 
yo, of Aristotle (PpL ii, 7, ad \mt}t of 
*wn» (Fr. 64), of Plutarch (Vit, Lycuj-g, 
** ♦)• mi erf' Strabo (i. p. 704 ; comjj, ivj. 

II* l^)* Th»? laat-mentiotjwl Writer regards 
r*«5 idmittt^ Ifltt td^oAo^#rTfli). Tjt- 
'T^ Iwwefer, tl» most luid^kt authoritj, 
5 *%i»«iS the Ljcurgean ipstitution* to 
.^Wphic amde, uttms l& ipore their 

■ ^Kt. (Jrote lay* the Cretan institutionB 
i **«> '•diiBitiiiLir *' to the .Spnrtan ** in those 

t»ri lUnbutca whicih form the IP ark aijd 
' fBch ftf .Sportiui Wgiabitioa, riz. the militorf 
LWGplioe and the rigorooa private train Ji:tg ** 
[(Bk, ftf Greece, L u. c.j. But these are 
#Ktlf the pc»lit« in which all the ufidcnt 
'itfstlmi ilecbLre tlie reflemblatits to have bcca 
Iplebw. (Sec Plut. Lee. i^-iii- ; ^r. t;th, 

13, I 3| Pol ^. 2, § 5 ; Epbor. hr. 64 ; 
d. Poat. Fr. S\ Kic, Dmaaiic. Fr, 

Irg Erai Pdjbiu», wbg maintaiai th« 



diBaiiailaritf of the Ci^tati and Spartan in- 
stitutions [vi. 45) by hie iilence with regaid 
to the«c poiota^ is a witness in favour of their 
being «x>mmon to tha two Kptema. 

* *^ CpetCj" sajB NiebohTp ** is the most 
mvsterjotjs ni aU the oonotriea that bdong 
to the fuipire of Greece " (LecturcSr voL i, 
p» 251, E. TJ. Ephorui «enw to have been 
the tiret writer who distinctly treated of 
Ci'etin cti^toiDB and hktorff and hk judg- 
luent was f ery defectivi!. 

^ The earliest notice of Doriana m Crete ii 
the weU-knuiVb pusHige in the OdjiMj — 

But the vaJue of this miut depend on the date 
of the Ddy^fif^jt which in probably a good d^l 
Inter thao the Iliad, aad perhaps little, if at 
all, ai3t<iriDr to Ljciurfns. Androa'a story 
tif a migration of l*oriiUja to Crete from 
Histi£BoMs, whirh K. O, Miiller admits to be 
*' wonderful/' and to " preseat a alriking ano- 
maly in the history of Lhe ancient colonira *' 
(Itorians, vol, i, p. 37, K TV), ia quite nn- 
woithy of credit, the minntD " a*suracj*' of 
it3 statemeat* b«trajiag Its ortgLu. Even tiie 
cojony of AUhirtiipn?!* (Kph. Fr* 62 j is opm 
to grave doubtii ; nut it mny be qasitioned 
whether the Litt'iiji jninijui coltinite of Lyo- 
tui and Lampc were uot r^ly the 6r?it Jnet- 
tlem^ta made by tbe Dorijm^ m the i:siamL 



286 CAUSES WHICH LED TO ITS ADOPTION. App. BoaV. 

insignifiGant, and scarcely Hellenic Crete * a set of institotioDi 
which he transferred bodily to his native Sparta, is — to stj ike 
least — as improbable a tale as any that has come down to iu on 
respectable authority. 

15. But from whatever quarter the Lycurgean discipline wif 
derived, whether from Crete, from Delphi, or (as is most probible) 
from the genius of Lycurgus himself, it must always remain 006 of 
the most astonishing facts of history, that such a system wu Ba&- 
cessfully imposed upon a state which had grown up without it To 
change the customs of a nation, even in single points, is proverbiillj 
difficult ; to introduce strictness of living in the place of lixitj, 
unless under the stimulus of strong religious feeling, is thnoift 
unprecedented ; but without such stimulus, or at least with i mj 
low degree of it, to induce a nation voluntarily to adopt an entirelf 
new set of institutions, and those of so strict and self-denying i 
character as the Spartan, is a triumph of personal influence exceed- 
ing anything with which ordinary experience makes us aoq[iMintod» 
and one which could only have been possible under veiy pecalkr 
circumstances. Nothing less than the combination of great gouv 
and great personal weight on the one hand, with imminent tad 
extreme peril on the o&er, can account for the submiasion of At 
Spartans to a new and untried system, which compressed all wiifaii 
its iron grasp, and which to every man not bred up in it must hut 
been felt as a scarcely endurable slavery. Perhaps the contmnel 
resistance of Amycl», and the hardships and miseries consequent A 
a perpetual warfare with so very near a neighbour, may have be» 
found so intolerable as to render any change acceptable whidi M 
out a prospect of relief; or it may be that the very existenoeof 
Sparta was threatened by the growing power of the unsnbdttrf 
Acha^ans, and that the legislator made his appeal not so mndito 
the desire of ease or the lust of conquest as to the instinct of Eelf- 
preservation. 

The details of the Lycurgean discipline are so well known, they 
have been so fully discussed in the ordinary histories, and there » 
so little dispute concerning them, that it is unnecessaiy to swell 
the present Essay by introducing an account of them in this pl«<*- 
The reader is especially referred to the description given by Mr. 
Grote/ as at once the most copious and the most exact which e^* 
in our language. 

1 (5. On one point, however, in the legislation of Lycurgus a ^'J 
important difference of opinion exists, into which it will be neces- 
sary to enter. Most modem writers," following the detailed ai» 
circumstantial statements of Plutarch," have represented Lycuigo* 



• Xiebuhr has remarked on the strange- ' History of Greece, vol. ii. pp. 512-52'* 
ness of the Cretan inscriptions (Lectures, * As K. F. Hermann {P6L Ant. of Ow**' 

vol. i. p. 252). They mark the pijesence § 28), Manso (Sparta, i. 1, § llOV Bf 

in the population of a large barbaric element, Thirlwall (Hist, of Greece, vol.* i. pp. 3**^* 

probably in part Pelasgic, in part derived 305), Schbmann (Ant. Jiir. Publ. p. U^N 

from Asia. The 'ErtSKprrrt^f or "true Tittmann (Griech. Staatsalterthumer,§*^V 

Cretans," of the Odyssey apj^ear to repre- and Clinton (F. H. vol. ii. p. 495, note'V 
sent the Asiatic inhabitants to whom Hero- • Plut. Vit. Lycurg. c 8. 

dolus alludes 'Book i. ch. 17 1-1 7 J,. 



SAT L SUPPOSED EQUALITY OF UNDBD POSSESSIONS. 287 



leguming the wbolo lund of Bpartekf and allottitig it out afresh in 
portignii to the inhabitante. According to tkis view, one of 
cMef object^a of the lawgiver was to produce and maintain a 
ineral equalisfttion of property ; and hence varions provieione are 
fc&cribed to him haviiig for their object to prolong the equality^ 
b^hieh, without such prmnsioiis, would have disayipeared in one or 
two generations, lie is finppos<?d to have forbidden the 6uhdivisi<in 
pr alienation of lots, entaOiDg them strictly upon the eldest son^ or the 
|ld6£(t daughter, if there were no son ; in the ease of childless pergoua 
hxive only allowed their lots to be licqneathed to citizens not pos- 
ead of any land ; and in tho ea86 of beiressea to have provided 
^t thej should be married only to RUch. persons,* By these means 
is thctught that the nuniber of tlie lots was maintained intact^ and 
the near equality of possesions preser%*ed, from the original imti- 
tation of Lycnrgns down to the close of the FeloponneHian war. 

17* Against thia view, which bad come to lie generally received^ 
Mr. Grote has argued with ii'iissistible force in the second volume 
,©f his History.* He has shown, first, that no know^ledg^e of any 
,vnch equalif^aUon, or of the provisoes to maintain it, is possessed by 
toy of the earlier writers, Herodotus, Thucjdides, Xenophon, Plato, 
Jfiocrates, or Aristotle, whose statements are often in direct opposi- 
itiou to the theory ; • secondly, that in the historic times there is as 
Snuch inequality of property in Sparta as elsewhere* in Ureece; 
thirdly, that tho provisoes assumed as part of the Lycurgean system 
are for the most part pure modem inventioDs, and rest upon no 
A&cient authority ; and fourthly, that the account in l*lutarcb is 
'abaurd on tho face of it, since it asanmejs an extent of B|mrtan domi- 
nion in the time of Lyeurgus which was not acquired till some cen- 
tm-ies later,* He also with great ingenuity accounts for the original 



k- TliiTlwall, vol. i, p* 324^ Mfmso's 
te, u K § 121, and i. 2, § U^-IM ; 
|*r"s Doriasa, toL ii pp, 202-205, 
" Pp. aSO-560. 

' ArktoUtt odb Philnift of CbftWl^n), 
mI sol Lfoofftid^ th« jpveator of Com^ 
vumi {P^. U. 4). Hit abu mnket tha 
ilfevillit^ teakocf of th« Lycurg^^ kgittb- 
tt9fi CDiiBist entire Jy in tl>e sy^ t^rn of fystitla 
(t^ w*pl rks K^trttt iw AwctHaifLotn f o 7 1 

fi, 2, Compare Th*:ci'pbiin«tas, ap, PJut- 
^. c- 1(J), Itiiite^ of r«gftnltag Lj* 
MA having «4tjiblkhed eai^Utf mpos' 
ht oompkitis ihmt he nid not iikea 
It precnntkiBi «gftkist Uie aontunak- 
prapertj in a fi>w hiiada. Xeiiopboa, 
il tbeubquaUBed ettlogiaer tif LfLnrgru!^ 
Ittl^oo^ knows QDlbiog about bii hnvLog 
tttabUflbed Any ior&A ^uaXitj of property, 
bat pnisea him lor rdnoring the motivei 
wlikli Iwd men to s^ wealth, bf his InwA 
witli regard to ilict :iik1 drtam (Uffp. Lac c. 
tit), Iwerat^ incDtionfl " tbere-diviiion of 
Imdt** amooe tJie evik frotn which SjiiurtA 
lull alwap bdm fnao ^FdHntJi. m. p, liti7). 



The sijiniPQ of Ptato lyi to LjcaTgiM in his 
Laws m nhtr of great tmporljiucdr 

* Htsrodotut BtfeQiA to cooaicler ihil w^th 
^m dbtributai it Spiirta bs tmeqiially n» 
cUewher«, He tjmks of the wtte of Agetiw 
OS ** the duughter of wealthy poreota " 
{kvBp^tt¥ Ak$im¥ Bvywr4ftm, vL 61), and 
of SperthiaB na.d Bulla as "tunoog the 
Kffiiiihievt men in the pbm"^ txp^t^^^^ 
d^KOVTtjr If rk wpAfra, vii. 134)« Tbu- 
cjdiitest referriDg to a more dLit-uit dite, 
ob^erres thai ** the richfr SpajftaUAr is the 
dmplidty of their drefis and in tiieir whole 
it J lie of iiviog, confonaed thenudrea to the 
ordioary tUadAid " (L 6V Xeii«phoD ooci* 
ixtmt* Ihe ** tp^tni " with the other Sportuti 
(H(?p. Lac t. 3, and Hdl. m, 4, i 11), 
Plato mj9 that ibfira was mastt gold aod 
silver in Sparta tban in tU the nat of GroMe 
(Akib. 1. p. 122, E,). 

* Plutarch makfs Ljmrgns dhridt^ the 
land about Sparta into 9^000 t^qt^al loU far 
the Spartans, nod the rest of Lm.*onia into 
3(>,tHJ0 similar lota for the Pem^i* The 
modem writers who profess ti> fullow him* 
■ImcMt ^ admit that thi; lattisr utaUemmt 



288 liESULTS OF THE LYCURGEAN LEGISLATION. App.BookV. 

formation of the story -whicli we find in Plutarch and for the cur- 
reucy obtained by it, attiibuting the former to certain antiqnariu 
dreamers contemporary with Agis III. (b.c. 250), and the latter 
to the enthusiastic partisans of that monarch, who perished in aa 
attempt to cany into eifect at Sparta a communistic scheme ahnost 
identical with that ascribed by Plutarch to Lycurgus. 

The whole notion then of Lycurgus having interfered with pro- 
perty requires to be set aside.' \\ hatever the principle on which 
the Dorian conquerors had originally partitioned among themselTei 
the lands of the Achawins — which may or may not have been that 
of equality, and whatever the changes which time had wrought in 
this original distribution — Lycui^is made no new arrangement 
Wo are not entitled to assign to him the credit or discredit— as we 
may regard it — of inventing communism. He did not seek to de- 
prive the rich of their wealth, which has never yet been attempted 
without its leading to a bloody struggle. He left property ae be 
found it, contenting himself with imposing, alike on rich and poor, 
the same strict system of training and discipline — the same stem 
lound of perpetual toil and privation — the same simple dress, pWn 
fare, hard couch, unceasing drill, life-long restraint. He prevented 
any veiy rapid accumulation of wealth by forbidding his citiwnsie 
engage either in commerce or in the pursuit of agriculture ; and, If 
attacliing citizenship to the due payment of the prescribed quota to 
the public mess-table (or perhaps by an express law),' he made 
it disgraceful to alienate iJ[io land from which that quota cooU 
alone be drawn ; but, having thus furnished some checks b^vbA 
the extremes of riches and penury, he left the citizens free within 
those limits to indulge their natural tastes, not aiming at an impno- 
ticable equality, but satisfied if wealth could be deprived of iJ* 
power to enervate. 

18. The immediate effect of the Lycurgean legislation ms to 
enable the Spartans to rise with a sudden bound " from comparatiTe 
insignificance to gieat power and prosperity. In the centuiv fol- 
lowing I^ycurgus a most rapid advance may be traced. Teleclnj 
(who succeded Archclaiis, the contemporary of Lycurgus) besieged 
and took Amy cine," which had so long resisted the Spartan arms; 
received the submission of Pharis and Geronthne, whose Achw" 
inhabitants quitted the Teloponnese ; * and thus opened a way for 
further conquests on the lower Eurotas and the sea-coast Alca- 



cannot he tnie. as tlicTericroi cannot possibly Its ignorors — 

have l«en tlwn so numerous (sc* Miiller's Herodotus .. .. b.c. 460 to »r. 4tt 

IX>rians, vol. ii. p. L>0, iuid p. 2u0 ; Thirl- ThucjdJdes . . . . 425 »1 

wall. vol. i. p. 'M)4). Xeuo'phou .. .. — 420 3JI 

^ Thy toRv of the arirumcnt apainst the J*'**!*^ ZI *1S IZ S 

common view cannot better be shown than Kphonis .' .' .' ! 37o 3** 

by a simple exhibition of the authorities on Ari?U)tIe .. .. — 365 Stt 

which it rests ujwn the one hand, and of Heraclldcs Pont, . . — 340 320 

tho.-:e whose icnoranoe of it disproves it uwn 7 , , 4 • ^ t> i-x •• « r^ u— uJ 

the nther. Its sumx.rters are- ^ _. ' ^^. ^rist. Polit. 11. 6, p. 5b; ^^ 



the other. Its sup|X)rters are- 



Pont. Rep. Lai\ § 7. 



IHvblns .... B.C. IHO toBC. 122 8 Henxi. i. (»6*. i^a re ftpouor oirLitt 

I n.«U!» Pompelus — 30 to a. D. 14 ^ ^a ^a ^^ 

I'lutarch .. .. A.V. 10 120 Kal tv0vviievffav. 

A:ilm — 220 240 * Pausan. lU. ii. § 6. » Ibid. 



ItL 



INCREASE OF THE PEHICECL 



289 



lee, his son, reduced Helos, defeated the Aleves, and began the 
; war with MeBsema/ We do not know by whom, or exactly at 
It time, the other towns upon the Laconian Gulf — ^Gythium^ 
rtlir6ne, Acriie, Aeopus, &c.^were brought under, nor when the 
litry to the oast of Pamonj and that immediately to the west of 
^tus, became Spartan territory ; but probably the conquest of 
le tracts followed closely upon the full possession of the Eurotae 
f©y, which was completed by the capture of Helos. Thus it 
iild seem that Sparta, within the space of a century after Ly- 
gns, more than quadrupled her territory, and acquired nearly 
Be Umita which constituted Laoonia Proper through the whole 
iod of Grecian independence. 

t is the opinion of Mr. Orate that " the formation of the order of 
icBoi " was subsequent to tho introduction of the Lycuigean 
ilem at Sparta, and arose entirely out of th# career of conquest 
Itched in the preceding paragraph. He conceives that in the 
ue of Lycurgus there were in Lacedesmon two classes only — 
9ri*u warriors and their Helot subjects— and that it was not until 
ftf the miGoesses of Teleclua that Perioeoic townships were formed, 
d a new claiss introduced between the full citizen and the Helot. 
at in this view he runs counter alike to tradition and to proba- 
Uty, which unit© in throwing back the order of Periceci to the 
ne of the original conquest isoc rates* and Ephoms/ differing in 
my particulars, agree in this; w^bile the circumstanceB of the 
ie ije such as almost to necessitate the early eetablishment of th© 
in in question ♦ Wliatevet view we take of the Periosci, whether 
I negard them, with the great bulk of modem authorities, as sub- 
toed Achaaus, or, with Mr. Grote, concoive of them as consisting 
thamdii of Dorian subjects of Spaita occupying the towns and 
Uiges throughout her territory, Uiey will equally date from the 
he of the first settlers. The original Spartan territory must not 
► ooafined to the tract in the immediate neighbourhood of the city : 
' included undoubtedly the valley down which the invaders came, 
*i probably extended up the courses of all those streams which 
lite above Sparta with the Eurotas. Thus Belemna, PeUana^ 
tofit CEnus, Sellasia, Sciros, Caryae, <kc*, would be within the 
^ftm dominion from the first ; and the free dwellers in those 
•Ci» would hold the rank and oondition of Periceci during the 
totaries which intervened between the invasion and the legislation 
' Lycnrgus, Kor is there any reason why we should set aside the 
pncurrent testimony of laocrates and Ephonis, that these primitive 
P^ricBci were in the main submitted Achaeans. Mr. Grote has 
®arly shown — and no one will now attempt to deny — that a Doric 
ement was intermixed with an Achaean in certain PericBcie town- 
Jipi I but it is too much to argue from the few known cases of this 
md* that a similar element existed in a greater or less proportion 
I all of them- Sparta, where the Dorian i-ace was always inclined 
dwindle,* can scarcely have furnished colonists for the hundred 



• Paomii, m. ii. ad fin. 

* fil»tli«ii, p. 270. 271. 
Tkt cdy kiuiwii cue 

TOL. III. 



* Fracm. 18. 
ire &9m dt 



AmjcUe (Pimsan. m, tu 
(ibid. ), aati GeronthriE (ib. u 
• Vid« Ma, p. 299. 



6), Ph»^ 



290 RUPTURE WITH MESSENIA. Aw. Boot T. 

dependent townships' which were scattered through her territoiy, 
or even for that portion of them which belonged to Laoonia Pioper; 
and the nrobability is that the Doric element in the Perioecic dm 
was really very small, and but slightly affected the genenl da- 
racter of the body." 

Although, however, the order of Perioeci must date from the tntf 
of the first settlement made in Sparta by the Dorians, it is of come 
quite true that its great development belongs to the centniy ima^ 
diately following Lycurgus. By the conquests of Telecliis ml 
Alcamenes the Spartan territory was, as has been observed, quad- 
rupled ; and the Perioeci must have increased proportioiuteiy; 
while the subjugation of Messenia, which belongs to the suooeediai 
reigns, again nearly doubled the habitable territoiy, and caiued a 
further extension of the Perioecic element, though not in the eaai 
proportion, llie inhabitants of Messenia were for the moat pail 
Helotised, their principal cities being destroyed ; but some seem tc 
have been more favourably treated, since places in Messenk arc 
occasionally reckoned among the Perioecic townships.* 

19. The history of the Messenian wars has only come down to « 
in anything like a detailed or complete form in the workof Fnt 
sanias. The authorities which this writer followed were (aa ba 
tells us *) Myron of Pri^n^, who had written a prose histoiy of Aa 
earlier war, and Khianus of B^n^ in Crete, who had made the latea 
one the subject of an epic. K either of these two writers can be 
regarded as an authority of much weight, the poet being abaohrf 
by the nature of his work from any obligation to respect hiatorioal 
truth, and the prose writer being expressly declared untmatwoidij 
by Pausanias nimself.* How little dependance can be placed oa 
accounts derived from these sources appears from the circumstance 
that the two writers were not agreed as to which war it was wherein 
Aristomenes took part, each claiming him as the leader in tbit 
portion of the struggle which he had undertaken to commemonie' 
From this circumstance, and from the fact that the details assign^ 
to the two wars have so great an amoimt of resemblance, it w^ 
naturally have been suspected that there was but a single conterf. 
and that the process of duplication, whereto the early fabulists W 
recourse so often * to complete the meagre outline of history, whicn 
was all that tradition furnished, had formed two wars out of one- 
The Fragments, however, of the contemporary poet Tyrtseiis ^ 
prove this conclusion, and make it absolutely certain that theie 
were two distinct struggles — divided by an interval, which seei* 
to have been of about forty years. 

20. The causes assigned for the rupture between Sparta ^ 
Messenia are of a trivial nature — especially those inmiediately ^J^ 
ceding it. A dispute between two herdsmen upon the frontitfi 

' Strabo is the chief autliority for this gine et Indole," pp. 31,3*2. 

number (viii. p. 526). He is j»erhaps only • As Cardamyle. Cyparbsa, WoJ'* 

copied by SU'phen. Mr. Clinton has col- Thalama?, Thuria, and others, 

lected the names of 63 (F. H. vol. ii. pp. * Pausan. rv. vi. § I. 

491-495). 2 Ibid. § 2. , 

8 See Kopstadt's Dissertation " De Renim ' Compare Niebuhr's Roman WM^^ 

Laoonicamm Constitutionis Lycurgeoc Ori- ii. pp. 452, 453. 



itL 



FmST MES8EN1AN WAR, 



291 



fcltowed up hy a murder on the one part, and then hy reprisals on 
tli§ other, 18 made bj Pansanias the actual provocative of hoig til i ties,* 
Jflfe know, however, that border- qiiarrek do not involve nations in 
ttsmtileas they are otherwise di^poBed io it; and we may be sure 
that neither the violence of Poljcharefi, nor even the slaughter of 
king TelecliiB at the temple of Diana Limjiati« * (which act had evi- 
itly been ccmdoned by Sparta),* would have prtKluced an ont- 
had not Sparta been disposed, as a matter of policy, to attack 
IT neighbour. The Messenian version of the matter —which was, 
it those private wrongs were mere pretexts, and that Sparta 
iy brought them forward to cloke her covetonaness '—may be the 
tok truth ; or poHsihly, the lust of conquest may have been 
ined by political animosity, the policy of conciliation ptirsued 
tie Dorian conquerors of Messenia * standing in marked contrast 
rith the exclusiveness of Sparta^ and tending to rouse a spirit of 
iftxmtent among the Bubject population of the latter country. 
Stl. Sparta is accused of having opened the war by an act of 
Jmchery, similar to that by which the Boeotians commenced the 
p^t Peloponneeian strugglej^ or to that by which Louis XTV. in 
881 began his attack upon Germany/ Ampheia» a Mes«^enian 
town upon their borders, was seized in time of peace, a Spartan 
inny having entered by night through the open gates, and maa- 
IKsred the inhabitants in their beds.* The war was then carried on 
fom this basis. Sparta ravaged the open country and besieged the 
OWDfi,* but met with the ill-snccess which always marked her 
ttempts npon walled places.* Meanwhile the Messenians, who 
^re superior at sea, plundered the Laced«emonian coasts* In the 
JttrtJi year of the war the Messenian monarch ventured to take the 
fild for the protection of his territory ; and the Spartans, unwilling 
^wsault the position where he had entrenched himself, were forced 
retire without their usual bootj. Keproacbed on their return 
lome for this failure, they made in the next year a great effort : 
Kith kings took the fields and a desperate battle was foughtj but 
'Wumt any decided result, neither party even claiming the victory.' 
lowever, about this time the strength and resources of the Messe- 
'wajia are said to have been so exhausted, that they were forced to 

* hman, tv. IT. § 4* 
i J M. m. u, I 6, iiad r^, iv. § 2. 
. Pinaania* plivces a pne^tioD (80 jears) 
^^i»-iv tlie murder of Tdoclui And the rora- 
*^miMit of hostilitiis (iv. iv. § 3). 

J: *fr fiik ravru iraXf^ijfrai ^atfty (at 

^^^ Graph&jttts is ?sHii>l to hfire been the 
'2^ <if An arl»(tocr?itic fonapiimj bmught 
8**^ by hii &vottring Hie popular (mirty, 
J. •. tit* is}iujtier«l AchaEomi (Palis^m. IV. 
-J- 1 4* CompH, Eph* Jip. Stimb. vm, pp. 
J2«, 530); ^pytua his son, aud GkucnB, 
'■» Enodft^i], appew to have pursued a 
jtoIkj (Faowii, ITT, B, I 5-G. Cf, 
'T» hmi. of Or«eae, t&L I p, 343;, 




Unlesi we suppose n groiind of political ani* 
mosirj, it ifi diHktilt to ivxtmnt for the bt'tt^ 
spirit wLJch animated the Spflrtannfiom the 
vutj ODt«miaic-em*nt. Note parti cuJ^irly tbe 
oatli \vhidb they are said to have taken, 
" Kcver tjo cease frum tbe war till Alegaenia 
wn* their own** ^P&usao. iv. v. |3; 
Epljor. op. Strnb. ^i. p. 4u3). 

^ Tbe attack on Pktfiea (Tliucjd, ii. 2. 
Ci.imp. ill, 5ti, where the Pktieaiia chuao- 
t£ rise the act), 

' The capture of Stra^linrg (Buney'i 
MftiertJ Europe, Td- iv, p. I H). 

* PansaD. IV. t, § 3. 

* Ibid. IV* viL I L 
^ Pee note oa Book it. ch. 70, 

* Pau^n, IV, oh, viii. 

D 2 



292 DATE OP FIRST MESSENIAN WAB. App. BomV. 

adopt the plan of abandoning most of their cities and occnjrpng tlie 
high mountain of Ith6m^, where they fortified themselTes.' At thi 
same time they sent to Delphi to ask advice, and were bidden to 
offer to the infernal gods a virgin of the royal race of .£pytiis. b 
obedience to iliis oracle, Aristodemus, an ^pytid, sacnfioed lai 
daughter ; ' and the Spartans, alarmed at such bloody ritea, madeM 
further attack upon the Messenians for the space of six years.* At 
last, in the twelfth year of the war, they took heart, and marehei 
against Ith6m^. A second battle was now fought, which wu ■■ 
little decisve as the former, though the Messenian king (Eiiphia) 
was slain in it. Another pause followed. During the fiivtibvr 
years of Aristodemus, the successor of Euphaes, no operatioiii of 
importance were attempted on either side ; ' his fifth year, howefv, , 
was signalised by a third engagement, in which the Spartans wen 
assisted by the Corinthians, while Arcadia, Argoe, and Sicyon give 
their aid to the Messenians ; and after a stoutly contested fij^t Ae 
Spartans were completely defeated, and forced to retreat in ooolii- 
sion to their own country.* Sparta now in her turn sent for adTise 
to Delphi, and was recommended to have recourse to Gnft--A 
counsel which she was not slow to follow. No particular moom 
attended her efforts ; * but at last, in the twentieth year of the mt, 
the Messenians being hard pressed for provisions, and alarmed hf 
portents and oracles, gave up all hopes of resistance, and, desarti^f 
Ithom^, scattered themselves to their homes, or took rdiige it 
foreign states.^ The Spartans razed Ith6m6 to the ground, ni 
rapidly overran the whole country ; the inhabitants were tnitrf 
with extreme severity ; the entire population was reduced to Ai 
condition of Helots, becoming serfs upon the land, w^ich ^na n- 
gardcd as forfeited, and paying to their masters as rent a full bilf 
of the produce.* 

22. The first Messenian war, which lasted (as Tyrt»U8 dedarri") 
exactly twenty years, began certainly, and probably ended, within 
the single reign of Thoopompus.' According to Pausanias, it coor 

^ Pausan. iv. ch. ix. § 1. Thirlwall burthen. In our own country the wrt * 

(Hist, of Greece, vol. i. p. 348) regards commonly reckoned at one-third of tk 

Ithome as occupied for the purpose of produce. In Russia the serf girei iof^ 

" covering the r^ion which lay beyond it," time to his lord, and in addition pip f* 

t. e. the rich vde of the Pamisus. But annual tax of eight rubles for each ia^ ^ 

Pausanias has no such notion. his family (De Hell, p. 109). 

8 Ibid. ch. ix. § 5. « Tyitaus, Fr. 4:— 

f Jf^if cj*- ^- § ^- 'Iip4' «vn,v «* ifUxwr ivria «u te' ^ 

' Ibid. ch. XI. S 1. NmAcmcak. atcl raXouri^tpova BviUv h!"^ 

2 Ibid. ch. xi. § 3. Kixfi.ijTai, •Karipnv iiit^jfimv »«»^V_ 

» Ibid. ch. xii. §§1,2. ^^Sr* ?'t4? ^^^ ""^ '"?r inafoMiff^ 

4 Arcadia and A^ received the bulk of VT^ l'"^'' '* '^^ ^, , A, 

the refugees (Pausan. iv. xiv. § 1). Some ,/ ^ ^^nsan, iv. iv. § 3, and § ^^ 

of the priestly families are said to have taken J?^' ^^^ observes, Pausanias s V0X^ 

up their abode at Eleusis (ibid.). I?*^"^' ^^ °*** positively aitiro «» 

» See the well-known fragment (Fr. 5) in Tneopompus brought the war to tj^ 

which Tyrtaus describes their condition:— C"^^' ^[ Gf««=«' ^ol. ii. p. 570, "fj 

^ His words **'^*" — ^-~* 

a<nrep ovol ftryoAot* axOtn Ttip6tLtyw., ^ imoression 

AetnroovKOurt ^ipovrtK oyayicati^f tnro kvyp^ ," 



His words, however, certainly conT<f^ 
impression : — 
'HfuriMf patnX^l Btoun ^y eto«^ 

ThU cumot be o>D»dei«d . very oppraww. **' ^ ^"^"^ '^^^ '^'^.D 



lltuav way, 6(r<ror Kopvbr apovpa ^^pci. '^^''^P^ fitunX^l Btoun ^iX^ eton^ 



HS&AT t. 



INTERNAL CHANGES, 



293 



:menoed in the second jear of the ninth Olympiad/ or B.c. 743, and 
€?o&j&6quentlj terminated in B.C. 724. Thege dates cannot be con- 
sidared to have any high historical value, but they harmonisa suf* 
£cientLy with all that is known on the subject There can be little 
doubt that the war fell into the latter half of the eighth century 
B^a, followbig within a century the legi elation of LycurguB, 

23. It is conjectured, with a good deal of probability,* that im- 
]>Drtant internal changes grew out uf thifi war and conquest, which 
80 greatly altered the external position of Sparta, Political acts of 
iLQ smaU conaequence are assigned to both the ktnge engaged in it ;^ 
and it seem^ certain that the unusual ciroumstance of the founding 
"by Sparta of a real colony out of bur own citizens belongs to the 
period immediately following the close of the struggle.' Perhaps 
there are scarcely sufficient data on which to rBconi^tnict the true 
ktstonr of tlie period ; bnt the view taken by Bishop Thirl wall of 
the onanges made^ and the circumstances which led to them, is at 
cmoe so ingenious and so consistent with probability, that it well 
deservea at least the attention of the student. 

Bisligp Thirl wall supposes that, to supply the losses which 
Sparta sustained in the course of the war, a number of new citizens 
were admitted at it« close from the Fericecic and Helot classee ; 
bnt that between these new citizens and the old ones a diBtinctioD 
waa made, the new forming a lower grade and being therefore 
deeignated ** Inferiors *' (*Y7ro;iftoFeg),* while the old citizens, who 
had certain exclusive privileges, were termed 'O^o^oi — -** Peers '* or 
'*£qual8.'* The assembly of the whole body of citizens he con- 
siders to have constituted the ordinary "Assembly" (if/ iKKkjjffm — ol 
»ii£ukfitm)t while that of the Peers only was the " Little A8«embly " 
(v ^nicfia ttn:X»jeria)* This last-named body elected the Senators (W- 
pQpTtt) ; but the possessore of the lower fiunchise had a vote in the 

Eneral assembly which elected the Ephors. Hence the Ephori 
d from the time of Theopompus a new position — they became the 
ripre^entatives^ and the sole representatives, of the whole people. 
Tney were therefore able to assume a tone* and gradually to take 
a position, far above that which they had held under the original 
constitution of Lycnrgus; and from this circumstance arose the 
mistaken view which aligned the original, creation of the Epbor^ 
•Ity to Theopompus. The colonisation of Tarentum grew out of 
the admission of the new citizens. A portion were discontented 



I 



■ F^ottii. tv. F, § 4. 

• Tiiirl wall's Hi&t. «f Gmoe, vol. i, pp, 

^ Theopomptis m §ab\ by writers of great 
aatludtjr to have liutituted the tphoiY 
ticpra, vol. i. p. Ill J,, ntjte *). Holydorti*, 
tbe king of the A>th^t boutie, was imputed bj 
•ome to h&ve odrh^ >i^)l>0 kU-^-aud tliere- 
ibi« 3000 dti^eiu — Hi tliis dote of the war 
CPkt Vit- tjcmg. c, &). Th» two kings 
nrnjoiotly were Aid to hAv& proeured from 
Dd^ the or<iuQaace limitkg the pwen of 
the amaaUy to the sitnple rejection or 
^ propofiitioiu ^ibui. c. 6ji* 



* Seo the Pmgiiiefittt of Ephorus emd An- 
tkchuA qtMtaJ hf Stmbd (ri. pp. 402, i03), 
and cimipvi Ao^ FoL r, b. It mnj be 
dcmbted wbithsr Grotoofti Locri^ and the 
othtr dtiw of Mafna Gneda which were 
»id to hire raodred Mkoies from .Sparta 
t^Paiuui. ni. ItL j l)t are not more pro* 
perlj re^anfed ai MttiBfaent« af the ^Ued 
Adia^Di (i«e Hermaim's Folit. Aat. g BO). 

* Compare the '* Geata minords,** at 
Bome^^a laler adiU^iD to the dtiiBea body^ 
aooordbg to hoth Uyj {l 35) and CMtta 
(De liepab, y. W). 



tan/bam < 

U 



294 COLONISATION OP TARENTUM. Apt. Boot T. 

with the inferior grade which they occupied, and — like the Minys 
at an earlier period^ — claimed more complete equality of piivilegei 
Their demands being resisted, they attempted a reYolution ; ml 
the government was fain to disembarrass itself of them by adoptiiig 
*' one of the usual means of getting rid of disaffected and turbulent 
citizens." • As the Minyea were led out to Thera, so the discon- 
tented '* Inferiors " were induced to take up their abode at Taren- 
tum. Hence the stories of llieopompus and Antiochus—misrepfe- 
sentations of the real history, which are yet correct in the miii 
facts — the connexion of the colonisation wilii the Mesaenian strng^ 
and the discontent in which it originated. 

Such is the view suggested by Bishop ThirlwalL Mr. Grota^ 
without examining it formally, by implication rejects it, smoe b 
regards ihe distinction between '* Equals " and *' Inferiors'* as eqn- 
valent to that between the fully qualified citizens, who paid tbair 
due quotas to the syssitia, and the disfranchised poor, whose nMOi 
were insufficient for that purpose ; * while his explanation of tiM 
two assemblies is, that the larger was that of the ^ Equals " oolft 
while the lesser (i; fiiKpa) was the same with the Senate ! * With nffsA 
to the colonisation of Tarentum, he allows that it took place at iUi 
time, and that it was connected with serious disturbances at Sptfti,' 
but he contents himself with simply repeating the account giici 
by Antiochus of the matter, without any attempt to explain itsdit 
ficulties, or to harmonise it with the statements of ouier writMti 
The^e statements are so various and conflicting,* while their anthO' 
rity is so nearly equal, that they seem to be fairly regarded ai (■• 
and all *' distortions of a historical £skct.'* * Bishop ThirlinlTi 
. conjectural restoration of the fact is on the whole satisfactOTT, oi 
if not history, deserves to be regarded as the best substitite foe 
hisiory that is possible, considering the scantiness and contradictor 
dharacter of the data. 

24. The second Messenian war broke out, according to PauMnit>P 
thirty-nine years after the close of the first.* It has been argued 
that this interval is too short to suit the expression of Tyrtaus^ 
the only writer of authority on the subject — that the second vaT 
was carried on by those whose ''fathers' fathers*' carried on tho 

* Henxl. iv. 146. by the wves and daiij^hters of the SptftiJ^ 

* History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 489. engnged in it. Despised and depriTed rftht 

* Ibid. p. 481. Mr. Crote quotes the ri|i;ht8 of dtixen^ they plotted a revolW 
authority of Lachmiinn (Sjiart. Verfess. which was discovered and crushed, the ^ 
§ 12, p. 216), and refers to Xen. Hellen. tected conspirators being compelled to k^ 
in. iii. § 8 as decisive. But this pas^ge another country (Strab. 1. s. c). DiodfonSi 
does not really determine anything. I on the contrary, traces the foundatiaD totkl 
cannot think that in any Greek iState the Epeun'tctcB (Excerpt, Vat, lib. vii. 10, Fr. 
name of ^K#c\T;<r(o — ordinarily understood to 12, Mali), who, according to Theofooipvi 
mean the general assembly of the people — (Kr. 190), wei-e Helots married to thi 
would have been applied to a body consisting widows of tho:$e Spartans who h.td fialtea ii 
of twenty-eight members. the war. There are considerable diBeieocM 

^ Ibid. p. 574, note ; and vol. iii. pp. between the narratives of Antiochus tai 

512-515. Ephorus. 

B Antiochus and Ephorus related that ' See the article on Parikcnias in Smi^ll 

Tarentum was colonised by the Spartans, Diet, of Antiquities, p. 871. 

called ParthaiicBf the progeny borne during * Pausan. iv. xr. § 1. 
the absence of the men in the Messenian war 



SECOND MESSENIAX WAR. 



295 



The objeGtion, however, ia of no great weight;' aiid» on the 
;6, the numbere of Paufianioji have a better claim to be con^ 
tered historical than any others which have come down to n&* 
kVa may there fore place the great revolt, and the commencement of 
he second war^ in bx, 685; regarding this date, however, like those 
ibe former war, as no more than approximate* 
^jt5. The events of the second Mesfienian war, m recorded in Pan- 
i, have a more poetic colouring than thofio of the fir^t, as might 
been expected, considering that they are probably drau n 
*ly from the epic of Hhianna. ITiey consist principally of the 
inderfol exploits of Aristomenes, who takes the plaee occupied 
ArbtodemuB in the first war, but is a still more conspicuoua 
His daring ventures and hair-breadth escapes, his skilful 
.tagems and reckless bravery, form the staple of the nanrntive ; 
which has too little the air of an authentic account to deserve much 
aotice in this brief stimmary of Sparta's early histor^/. As in the 
ifirgt war, so in thiB, there were said to have been three battles j the 
f.mt, in which the two foes contended singly, took place in the first 

rr, at Derse in Measenia, and had no decisive result ; ^ the second^ 
which the Messenianis were assisted by the Argives, the Sioyo- 
iiians, the Arcadians and the Pisatie, while the Spartans had the 
|iid of the Corinthians and the Lepreats, was fonght in the second 
mar on the plain of Stenyclems, at a place c^Jled the '^Jioar's 
Tomb/* and was a Tery complete Meseetiian victory ; * the third, in 
[irhich Messenia had (nominally) the help of the Arcadians, while 
Iparta stood alone, fell in the third year, and was a still more coni- 
Jet© Messenian defeat, through the treacheiy of the Arcadians, 
ho drew off their troops in the middle of the battle/ This la^t 
;ht took place at the spot called '* the Great Trench," which seems 
have lieen in the plain between Sten^ clems and Andania — the 
irthplace of Aristomenes, This general after his defeat betook 
If, with the shattered remains of bis army, to the mountain 
Ilt^ Eira : which waa occupied and fortified in the same way that 
[thom^ had been in the first war,' and became thenceforth the head- 



« Bj K- 0. Malkr (Doriaii*, vol- Ick. Tji, 
I Bad Mr. Gfote (Hlit of Gmoe, td1.il 
568, iMrt«i|/ 

Gr&bt ap, *' Sprnking in the pt«* 

Li f»r <y$44u it would Dot be bdd 

to ay * Tlie faibert of oar fktheri 

Od tb« w»r betw^n 1793 aod the 

[Qieoi.* "* Hot tbi« ccmpaimm » 

Fmia tile cloM of the mmjid 

laterTai— «ccordiDg to tlie numbesrt 
QOt of 53 jeui fam thmt 
1793 mi l@4€>, but of 75 jmn. 
^ Tbe uiinba- 3$ i» exaeiu Tbt nioiihefi 
'Jutiii iii- 5 J aoA Lu^^tiKm (Chum, Qa* 
Lp» 321 aod p. 32?) ore rotmd Dixmfaas* 
'i 80 jmn hetwetn the two mrnt* m 
Ribnbl J m »ttnia£e of tbt length of two 
vernticmc; Eti$t^m'*WJJftnwmmilSam^ 
tthifif getxaiioM^ T|Tt«o« li tki i»n»* 



datkiQ for Iwth, but he hat been miJstiDder- 
The ihtee genoratioof <^ whicib he 
iadode bi7th wktm. 
' I^timh. it. xy. | 2. 
* Ibiii, rr. I 4, atid rri* j 9. It wm 
mid to Iwrt been In aMmetinii with th» 
b^tiJe thai the eoupkt wu nmdtt^ whkb 
«otititiu«d to be flODg to the time of PiUA»> 
Dhm (ilNit i 4)— 



^ Hwt nr. trU. 1 2. TjTi^^, who aided 
the SfxrUai thnmglKKtt the nesxmA war, 
cekbnted thk b«t|l« fl-lDitnt. «d AruL 

EtiL Kie. m. n, { 5, |L m, ^ ZeU> 

« Tm. % €,wad IT. iwifL f 1. Bm 
wm A 1D0II1EIKB k tbe ooftli-waileiii |srt of 

JuMSHf WMfK It wtQSiM lipoo Arsdii^ 
«ad mt fffvM^ i&iMft to bdlilNte tit 




DIJRATION OF THE WAR. 



AlT. Book V_ 




qaartars of the resistance* The Meeaenians maintained Oiis poBitioi 

for at least eleven yeftrs," sometimes under their enterprising leade 
making foray a deep into the heart of Laconia/ and bringing 
ample spoil to their stronghold. Finally, however, Aristomen 
"being disabled bj a wound » and discipline becoming relaxed, Eii 
was taken by surprise during a stormy night, and the war came tx^ 
an end by ita capttire." Arietomeiie^, with a ccngidcrable numbeia 
of his countrj^men, eteaped into Arcadia, whence he emigrated toe 
Rhodes, where he passed the remainder of his days with Damag^t 
Ms son-in-law.' Such of the inhabitants bh did not fly their countij 
were reduced once more to the condition of Helots ; * and Messi^tri^ 
became an integral i>or(ion of the Spartan territory, from which ifc 
was not severed until the time of Kpaminondas, 

2^. The duration of tho second Meaeenitai war, according to the 
dates contained in Fansanias, was seventeen years ; his details, 
however, only allow for fourteen years* Other writers* furnish a» 
estimate beyond the higher uf these two numbei-s, Ob tho whole 
we may safely conclude that the contest terminated before ihfi 
middle of the seventh century b.c, and probably lasted from about 
B.a 6B5 to BX. 668. 

27. The conclusion of the Messenian struggle was closely^ fol- 
lowed by an invasion of Triphylia and Pieatii,* the inhabit an tu rf 
which had assisted the Mese^enians in the war. These countries, 
which intervened between Messcnia and the ** hollow Elis "—con- 
sisting of tho valleys of the Alpheus and some minor streams — were 
conquered and made subject to the Eleans, who had renderod aer* 
vices to the iSparlans during the contest. 

28, The second McKseniau war had been condwcted by the two 
kings, Anaxander, the grandson of Polydome, and AnaKidamua, 
the great-grandson of Thenpompiifl* During the reign of their suc- 
cessors Euiycrates IL and Arehidamus, the war with Arcadia, 
which Herodotus mentions,' appears to have broken out. The attack 
had been provoked by the asm stance lent to Mei^senia in both her 
struggles, and seems to have been commenced with extensive views 
of general conquest." It soon however settled into a struggle witli 
the single town of Tegea, which resisted all attempts agatmit Ita 
independence for two generations, but in the third, having lost il« 
palladium,*^ suffered several defeats, and sank into the condition of 



flrri?al of AFcadiim stitvoufi, as well ah to 
raidor A retircnHut into that ttigioDT in caae 
of drftaftl^ i^ompflratively ^msj^ 

> PiitisaD, IV. 13. § 1, FhtiHUiks makes 
1}m WM laft wYi!Dt«m fMrt, but ooly 
«oqoimta in lus detail* for fburteea «f tb*in — 
Til* three jears, while tl>e Mestfrtiinns^ kept 
the fitild, and deren ofW tlivy ahnt tiiem* 
sdves up in Eira, 

1 Jbki. IV. jviii. flnd xix« 

^ Hjitt IV. IX. hud 3Ja. 

* Ibid. IV. S3dv. § 1. 

* Ibid. § 2. 

* Afl [*ltitarch, who mjjfca the actual 
lillge of Elm last "■ above 2Q jeara," and 



I 



who would therefore ceftMnlj ssigm to iBt I 
WAT a darutisin of 24 or 25 j«tm (t«# bit 
trtaitbie " De Sera Nuoiinis Viii*licta,** & 
54S^ ¥,)f and Hxddja id voc TvpraSes^ wm 
sfjeakfl of the wnr in wbkfa tbk ppet Wik 
jisit havJBg Ifb^ted 20 jckt^ 

PauBon. VL sii. | 2 1 Strnbi)^ yoL p» 
515. 

^ HerwJ, l 66* Compare Pa^i^a. ttl, 
iii. § 5. 

• The Spartana Mtisulted llie Ddpiite 
omcli! " in r^ptctof nil Ait^tiA " li-wi wAfff 
rf *ApK9iS»r x^P^* Herod- 1. a. c*y 

* hetGd, i. S7, 68 1 PfluAftu. HI. OL { 9^ 




I 



Essay I, 



BECLIHE OF THE KINGLY POWER. 



297 



I 



\ 



a depentlant ally of Sparta, entitled however to peculiar honours,^ 
About the same tiuie or a little earlier, Bparta conquered the Thj- 
re&tis &om Argoa,* and thus extended her dominion over the entire 
sou I hem balf of the Pelopc>nneae. The external history of Sparta 
hmn this point is traced with sufBcient distinctnees by HerodotuB, 
and will not therefore be further pursued in this place. It only 
tmoaina to notice certain internal changes of importance, which 
mtenretted between th© time of Theopompus and the reigns of 
Cleomenes and Demaratns, 

29, It was the buast of Sparta that her form of government under- 
went no material alteration trxjm it» original foundation by Lycnrgus 
till after the, close of the Teloponnesian struggle/ And this boast 
was so far just, that she certainly continued during the period indi- 
cated remarkably free from those sudden and complete revolutions 
which afflicted almost every other Greek state. It was not possible^ 
however* that she should escape altogether tbe silent and gradual 
, alterations which the band of time imperceptibly works ; and ac- 
oordingly w© obsorv^e in her hiatory that little by little the original 
constitution was modified, and that finally a state of things wa« 
inb-odticed almost as different from that which Lycurgus designed, 
as if the government had at some time or other been changed by 
violence* Lycurgus preserved not only the forms but the essential 
spirit of the ancient monarchy. His Sparta was to be governed by 
her kings.* Before the commencement of the Persian war^ the 
kinga had sunk into mere cyphers — they '* reigned but did not 
govern/* Honour and dignity were theirs ; but power waa lodged 
in a different quarter, Tbe principal kingly functions are found to 
liKTe been transferred to the Ephors, who were tbe true rulers of 
the Spartan state during the time of which Herodotus and Thucy- 
dides treat The Epbors in Herodotus receive embassies,* direct 
the march and give the command of armies/ issue their orders to 
tiie kings/ act as tbeir judges and condemn or absolve them,' ac- 
€ompany them abroad as a check,' interfere in their domestic con- 
cerns "* — -in all respects have the real management of affairs ; while 
the king is a nonentity, possessing littlo more political power than 
a senator J** and obliged to have recourse to the Ephors before be 
can force a foreigner to quit the town." In Tbucy dides the Epbors 
recall the kings from abroad "^imprison them, and even put them 
to death ^* — act as presidents of the assembly, though the king is 
present^ — conduct the foreign affairs of the country "—and control 



> Herod, ix. 2(>-2B. Tl»Teg%tflB hftd the 
fiiiTili^ of occupyiDg one of the winga io 
tbe ftnnis of ^pai-tji. 

a Ibid, i, 82 J Slmb. Tiii, p. 546. 

> Thmjd. i. 18, 

* Tyrtaru*, Fr, 2, IL 5, 4. 

* Hercd- ix. 7, < Ibid. ds. 10. 
' Ibid. T* 39, 40, • ibid. vl. 82. 

» Ibid. n. 76, ^ Ibht, t. ay-*K 

U The only resl •wperioritf wbkh tlli^ 

Mag poiaaert over « Semtnf m ^irtn, 
i to bmre beea the iliicibk rc^te (Herfid. 

tL blf ad fim), which iia&ir wu probablj 



nothing more thui a txuting TOle (iM IMil 
ftd loe.), 

^ Herod, in. 14a. Compare, bowerer, 
th« cofie t)f Arista^om* (t. 50), whom the 
mne king scfuli &'»i»y without coaHultang 

" Thmjd. L131. 

I* Ibtd. luid J. 134, 

i> Ibid. i. 87. iwr^^t(t¥ nvr^f (A 3Sc> 

i» jlnd. V. m, Ti. 8H, Tiii. 6 Aud la, 
Eetnork dao tluit whiJo tbe Kpbon' iu&mb 
ire GttBentuLl to a timij thoie of Um Uflgi 




298 CONTINUED RISE OF THE EPHORS. App.BooiV. 

the monarcli on foreign expeditionB by means of a body of ooimcil' 
lore.*' It is clear that by a blow and silent process of ooutinnd 
usurpation the Ephors had, by the time of Thucydides, oompletelf 
superseded the kings as the directors of affairs at Sparta ; while the 
kings' military pre-eminence — which was the last of their prerogar 
tives that remained to them — had begun to be viewed with jealooi 
eyes, and was already in danger of passing from them.*' 

If it be asked how this gradual change was brought about— wbit 
inherent strength there was in the Ephoralty enabling it to make 
and maintain these usurpations — the answer is to be found, first of 
all in the fact that the Ephors were annually elected by the whole 
mass of Si)artan citizens, and thus felt themselves the representir 
tives of the nation ; and, secondly, in the misconduct of the kingi 
on various occasions,'* which caused them to be regarded with coo- 
tinually increasing distnist. The Ephors, it is probable, firet i»- 
sumed royal functions during the Messenian wars, when in th» 
absence of both kings from the city it would naturally fall to tlifiiB. « 
to convoke the aKsembly and the senate, to receive emhasideB ini^ 
reply to them, to send out troops, and in fact to take the chief con- 
duct of public affairs. They were able to establihh themeelTe* 
above the kings by means of their general right of supervision mi 
correction of offenders, which entitled them to summon the kin^ 
themselves before their tribunal^* to censure and to fine them; vA 
especially by their power of intermeddling with the king's domestic 
concerns,* under pretence of watching over the purity of the wee uf 
Hercules, with which the existence of Sparta was supposed to b© 
bound up. The humiliating subjection in which the kings were 
thus kept, led naturally to their entertaining from time to time 
treasonable projects ; and the discovery of these projects favouiw 

are not (v. 19 and 24). The kings, however, having fiillen into disgnu^, plotted fflArtBr" 

still have a suywiior diijnitu^ and when they dian lising (Uero<!. vi. 74). Pausanias v»* 

sign, sign befure the Ephoi-s. willing to have betrayed Greece to Pas'* 

" Thihyd. V. O:;. (Thncyd. i. liS-l.n). PlU-to^nai, his wo* 

'* It ajipears that, as early as B.C. 479, was tempted l»y a bribe to forego the opp"',' 

Ephors attt)m])<mie<l the king (or rather the tunity of conqueiing Athens (Thocyd. »- 

regent) on a niilitaty expedition (Herod, ix. 114, and v. 16). He also bribed the oncJ* 

70). Tluy do not, however, appear then U) obtain his recall. Of the other hoii»®» 

to have exercisrtl any .ictual control. The Le<Hychidas took a bribe from the Thtc** 

next instance is in n.c. 445, when Cl<>an- lians (Herod, vi. 72), and -Agis was strongly 

dridas, the father of (Jylippiis, aoK)mpanied suspected of having had similar dealings wit* 

Pli^toanax, as ci>uncillor, in his inv&sion of the Argives (Thiuyd. v. 63). 
Attica (Plut. Vit. Periil. c. 2'1). The fact » It was urged in later limes that tl*« 

that Pericles r^irded him as the specisd constitutional power of the ephors w«s ft** 

person to bribe, would indicate that he pos- above that of the kings because the latt^*' 

sessed a lai-ge share of the chief authority, were not bound to attend to the lint *^ 

The appointment of ten councilloii* to control second summons of the former 'P'"** T^ 

Agis(B.C. 41S) is the next step. Finally, Cleomen. c. lo); but the fiict that tb^ 

before B.C. 4oa, it became the regular custom were bound to ol»ey the third suminoosJ>^*'J 

to send out two Ephors with the king when really importimt point. Their poW,^ 

he proceeded on foreign service (Xen. Hell, fining the king appears in ThucT'd. «"• ^ 

n. iv. § 36). and is, of course, included in the gf^*'*^ 

^ The kings of l>oth houses mi».x)nducted statement of Xenophon — IkomoX /*ir <" *' 

themselves about the time of the Persian {oi t^opot) (rifiiowty tL¥ fio^Kttrrei^f^ 

and Pelojwnnesian wara. ''leomenes was Lao. viii. 4). 
diaoovei-ed to have bribed the oracle, and, * Herod, v. 39-41. 



EiiAT I. DIMINUTION OF CITIZENS. 299 

the farther advance of the Ephors, who in transferring to them- 
aelyeB the royal prerogatives seemed to be adding to the security of 
the oommonwealth. 

30. Another gradual change in the Spartan state — and one which 
ultimately destroyed the Lyourgean constitution — was eflfect